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.i ^ 










THE JOURNAL 



OF THE 



BOMBAY BRANCH 



OF THE 



UOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. 



VOLUME XIX 



1895-1897- 



EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY, 



BOMBAY: 
SOCIETY'S LIBRARY, TOWN HALL. 

LONDON:— KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER k Co.. 
PATERNOSTER HOUSE. CHARING CROSS 

ROAD, W.C. 



1897. 



'l/ 




CONTENTS OV VOL. XIX. 

3 :;^ ^ \ \ 

ART. PAOB 

I. — The Extant Codicea of the Pahlavi Nirangistan. By 
Dastur Dabab Peshotan Sanjana, B.A. 1 

II. — Pdraskara Grihya Sutras and the Sacred Books of the 
East,Yol. XXIX. By H. H. Dhruva, B.A., LLB 24 

III. — The Nadole Inscription of King Alhanadeva. V. S. 1218. 
Edited by H. H. Dhruva, B.A., LL.B 26 

IV.— On the date of Kalidasa. By K. B. Pathak, B.A. ... 36 

V. — Note on Brick Figures found in a Buddhist Tower in 
Kahu, near Mirpur Khas, Sindh. By A. Woodbubn, I.C.S., 
with an introduction by J. M. Campbell, I.C. S., LL.D. ... 44 

YI. — On the Authorship of the Nyayabindu. By K. B. 

Jl ATHAK, Jd.^. ... ••• ••• ... ••* ... ••• ••« 47 

VII. — The Bas-relief of Behram Gour i^Behram V.) atNaksh-i- 
Rastam and his mamage with an Indian Princess. By Jivakji 
Jamshrdji Modi, B.A. ^, ... 53 

VIII. — The Progress and Development of the Aryan Speech : 
being the first of the Wilson Philological Lectures (1894) in 
connection with the University of Bombay. By H. H. Dhruva, 

jD»A.»% J-iXj.lJ. ... ..• *•« *•. *•• ... ... ••• /Q 

IX. — Interpretation of certain passages in the Pancha Sid- 
dhantika of Varahamihira. By M. P. Kharegat, I.C.S. ... 109 

X. — Mahmad of Ghazni and the Legend of Somnath. By 
R. P. Karkakia, Esq 142 

XI.— Mandu. By J. M. Campbell, LL.D., I.C.S 154 

XII. — The Tree Blossomed. Shivaji as a Civil Ruler. By 
the Hon'ble Mr. Justice M. G. Ranade, M.A., LL.B 202 

XIII.— The Teleology of the Pahlavi Shikand Gumanik 
Vijar and Cicero's De Matura Deorum. By R. P. Karkaria, 

JjiSQ. •*• .•« ... ... ••* ... ... ... ... ^ Xo 

XIV. — Firdousi on the Indian Origin of the Game of Chess. 
By JiVANJi Jamshedji Modi, B.A. ... 224 

XV. — Cashmere and the Ancient Persians. By Jivanji 
Jamshedji Modi, B.A 237 

XVI.— The Portuguese in South Kanara. By Dr. J. Gerson 
DA Cunha •«« ... ... ••• •*. ••• ... ... 249 

XVII. — The Antiquity of the A vesta. By Jivanji Jam- 
shedji Modi, B.A ... ... ... ... 263 

XVIII. — Akbar and the Parsees. By R. P. Karkaria, Esq. 289 

XIX. — A Historical Survey of Indian Logic. By Mahadeva 
Rajaram BoDAs, M.A., LL.B 3O5 

XX. — Inscription on the "Three Gateways,'* Ahmedabad. 
By Rev. J. E. Abbott. 343 

XXI. — A chapter from the Tandya Brahmana of the Sdma 
Veda and the L4ty6yana Sutra, on the admission of the Non- 
Aryan Society in the Vedic Age. By Rajai-am Rimkrishna 
Bhdgavat, Esq. ... ... ... ... 267 

X!^II. — The Belief about the future of the Soul among the • 
Ancient Egyptians and Zoroastrians. By Jivanji Jamshedji 

JuODI, D»A.* ... ... ... ... ... .,« ,,. ,,, 3oS 

Proceedings of B. B. R. A. Society, April 1894 to June 1897 
and Lists of Presents to the Library. I— CVII. 



4 ; 






T U E J U it N A I 

IIOMBAY Uli.A.N'CU 

illOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. 



BOITBAT! 

MICICTY'S l.inRABV, TOWS HAI.l, 

I LOSOONi— KBBSN PAtll^ TIUiNCH, TROllSKn A On, 

PATBIlKOSTBtt IIOirSK, tUJABIKB l.nilSS 

BOAB, W.C. 



'in 

•-27; 



A ^ 




rSITASr VRlcHt DtoNiNG 

BEQUEST 
[UNIVERSITY .r MICHIGAN 

Sfc. CiENERAL LIBRARY i 



PANCHA BIDDHInTIkA OF VABiHAMtSIBA. Ill 

methods it would be Vaisakha, and yet there is little doubt the old 
Astronomers took it to be Chaitra. The explanation is the same. 
It would be both useful and interesting to find out when the modern 
methods were introduced and by whom. The only practical 
difEerence between these two is as to the naming of the intercalary 
month ; according to the first system it is called by the name of the 
succeeding month, and according to the second by that of the pre- 
ceding. 

CHAPTER I.— Stanza 10. 

This Stanza shows how to reduce to Sdvana days, the lunar days 
or Tithis obtained by the preceding two stanzas for the purpose of 
calculating the Bomaka Ahargaoa. In this stanza the Kshepa 
(additive quantity) expressed by the compound ^H^^lO has been 
taken by the editors to mean 514. But I believe it means five 
multiplied by fourteen or seventy. This construction is permissible 
and is constantly used in the book e. g,^ in the compounds BTT^? 
sf^if? in Chapter III. Stanza 2 and 3 and other stanzas of the same 
Chapter and ^r^^ and ^jfcl^rl in Chapter VIII., Stanza 6. 

I propose this interpretation in order to bring the Kshepa into accord 
with the positions of the sun and moon given in Chapter VIII. A 
little consideration will show that the Kshepa divided by 703 is the 
fractional part of theTithi that has elapsed at the moment of the epoch, 
i.e., sunset at Alexandria on Sunday, 20th March 505 A. D. The 
Tithi multiplied by twelve is equal to the distance of the sun and 
moon in degrees. It follows that the Kshepa multiplied by twelve 
and divided by 703 would give the distance of the sun and moon 
in defi^rees. If the Kshepa be 514, the distance would thus be 



Note.— Long after I oame to the above oonolusion as to the epoch, 1 happened 
to read Mr. Sh. B. Dikshit's paper on the same subjeot in the Indian Antiquary 
(Vol. 19, p. 47), and I was glad to find that he had come to the same con. 
olasion. The only difference is that he considers the epoch to begin on Tnesday 
22nd Maroh 505 A. D., but I have given sufficient reasons above why it should 
be Monday. I also beg to differ from him as to the reason for the naming of 
the month ; the reason adopted by him would reverse the ordinary rule that 
tjbe bright fortnights of both the AmAnta and Pumimdnta months have the 
same names : he would make the dark fortnights have the same names, and 
there is no authority for that. The second reason which he rejects, seems to 
me to be more probable ; if the intercalary months were reckoned from the 
mean positions of the sun and moon, then certainly the month of the epoch 
would be the intercalary Chaitra. 



1t?5/-r»uU^ 







THE JOURNAL "" 



OF THE 



BOMBAY BRANCH 



OF THE 



ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. 



YOLUME XIX. 



1895-1897- 



EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY. 



BOMBAY: 
SOCIETY* S LIBRARY, TOWN HALL. 

LONDON :— KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER k Co., 
PATERNOSTER HOUSE, CHARING CROSS 

ROAD, W.C. 



1897. 



"/ 



114 PANCHA BIDDhInTIKA OF VARiHAMIHIRA. 

In other words, add for 107 years one to the sum obtained after 
multiplying by ten under the first rule before division by 9761. 

The third rule I read thus : — 

%^ 

I interpret it thus : — Again add one to the sum from which the 
iDtercftlary months are obtained (t. e., to the solar days multiplied by 
ten) for every 55061 years." 

Before proceeding to demonstrate the truth of these rules it will 
be best to put them in a clear mathematical form. It is evident 
that the first rule gives a fraction by which the solar days have to 
be multiplied in order to reduce them to the intercalary months ; the 

fraction is j^gr. The second rule gives another fraction for the same 

purpose, and it is ^^ — 36 x 976 1* ^^^' suppose the number of 

solar days to be ** S '* ; as 107 years contain 107 X 360 solar days, 
the number to be added to the numerator before division by 9761 

will be fA-7 — ^^ i the total will thus be 107 x 860, or 

1U7 X 3b0 --^ 

10 R S 

'^tTi + io'7 X 36b X 9761 ' ^^ exactly the same way, the third rule 
gives a third fraction ssogi ^ 3^0 x 976 1* '^^® ^^^^^ ^^ the three 
rules is that the solar days have to be multiplied by the sum of 
these three fractions in order to be reduced to intercalary months. 

It will be seen that I have interfered as little as possible with the 
text, specially the part of it giving the figures. In the first rule the 
only new suggestion is as to the last figure of the denominator ; the 
text clearly requires the denominator to be of four figures, the 
numerator being multiplied by ten, and the fourth figure can hardly 
be anything but one. An objection might be raised to my inter- 
preting the word Tithi as a solar day ; but the last portion of the 
solar days b really represented by Tithis, the Tithis of the current 
year being added to the solar days of the years elapsed. The last 
figure of the years in the third rule is corrupt ; the nearest approach 
to it would be one, and I have accordingly put that, although as I 
shall presently show two would be nearer the truth. I will now 
proceed to the demonstration. 



PANCHA SIDDHANTIkA OF VARAHAMIHTRA. 115 

The demonstration consists in proving that the mean motions of 
the sun and moon according to the Paulisa Siddhdnta given in other 
parts of the book give precisely the same fractions as those dednced 
above. According to Chapter III., Stanza I., the sun completes one 

438S1 

sidereal revolution in -r^ days. The mean motion of the moon is 

most probably the same as that for the Vasishtha Siddhdnta g^ven in 
Chapter II, Stanzas 2 and 3 (see Dr. Thibant's Preface, Page XXXII). 
This mean motion is according to the editors 110 Revolutions^ 

11 signs, 7 degrees, 30 minutes and ^^ of a sign in 8,031 days. For 

good reasons given in my discussion of those stanzas, I believe there is 
no fraction, but as the original text itself would read two kalds and a 
Kshepa quantity. This gives for the mean motion of the moon in 
3031 days, 110 Eev.-ll S.-7°-32', which differs only by four-fifths 
of a minute from the editors'. This being reduced to minutes 
becomes 2396252. Hence one sidereal revolution of the moon con- 
sisting of 21,600' must be performed in 2896252 ^J^^ ^^ *^* 

numbers to be dealt with are large it will be best to work with symbols 
in their place. Let a =43831, 5=120, c=21600X 3031, &d=23g6262- 

Then the length of a sidereal revolution of the sun in days is -^, and 
that of the moon ^. Hence the number of lunar sidereal revolutions 

ad 

in a year is r-. The number of lunar months in any period is the 

number of lunar minus the number of the solar revolutions in that 

period. Hence the number of lunar months in a year is t 1- The 

intercalary months in any period is the number of lunar months in 
that period minus the solar months. Hence the intercalary months 

in a year is . 13. A year consists of 360 solar days, and there- 

^ 23 

fore the solar days have to be multiplied by he to reduce them 

860 

to intercalary months. The fraction in its simple form is g^, » 

, . ^ . - , 2897545413 xi. • xl- £> *-^ 

which m figures comes to ogn 7866862000 ' ^® '^^^ traction 

which has been used by VariUiamihira and very cleverly broken up 
into parts. If the denominator of this fraction be divided by the 
numerator the quotient will be something more than 976*09. Hence 



116 PANCHA SIDDhAnTIkA OF VArXaAMCHIRA. 

the fraction is a little more than ^^ or ^~ ^^ '^ ^^^ ^^^^ fraction 
of Varihamihira. This subtracted from the original leavef aa 

• J 73566532 •« • j ^i 

™»**°^®' 8603r9r6T^785635200b- ^^ ^® *«"" ''®^'*^® *^® numerator 

to one by dividing the denominator by it, it will be found that the 

quotient is a fraction over 106 multiplied by 360X9761; hence the 

last remainder is just larger than 2073797 61x860 ^^^^^ ^* ^^^ second 
fraction of Vardhamihira. Subtracting this from the last remainder we 

u* • 15266924 ^ • * • * j .u 

O*^^*^" 360 X 9761 X 1 071^7 856352000 ' ^° *g*'° ^'^^^S *^ '"^^^^^^ ^^® 

numerator to one, it will be found that the denominator is a trifle 

over 55062 multiplied by 360X9761. This therefore gives us the 

third fraction of Vardhamihira. 

To understand the full significance of this proof, it is necessary to 

consider how largely, any, the slightest variation in the mean motion 

of the moon affects the years given in the second and third rules. It 

will be found that if the mean motion of the moon in 3031 days be 

diminished by the fiftieth part of a second, the third rale wi)l entirely 

vanish, the number of years being reduced to infinity ; if the diminution 

he less than by a fiftieth, the years will vary from 55063 to infinity ; 

if there be 10,000 years more in the third rule, the mean motion will 

be §^^l^ of a second less. Similarly one second less in the mean 
motion will increase the years in the second rule by 12, and one second 
more reduce them by nine.' What chance is there then of the figures 
in the text agreeing so closely with those deduced by calculation from 
the mean motions, unless both the interpretation of the text and the 
mean motions were correct ? 

I am unable to interpret the rules for reducing the lunar days to 
Sivana days given in the same stanzas. According to the data given 
above, it will be found that the fraction by which the lunar days have to be 

multiplied to get the Kshepa Tithis is, ^^^^'Jl^^^'^ = sSiUSs: 

Similarly the following few figures will be of use for comparison with 
titose of the other Siddhintas. According to the above data. 

Ds. Gh. P. Vp. Vvp. 
The length of a lunar sidereal revolntion is ... 27 19 18 8| 
,y u 99 synodic mouth is ... 29 31 50 5 55 
The number of solar days in which an inter- 
calary month occurs is ... 976 5 50 51 S5 



PANCHA SIDDHANTIKA OF VARAHAMIHIRA. 117 

Ds. Gh. P Vp. Vvp. 
The number of Tithis m which a Kshaya 

Tiihi occurs is ... ... ... ... 63 54 32 43 38 

The number of lunar months in a year is ... 12*3688156 

The number of lunar days in a year is ... 371 3 52 5 5 

The close agreement with the synodic month 

of the Romaka Siddhanta 29-31-50-5-37 is 

worth noting. That of the old Surya 

Siddhantais 29 31 50 6 53 

CHAPTER I.— Stanzas 17, 18, 19 and 20. 

These stanzas describe the cycle of seven years of 360 days each. 
I have to sujrgest a few amendments in the interpretation of these 
for evident reasons. It is cle«r that the Kshepa 2227 days, represents 
the period of the cycle elapsed before the beginning of the Ahar^ana, 
•'. tf., before Monday, 2lst March 505 A.D. Hence the cycle began 
on Sunday, 14th February 499 A.D., and the next cycle commenced 
on Sunday, 8th January 506 A.D. It follows that in the 18th stanza 
the amount to be subtracted after multiplication of the year by 3 
must be 2, and not 4 ; the word cannot be arf^v^ or ^rfe but some 
word representing 2 such as 3Tf^. For, suppose the remainder after 
division by 2520 is less than 360, the ruler of that year will be 
clearly the sun ; the current year one being multiplied by three would 
have to be diminished by two, and not four to obtain one, the 
symbol of Sunday. 

In the 19th stanza it is nob the Ahargana that has to be divided 
by 30, but the remainder after division by 2520, else the months 
would begin on the 2228th day of the cycle. Moreover, one for the 
current month has to be added after multiplication by two and not 
before ; an example similar to that for the year will make this clear. 

In the 20bh stanza, again, it is not the Ahargana that has to be 
divided b}* seven, but the remainder after dividing by 2520 ; else the 
first day would be Monday. 

One would at first sight suppose that this cycle of 2520 days is a 
purely artificial institution of the astronomers like that of the modern 
Surya Siddhdnta, which is made to begin from the supposed first day 
of creation, Sunday. But calculation will show that this is not the 
case. Creation began 452| Mahdyugas before the Kali3ruga, and 
Ver^hamihira's Ahargana began 1,317,123 days after the Kaliyuga. 
2^ow if we take the length of the Mahiyuga, the same as that of our 

16 



118 PANCHA SIDDhInTIKA OF VARIhAMIHIRA. 

author, viz., 1,577,917,800 days, it will be found that the 452jMah£- 
yugas yield just 2070 days oa dividing by 2520, rejectins; whole 
cycles. The period after the Kaliyuga gives 1683 days. 2070 days 
plus 1663 days give one cycle plus 1233 days of another. Hence 
this cycle would have begun 1233 days before 21st March 505 A.P. 
or on 4th November 501 A.D., if it had commenced with creation. 
In the same way it will be ^ound that a cycle of the modern Surya 
8iddhanta commenced on 19th August 501 A.D. 

The question then is, what is the cycle of Varahamihira? Is it the 
continuation of some old calendar with a year of 360 days? Such 
a year was in use in India for sacrificial purposes (see the K^la> 
madhava, the chapter on years) ; the name Savana itself being derived 
from g to extract the Soma juice. It is a strange coincidence that 
the Egyptians also used a year of 360 days for religious purposes 
according to Diodorus Siculus. 

CHAPTER I.— Stanzas 23-25. 

These stanzas have been thought by the editors to contain only 
astrological matter and therefore to be of altogether subordinate 
interest. As a matter of fact they contain the Persian calendar of 
the year of the epoch 505 A.D., and are of the greatest interest at 
least to a Parsi. The meaning of the 2ord stanza as correctly given 
by the editors is "Increase the Ahargana by one and divide by 365 ; 
divide the remainder by 30 ; the quotient represents the months and 
the remainder is to be considered as belonging to the lords of the 
degrees of the signs.'* The next two stanzas ^ive the 30 names of the 
30 lords of the 30 degrees of each sign. In fact, these names are 
those of the thirty angels to whom each day of the Persian month is 
dedicated, as the identification of the greater number of tliem, and 
the order in which they stand proves conclusively. 

The first is ^T^r^^ t. €.^ Brahma ; he is the same as Uormuzd, 
the principal deity. 

The second is S|^^| i. e,, the one who presides over the living 
creatures. That is one of the principal functions of Bahman, 

The third is ^ift, the lord of heaven. So is Ardibehesht who 
holds the keys of heaven. 

The names of the next four I fail to identify as the text is corrupt. 
Possibly there has beeu an attempt to transliterate the original 



PANCHA SIDDnXNTIKi OF VArAhAMIHIRA. 119 

Pehlvi words as 1 shall show has been the case as respects the lOth 
and 20th. 

The eighth is siriTfyr ». e., the female counterpart of the highest 
deity. The angel of the eighth Persian day Depudar or iJin, Favan, 
Ataro is also feminine and represents the highest deity (See Shdyastla 
Shdyast, Chap XXII. and XXIII.). 

The ninth is ar^n^ i. e., fire. It is the same as Adar. 

The tenth is 3T»tT- It seems to be a transliteration for Andhiti 
the classical Anaitis, i. &., khiw the angel of the tenth day. In the 
process the word has been changed, probably by the copyist to the 
familiar Anta the destroyer, which certainly was not an attribute 
of Abdn. 

The eleventh is ^f^, i, e., the sun. He is the same as Khorshed. 

The twelfth is ^^, i, e,, the moon. He is the same as Mohr. 

The thirteenth is f ^ the god of rain. So is the angel of the 
thirteenth Persian day Tir. 

The fourteenth is iftj ^*. «•> the cow or bull, which is the same 
as Gosh. 

The fifteenth iis f^^tf^r. It is feminine and means self-restraint or 
a religious duty. In the latter significance it possibly represents the 
female Din-Pa vau-Mitro or Dapmehr. 

The sixteenth is called ^ This seems again like an attempt at 
transliterations, the M of Mehr beiui; dropped by copyists, and 
changed to the familiar Hara, t. e., Shiva. 

The seventeenth is called vf^ in one manuscript and ^^ in another. 
Possibly the last may be Trata, the protector, which is one of the 
principal parts of Shrosh. 

The eighteenth is tt^ in one manuscript and t[^ in the other. 
Justice is one of the principal characteristics of Rashnu, and so it iH 
of Guru the teacher of the gods. 

The ninteenth is ftfj, i, e„ the deceased fathers. There can be 
little doubt about their identification with the Pravashis, to whom the 
nineteenth day is dedicated by the Persians. 

The twentieth is W^. Can it be ^TM closely akin to the classical 
Yaranes for Behram, which has been converted into the familiar 
Yarana 7 



120 PANCHA SIDDHANTIKA OF VAKAHAMIHIKA. 

The twenty-first and twenty-second are 4ff^^ and ^'ftTT. Both 
are names of the wind or air, and represent R&m and Guvdd. 

The twenty-third is 5!nT» I fail to see any connection between 
him and Depdin. 

The twenty-fourth is ^(T^, i, e,, the goddess of speech and wisdom. 
So are Din and her companion Chisti, both females. 

The twenty-fifth is ^, the bestower of wealth and happiness. It 
is an accurate translation of the later idea of the female Arshisang. 
The same word has been used for her in the Sanskrit Ashirvad. 

The twenty >sixth is >T^f , the male bestower of wealth a sort of 
counterpart of Shri as Arstad is of Arshisang. He is the increaser, 
the one who makes the world grow. 

The twenty -seventh is PTHT, i- e., the mountains. The firmament is 
considered in Parsi books to be made of stone, and that is possibly 
whv Asman has been so translated. 

The twenty-eighth is \^^, i. c, the earth. It is an accurate 
translation of Zam^ad. 

The twenty-ninth is ^vjH" the creator, the ordainer. It may 
represent MahrespanJ, the religious and heavenly law which ordains. 
If the word wore Veda it would be a better translation. 

The thirtieth is q*^ 9T^> *• '-m tlie last person or the being who 
underlies all creation. That is but another nnme for the mystic 
eternal, and boundless light representeil by Aneran. But possibly 
the epithet means nothing more than the last angel of the month. 

The identification of the 1st, 2nd, 3rtl, 8th, 9th, 11th, 12th, ]3th, 
14th, lOth, 21st, 22nd, 2'lth, 25th and 28th names is, I think, beyond 
doubt. These names could not occur by accident in exactly the 
same places in whicli they occur in the Parsi month. The year, it will 
be seen from Stanza 23, has the same constitution as the Parsi year, 
viz,, 12 months each of 30 d.»ys, with 6 intercalary days at the end. 
As the Ahaigana begins on Monday, and as one day has to be 
added to it, it is clear this year is made to begin on Sunday, 20th 
March, 605 A. D. 

It will be found on calculation that this year is exactly the year o 
the Persians described by Alberuni in his* Asar-i-Baki which has been 
translated by Dr. Sacha and railed the " Chronology of Ancient 



PANCHA SIDDHANTIKA OF VARAHAMIHIRA. J 21 

Nations." Alberuni describes two kinds of Zoroastrians years, that 
of the Zoroastrians of Persia proper, and that of the Zoroastrians 
of Khwarism and Sogdianat i. e., those of Khorasan, Samarkand 
and other regions to the east and north of Persia proper. In 
the first kind of year the five intercalary days were inserted at the 
end of the 8th month Abac, and in the second at the end of the 12th 
Aspandad. This distinction is clearly laid down in his chapter on the 
Persian months. Alberuni explains in the same chapter that these 
intercalary days came to be inserted at the end of Aban, because the 
last two intercalary months (Kabisas) were inserted at the end 
of Aban in the reign of Yasdegird bin Shapur, and it was the 
custom in Persia proper to insert these days immediately 
after the intercalary months. Working back from the modern 
Persian Calendar which is that of the Kadmi Parsis, or from the 
Epoch of Yasdegird Shahriar 1st Farvardin corresponding to 16th 
June 632 A. D., an easy calculation will show that 14th March 505 
A. D. was 30rh Ab^n. If the intercalary days be inserted after 
Aban, the month Addr will begin on 20th March and we shall have 
the year described by Vardhamihira. 

The fact that the calendar described by our author has the form 
given to it by Yasdegird bin Shapur is of considerable interest. 
That monarch reigned from 404 to 421 A. D. Hence the Hindu 
astronomers must have been interchanging ideas with the Persian at 
least after 404 A. D. I think that may have happened even much 
later, viz., after the year of our epoch 505 A. D. This year would 
naturally have been chosen by Persian astronomers for their epoch ; 
according to the theory of theGahnb^rs or seasonal festivals, the last of 
the intercalary days is the Hamaspathamedam, which probably means 
the day on which the day and night are equal ; the year 505 A. D. 
was the first of the four years in which this last intercalary day fell 
on the day of the vernal equinox and therefore all the seasonal 
festivals were exactly in their proper places • such a year never 
occurred again on account of the neglect of intercalation. Can it be 
by chance that our author chose the same epoch ? Is it not more 
probable that he was led to choose it by the example of the Persian 
astronomers of his time reported possibly in the Paulisa or Romaka 
Siddhantas or their commentaries ? 

The Connection of Persian and Hindu astronomy is a subject to 
which little attention has hitherto been paid by scholars, but it is 
we)l worth study as likely to throw considerable light on the sources 



122 PANCHA SIDDHANTIKA OF VARAHAMIHIRA. 

of later Hindu astronomy. No doubt there is little left of old 
Persian astronomy, but probably a search of the earlier Arab writers 
might furnish some facts. In this connexion Alberuni furnishes an 
interesting fact. According to him (see page 11 of Dr. Sachu'a 
translation) the Persian year was of 365 days, a fourth of a day, and 
a fifth of an hour, i, «.» 365 days, G hours and 12 minutes precisely 
the year of the Paulisa Siddhanta. On the other hand, we know 
that the Persians used Hindu astronomical tables as well as Greek, 
and their own (see page XL VI. of the Preface to the 4th yolume 
of West's Pehlvi Texts). 



CHAPTER II,— Stanza 1. 

This Stanza has been left untranslated by the editors. An exami- 
nation of the numbers contained therein leaves hardly any doubt 
that it contains a description of a year of 365 J- days, composed of 
solar months from whence the position of the sun on any day can 
be easily deduced. 

I propose to read it thus :-- 

I translate it thus : — •• Multiply the Ahargana by four, and] add 
six ; divide the sum by 1461 ; divide it up by 126 diminished by one, 
zero, zero, zero, two, four, seven, nine, nine, eight, six and five (t. e., 
subtract from it successively as far as you can 125, 126, 126, 126, 
124. 122, 119, 117, 117, 118, 120 and 121).'' The elipsis to be 
supplied is •* The number of these sums subtracted will represent 
the whole signs the sun has passed from Aries, and the remainder 
divided by the number for the next sign will represent the fraction of 
the sign that has to be passed." 

This method of expression is common in Sanscrit works ; it is used 
with respect to the calculation of Siiiea, as well as of the Lagna or 
horoscope by the Udayaa. The Kshepa 6 represents that the tun 
entered Aries a day and a half before the epoch, which is correct. I 
give below side by side the length of each solar month in days, 



PANCHA SIDDHANTIKA OF VARAHAMIHIRA. 



123 



Qhatis and Pals according to this sjstem, and of each such month 
ac<:orciing to modern Hinda calculations rejecting fractions under one 
Pal. The reader will judge whether the identification is complete or 
not, remembering that the modern year is 3L Pals longer : — 



Kame of the month 


. 


Length accordiog to modern 
Hindu calculations. 


Length according to 
this stanza. 








1 

Dys. 


Ghts 


1. Pis. 


Dys. 


Ghts. 


Chaitra 


• •• 


• •• 


. 30 


65 


56 


31 


15 


Vaisdkha 


• •• 


• • « 


31 


25 


53 


31 


30 


Jyeshtha 


• • • 


.• • 


31 


37 


57 


31 


30 


Ashddha 


• . • 


• • • 


31 


28 


50 


31 


30 


Shravana 


••• 


• * 


31 


1 


27 


31 





Bhddrapada 


. . • 


• •* 


30 


26 


37 


30 


30 


Asvin ... 


. • • 


• . • 


29 


53 


40 


29 


45 


Kirtika 


a • • 


• • • 


29 


29 


25 


29 


15 


Margsirsha 


*• • 


. • • 


29 


18 


57 


29 


15 


Pausha 


t . 


• • . 


29 


26 


45 


29 


30 


Mdgha 


• •• 


• • • 


29 


49 


5 


30 





Falguna 


... 


• • 1 


30 


20 


59 


30 


15 



CHAPTER II.— Stanza 3. 
I submit the last two lines of this stanza should be read thus : — 

I propose to translate thus "(The preceding amount) begins with 
signs. Add to that minutes equal to twice the number of Ghanas. 
Add to that 2 signs, 9 degrees, 7 minutes and 1 second." 

The construction of the last line is similar to that of the 6th stanza 



124 PANCHA SIDDHANTIKA OF VARAHAMIHIRA. 

of the 17th Chapter about the meauing of which there can be no 
doubt. 

One reason for the proposed reading is that it is more in accordance 
with the extant text. A second reason is that it exactly accords 
with the rules for the calculation of the Aliargaua given in the first 
Chapter and already Hiscussed by me. A third reason is that it 
gives the longitude of the moon's apogee at the epoch near its true 
place and very near that of the Romaka Siddhanta, whereas the inter- 
pretation of the editors gives the apogee nearly 60° behind its true 
place. This is easv to ascertain by working out the rules given in 
the 2nd and 3rd stanzas. The Ahargana is zero; add 1936; there 
is no Ghana ; multiply by 9 and divide by 2AS ; the quotient is 70 
Gatis or anomalistic revolutions, and the remainder 64 Padas or 
ninths of a day. Hence the moon was in apogee 7^ days before 
the epoch ; as each Gati gives a motion of 3^ 4 ^®^', in 70 Gatis the 
motion is 2l5°-43'. If the editors' interpretation be correct and 
there be no Kshepa 215^-43' would be the l<5ngitude of ihe apogee 
7j days before the epoch, and it would be about 46' more at the 
epoch or 216^-29'. Any modern table will show that it is nearly 
281°; according to the old Siirya Siddhanta it is 279°-44'; according 
to the Romaka it is 286^-58.' If the proposed interpretation be 
adopted, and a Kshepa of 2s-9°-7'-r be added it would be 285°.3t' 
which it will be seen is near enough to the truth and very near the 
Boroaka. 

I must however state that there is yet some defect in the constants. 
The longitude of the mean moon even according to the present inter- 
pretation is not right. It is 18°-32' according to this interpretation 
and 309° according to that of the editors. The first vould be the 
longitude on Tuesday evening, the 22nd March 505 A.D., according to 
the Snrya Siddhanta, and on Tuesday morning according to the 
Romaka ; the second would be that on Thursday, the 17th, about mid- 
day. Probably the last figure of 1936 is not correct; if it were 1935 
the longitufle would be that on Monday morning and therefore correct. 
This Kshepa represents the number of days before the epoch when the 
moon was in apogee at sunrise or some other fixed time ; if it were 
1936 the day would be 2nd December 499 A. D., and if it were 1935 
it would be 3rd December, which is also the day of the full moon. 
The lattermost be correct as the moon is very nearly in apogee on the 
morning of 3rd December 499 A. D. If so the position of the mean 
moon at sunrise on the day of our epoch will be 5**-22/ 



PANCHA siddhIntikA OF varAhamihira. 125 

CHAPTER II.— Stanzas 4, 5, 6. 

The fifth and sixth stanzas have heen considered unintelligible by 
the editors. To understand them it is necessary to re-translate the 
latter half of the 4th stanza also. I translate them as follows : — '< 124 
Fadas make half a Gati. The first half Gati is Dhana and the second 
Bi$a. For the first half Gati add 180M.' Take degrees equal to the 
Padas, or Padas remaining after subtracting 124 ; then (add) the 
minutes (worked out as follows) in the case of Dhana and Rina (half 
Gatis respectively) (In the first case) subtract one from the Padas, 
multiply by five, add 1094, multiply the sum by the Padas, and 
divide by 63 ; (in the second case) subtract 5 times the Padas minus 
one from 2414, multiply by the Padas and divide by 63." 

These stanzas give rules for finding the position of the true moon ; 
having obtained the motion for whole Gatis by the 2nd and 3rd 
stanzas, we have to make additions to it for the Padas. To put it 
clearly let the Padas be " p ; " if they are less than 124, the amount 
to be added is pO^ [l094 + 6^ (p.-l)] ^ , j^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ ^24 

then for 124 add 180°-f 4^ ; let the remainder be p., then add p.^ + 
[8414-^ (P.-1)] , 
69 P' 

These formulae give an extremely simple theory of the moon based 
on arithmetical progression. The motion is supposed to be 1^ -f* 

(--ft) ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ T&dtL (or ninth of a day) after apogee ; it is then 

supposed to increase from Pada to Pada by the common difference t^ 
until the moon becomes perigee. For the first Pada after the perigee 

it is l^-f {'go' ) > ADclitr then diminishes from Pada to Pada by the same 

10' 
common difference -^ . It will be noticed that the motion in the 

first Pada before the apogee, differs from that in the first Pada aflter 
by ^ , and the same is the case with the first Pada before and 

after the perigee. The reason for this anomaly becomes intelligible 
when we calculate the motions for days instead of Padas ; it is then 
found that the motion for the first day after the apogee is the 
least, that the motion for the second day after the apogee is the 
same as that for the first day before, that for the third day after 
the same as that Ibr the second day before^ and so on, the common 
diffennce for a day being (124-).' 
17 



126 



PANCHA SIDDHANTIKA OF VARXhAMIHIRA. 



The following table will show these motions : — 



The motion of the 
moon. 


For which day. 


11° 


42' 


1st day 1 


after 


apogee. 








11° 


54^ 


2nd( 


day 


after 


apogee 


and Ist day before 


apogee. 


12° 


*7t' 


3rd 




» 


»» 


„ 2nd „ 


99 


99 


12° 


20V 


4th 




>» 


» 


,, 3rd „ 


99 


9t 


12° 


33V 


5th 




» 


yt 


99 4 th „ 


»> 


>» 


12° 


46f 


6th 




f» 


99 


99 5th „ 


f» 


9» 


12° 


59V 


7th 




>» 


» 


99 6th „ 


99 


99 


13° 


12' 


8th 




>» 


» 


„ 7th „ 


yj 


9t 


13° 


24V 


9th 




» 


9» 


„ 8th „ 


99 


99 


13° 


37V 


10th 




19 


9) 


,9 9th „ 


99 


99 


13° 


50V 


11th 




>> 


99 


,9 10th ., 


99 


9» 


14° 


3V 


12th 




>l 


99 


,9 11th „ 


9> 


99 


14° 


16V 


13th 




» 


99 


„12th „ 


99 


99 


ir 


HH' 


13ith 




>» 


99 


9 9l2jth„ 


99 


99 


14° 


39V 


Mrst day after perigee. 







The motion is equally distributed on both sides of the first day after 
thd apogee and first day after the perigee, and not round the apogee 
and perigee themselves. This also explains why the motion in the 
first half of the Gati is nearly 3° smaller than that in the lecond 
half ; working out with the formulaB already given it will be found 

Ami 

that the motion for the first 124 Padas is 180° ~^ ^ 63 > which is put 

equal to ISO^-f-^'t similarly for the next 124 Padas, the motion will be 

8' 8 

found to be 183^4- ^ , hence the total motion in one Gati is 363^ 4- 4^ 

•9 9 • 

9' 
The second and third stanzas give 363^ "^ ^ fS * '^^^^ proves that 

the interpretation is correct. 

It is an interesting question whether this theory of the lunar 
motion is indigenous or borrowed. I do not know of [any other 
astronomical system contaning this theory. It seems to be indige- 
nous, for the idea of arithmetrical progression is also employed in the 
same Siddh&nta for calculating the varying lengths of the day and 
night during the year. 

The interpretations now given of the obscure stanzas of this 
chapter will show that the connection of the Inni-solar system of the 
Vadshtha Siddh&nta with the Y&kyam process of the Tamil' 



PANCHA siddhIntikA OF varIhamihira. 127 

astronomers described by Warren is much closer tban the editors 
thought. In fact, it seems to me that the latter is derived from the 
former, certain corrections based on the more scientific Siddh^ntas 
being introduced, but the old form being almost entirely retained. I 
will give a few details to prove this. It will be seen that the 
solar months are used and not lunar, and the longitude of the 
sun is determined from the lengths of these solar months exactly as 
in the Ydkyam process. Both for the sun and the moon, the true 
positions are determined directly without determining the mean 
exactly as in the V^kyam process. The V^kyam process derives 
the longitude of the moon from its anomalistic position exactly 
like the Siddh^nta in question. The Vedam of the Y&kyam 
process Is-^^-V-T' is nothing more than the true position of the 
moon, when it is in apogee at sunrise on the day of its epoch 
1,600,984 days after the Kaliyuga, t. e., Friday, 22nd May 1282 
A. D. ; this will be found on working out its position with the 
modem Surya Siddhdnta; it will be discovered that the moon is in 
apogee on the day in question about 7 pals after sunrise, and that its 
longitude at sunrise is 75-2^-1 5|' ; the difference of 15|' seems to be 
made up in table 47 of Warren giving the correction due to the interval 
between mean sunrise at Lanka and true sunrise at Trivallore ; this 
correction has been kept all throughout positive by adding to it the 
difference of 15|^ or something very near it. Exactly corresponding 
to 22nd May 1282 of the Vdkyam process, is 2nd or 3rd December 
499 A,D. of our Siddh^nta, the day on which the moon is in apogee 
at sunrise. The Vedam corresponds to the Kshepa 2«-9°-7'-l*' the 
position of the moon on 2nd or 3rd December 499 A.D. The main 
period of the V^kyam process is 12,372 days, in which the moon is 
taken to complete 449 revolutions ; it also employs the subsidiary 
periods of 3,031 days for 110 revolutions, and 248 for 9 revolutions, 
which are employed by our Siddhdnta, the first being its principal 
period. It will be seen that the correction in this respect is very 
small, for if 449 revolutions take place in 12,372 days, 110 revolutions 
will take place in only 8 Pals more than 3,031 days, and 9 revolutions 
in 32 Pals less than 248 days. The last correction for the moon's 
place mentioned by Warren is applied because the moon is nearer its 
apogee for each Devaram or period of 248 days by 32 Pals; the 
difference between the mean and true motions for that period of 32 
Pals is added. Such a correction would also be necessary for our Sid- 
dhinta as 110 Revolutions in 3,031 days, give 9 revolutions in 31 Pals 



128 PANCHA siddhIntikA of varXhamihira. 

less than 248 days, but being small this correction has not bees 
applied. 

It is interesting to see how the simple astronomy of southern India 
of the time of Var^hamihira, has been subseqaently modified, oor> 
rectiona based on the more scientific Siddh&ntas or on original 
observation applied, and yet the old form retained almost in its 
entirety. Possibly even the elements given by Varahamihira are not 
those of this Siddhinta when it was originally started. Possibly the 
mean motion of the moon has been borrowed from the Panlisa Sid- 
dhdnta. 

CHAPTER III.— Stanza 4. 

This and the following five stanzas give rules for finding the 
true place of the moon and its motion in one day according to the 
Panlisd Siddhanta. I have not been able to find the meaning of the 
next five stanzas, but that of the 4th. is pretty clear and is in accord- 
ance with the theory of the moon given in the second chapter. 
According; to this theory the fihukti or motion of the moon for the 
first day in the first half of the Oati is 702' ; that for the second day 

90' • ] 80' 1 

is -y more, that for the third — more and so^ on, t. e., =- times 

the number of the Pada last preceding the day ; exactly the same 
rule is given in the first two verses of this stanza if we interpret the 
dwors^nrr^ q^n; fts the Pada last preceding the day. Again accord- 
ng to the same theory, the motion for the first day in the second 

half of the Gati is 879 1/7' ; that for any subsequent day can bo 

90' 
obtained by subtracting ^ for each succeeding day, ». e., a number 

equal to y times the number of the Pada last preceding the day. 

This rule is prescribed in the second part of the stanza, but by some 
accident the figures 879 have been inverted and changed to 978. 

CHAPTER III.— Stanzas 20 and 21. 

I think the original reading of the last word of the first line of the 
20th stanza 5^ is quite correct, and the emendation ^ is not. 
As the stanza stands it conveys nothing more than the well-known 
rule that Vaidhrita is the 27th Yoga and Vyatipdta the 17th. 

When the sun is as much in advance of 8^ Nakshatras, i. «., the 
middle of Aslesh^, as the moon is behind it, it is clear the sum of 
their Nakshatras must be 17 and then Vyatip^ta occurs. The 21it 



PANCHA siddhAktikX OF varIhamihira. 129 

stanza, when it aaserts that the solstice was in its proper place when 
it was in the middle of Aslesh^ means that at that time the Yoga 
Vyatipiita was in accord with its original significance. For Yyatipdta 
originaliy signified a particular configuration of the sun and moon, 
m»., when they were each at the same distance from the solstice on 
opposite sides of it, so that they rose on the horizon at the same spot, 
and yet one was going southwards and the other northwards, and 
hence they were supposed to be opposed to each other and to fight. 
Hence when the solstice was in the middle of Asleshd the technical 
Yoga Vyatipita coincided with the true Vyatip&ta, and in fact must 
date from that period, 

Vaidhrita happens when the sun is as much in advance of the end 
of Revati or the middle of Chitrd as the moon is behind it. This 
Yoga could have had no particular significance until the vernal 
equinox coincided with the end of Revati, and the autumnal with the 
middle of Chitri. Hence it also happens that the Paitamaha 
Siddhinta (See Chapter XII. of our book) mentions the Vyatipdta 
Yoga but not the Vaidhrita, for that Siddhanta dates loncc before the 
time when the Zodiac began with Asvini. 

CHAPTER III.— Stanza 29. 

This stanza, left untranslated, means nothing more than that the 
Kshepa or longitude of Rahu at the time of the epoch is one minute 
less than 26^ of Scorpio, and that the mean motion in the Ahargana 
obtained by the former stanza should be subtracted from the Kshepa 
to obtain the head of B^hu (the ascending node), and six signs added 
to it to obtain his tail (the descending node) • The longitude so 
given is accurate. According to modem tables I find it to be a few 
minutes less than 26° of Scorpio. According to Yarihamihira's 
Surya Siddhanta it is 6^ more than 26° of Scorpio, and according to 
his Romaka IV less. 

CHAPTERS IX. AND XVI. 

There are good reasons for believing that Aryabhata either edited 
he old Surya Siddhanta or else that he wrote a work in exact 
accordance with it. I will give them one after the other. 

The editors have proved that the Bhaganas, t. e., revolutions in a 
Mahiyuga of the sun, moon, her nodes and apogee, Venus, Mars and 
Saturn given in Chapters IX. and XVI. as those of the old Surya 



130 PANCHA SIDDHiNTIKl OF VARiHAMIHIRA. 

Siddhdnta are the same as those of the extant Aryabhatfjam. They 
have also proved that the apogees aod epicycles are the same as those 
ascribed to Aryabhata by Brahmagupta in his Khanda KhMyaka. 

I will show first that the mean places of the above said heavenly 
bodies, according to the old Surya Siddhdnta, are exactly the same as 
those to be derived from the Aryabhatfyam at the epoch of 
Aryabhata, vi»„ the end of the 3600th year of the Kaliyuga. The 
learned Pandit has proved in the Sanskrit commentary that the mean 
places of all the heavenly bodies at the beginning of creation are at 
the beginning of Aries. There arc 452} Mahdyugas from the begin- 
ning of creation to that of the present Kaliynga ; hence the Bhaga^as 
multiplied by this number will give the positions of the different 
bodies at the beginning of Kali. It will thus be found tliat in the 
beginning of Kali, the sun, moon and planets are at the beginning of 
Aries, the moon*s apogee is at the beginning of Cancer, and her node 
at that of Libra ; these positions are therefore the same as those of 
the Aryabhatfyam. But in the case of the old Surya Siddhinta 
Kaliynga begins at midnight, and according to the Aryabhatfyam 
at sunrise ; and hence at the beginning of Kali the heavenly bodies 
of the former are six hours in advance of those of the latter. This 
difference will be made up exactly in 3600 years. For it is clear that 
for the same number of years in both cases the mean motions will be 
the same, but the years of the Surya being larger than those of the 
Arya Siddhanta for the same amount of motion the planets will take 
more time in the former. Now the Mahayuga of the former is larger 
than that of the latter hy just 300 days, and as 3600 years is the 
twelve hundredth part of a Mahayuga 3000 years of the former will 
be larger than those of the latter by the 1200th part of 300 days or 
exactly 6 hours. As the former began 6 hours before the latter, the 
ends will coincide : in fact, the 3600th year of both will terminate 
exactly at mid-day, and the mean positions of the planets in both 
oases will be the same at that time. 

But iryabhata is himself reported to have also begun the Kaliynga 
at midnii;ht in some other work (see the 20th Stanza of the 15th 
Chapter;. It follows from what has been said above that if Arya* 
bhata wanted to keep the mean places for his own epoch the same 
according to both systems, he must have lengthened the Mahaynga 
by 300 days. There can be little doubt that he must hare kept the 
mean places of the heavenly bodies for his own time the same accord- 
ing to both systems, because that was a matter of observation ; and 



PANCHA SIDDHAnTIkA OF VARAHAMIHIRA. 131 

hence he must also have used the same length of the Mahdyuga as 
the old Surya Siddh^nta. 

I will show presently when dealing with the 15th and 16th Stanzas 
of Chapter IX. that the sizes of the earth, moon and sun and the 
distances of the two latter from the former also closely resemble 
those of Aryabhata, being very different from those of the modem 
Snrya Siddh&nta. 

On the other hand the modern Surya Siddhdnta, which is probably 
a recast of the old one by some later writer, does connect itself by a 
very important date given in it with Aryabhata. According to the theory 
of precession contained in it, the Hindu Zodiac commenced at the vernal 
equinox in the beginning of Kali and also at the end of the 3600th 
year after Kali, and that is again the epoch of Aryabhata. Not only 
does this follow from the theory of precession given in Chapter III. 
Stanza 9, of the modern Surya Siddhdnta, but the labours of 
Prof. Whitney have proved that the stellar longitudes in Chapter 
VIIL are also calculated for that date. The editor of the modern 
treatise either borrowed them from the old one, or else calculated 
them for that date. In the first case it follows that the old treatise 
was edited by Aryabhata himself; in the second case it follows that 
it was the opinion of the modern editor that Aryabhata was the 
fonnder of modem Hindu astronomy. 

CHAPTER IX.— Stanza 5. 

The Kshepa of R^hu in this stanza is not given by the editors as 
too corrupt. It can, however, be easily found on the assumption that 
it is at the beginning of Librd at the commencement of Kali, and 
that its revolutions in a Mahdyuga are 232226. These revolutions 
multiplied by the number of days elapsed since Kali 131 7123, and 
divid^ by the number of days in a Mahiynga will give 193| revolu- 
tions and 1577917806*^ °^* revolution ; this has to be reduced to the 
denominator 1834582 employed in the book ; the numerator multiplied 
by this denominator and divided by its own denominator gives the 
Kshepa 631454 ; out of this 135 have to be subtracted as the Kshepa 
obtained is that for mid-night; the true Kshepa is 631319. The 
figures given in the text are •l^<ift^4<M<IH«'J^f|HV4^l: ; these are the 
identical figures found above if ^^ be removed, and Krsf taken to 
mean six. It is dear that one figure has to be removed because the 
numerator cannot be larger than the denominator. 



132 PANCHA SIDDHAnTIKX OF VARXhAMIHIRA. 

CHAPTER IX.— Stanzas 15 and 16. 
I propose to read these stanzas thus : — 

ftnr: ^wr ^rohfrw ii 

I translate them as follows : — " (15) The true hypotenuse multiplied 
bj 5347 and divided by 40 gives the Kakshd of the sun ; the true 
hypotenuse of the moon multiplied by ten gives the Eakshi of the 
moon. (16) Divide 517080 by the Eaksha of the sun, and 38640 by 
that of the moon ; the quotients are the diameters of the sun and 
moon respectively in minutes/' 

It will be seen that the method of translation is the same as that of 
the editors, but certain figures have been altered. The alterations 
are as near the original text as those of the editors, if not nearer. The 
results justify the alterations as I proceed to show. 

The alterations in the 15th Stanza are for the sun in the diTiflor 
and for the moon in the multiplier. With the reading of the editors 
the sine of the horizontal parallax of the moon at its mean distance 

18 X 120 

according to Stanza 22nd would be ^ ^^q , ^°^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^® ^° 
5847 X 120 ' ^^^^ would make the parallax of the moon 2° 52^ and 

that of the sun 11|', the radius being of 120 parts. These results ara 
on the face of them nearly three times larger than they ought to be. 
The proposed reading will give the parallax of the moon 51|' and 
that of the sun 3j-' whioh are very near those of the modem 
Siddhintas ; besides the ratio of these parallaxes to each other will 
be inversely as that of the mean motions whioh the Hindu thaorj 
demands. The reading of the editors will not satisfy even that test. 

The proposed reading of the 16th Stanza, will give the diameten 
of the sun and moon at their mean distances respectively 32^ 14' and 
32' 12/ which is very near the truth. The reading of the editon 
gave them 962''6 and 962''8 for which they have been obliged to 
postulate a division by 30 which is not in the text. 



PANCHA SIDDHANTIKA OF VARAHAMIHIRA. 133 

It will now be easy to find out the data as regards sizes and dis- 
tances. The diameter of the earth being assumed to be 36 units, the 
mean distance from the moon is given as 1200 units, and from the suu 
as 16041 units ; the latter two are respectively the Kakshds, distances 
not in Yojanas but in peculiar units. The diameters of the sun and 
moon in the same units will be obtained bj dividing the numbers in the 
16th stanza by 3438. For the diameters divided by the Kakshds in the 
same units will give the circular measures of the angles subtended ; as 
one circular measure contains 3438 minutes very nearly, the diameters 
have to be multiplied by 3438 before division by the Kakshds to 
obtain them in minutes. Thus the diameter of the sun will be found 
to be 150 2/5 units and that of the moon 11^ units, very nearly. 

What is tlie length of the unit in Yojanas ? Vardhamihira does not 
explicitly state the diameter or circumference of the earth according 
to the Surya Siddhanta. But if we assume that it is the same as that 
implied for the Paulisa Siddhanta in Chap, III. stanza 14, and 
explicitly given in several places in Chap. XIII. viz,, 3200 Yojanas, 
then each unit will be very nearly 28*3 Yojanas. 

It is well worth noting that the measures thus deduced resemble 
far more closely those of Aryabhata, than those of the modern Surya 
Siddhdnta which are nearly one and a half times as large. According 
to Aryabhata the diameter of th«^ earth is 1050 Yojanas, and its 
circumference 3300 Yojanas, whereas according to the modern Surya 
Siddhanta the diameter is 1600 Yojanas. The sun's diameter 
according to Aryabhata is 4410 Yojanas, i. c„ 4 1/5 times that of the 
earth, and that is also very nearly the ratio of our author, whereas 
that of the modern Surya Siddhdnta is 4 1/16, According to 
Aryabhata the moon moves ten Yojanas for each circular minute of 
its motion, so that its distance from the earth is just ten times the 
Artificial radius 3433 ; Varahamihira also makes the distance ten 
times his artificial radius 120, and it seems very probable therefore 
that he has also adopted the theory of ten Yojanas in one circular 
minute. If so, the distance would be exactly the same as that of 

Aryabhata, and the unit would be equal to ^^^ Yojanas, i. e., 28*65 

very near our previous result. If the distance of the moon from the 
earth be the same for the two authors, so also must be the distance 
of the sun ; for the ratio of the distances is the inverse of the ratio of 
the circular velocities of the two bodies, which latter ratio is the same 
for both authors. 
18 



i 



134 PANCHA SIDDHaKTIKa OF VARAHAMIHIRA. 

A curious fact strikes one here. The measures of the earth girea 
by Varuhamihira and Aryabhata are extremely near the measure of 
the Greek Philosopher Eratosthenes, who nourished at Alexandria io 
the 3rd century before Christ. The circumference of the earth 
according to this Greek is 252000 stadia. Now a Yojana is of 32000 
cubits, and a stii'lium called in Sanscrit Nalva is of 400 cubits ; 
hence there are 80 stadia in a Yojana. Hence 3200 Yojanas 
make 250000 stadia and 3300 make 2G4000. But the resemblance 
is in fact still closer. The diameter 1050 Yojanas is exactly 
cMjiial to 84,000 stadia, and that is just one-third of Kratosthenes' 
measure ; very likely it was in that form brought to India by 
inaccurate writers who did not know a more exact ratio between the 
diameter and circumference of a circle than three. Some of the 
classical writers did commit this mistake. According to Pliny, 
the Greek Dionvsiodorus fixed the radius of the earth at 42,000 stadia 
which is exactly that of Aryabhata. (Si^ Delambre's History o£ 
Ancient Astronomy, Volume L, Pages 220 and 293.) 

CHAPTER X.— Stanza I. 

In this stanza the original reading of the number in the second line 
2SG seems correct, and not the substituted reading 276. According 
to this stanza the difference between the diameters of the earth and 
sun in units is equal to that particular number (286 or 276) multi> 
])lied by .S6 and divided by 90. Hence the number must be equal 
to tlie diflFerence multiplied by ^^ J or J. The difterence according to 
the figures given above is 1145 units, and 2 J- times, that is exactly 286, 
This also goes to support the truth of the figures already found* 

CHAPTER XII. 

The epoch of the Paitamaha Siddh'inta is the second year of the 
Saka Era Magha Sukla 1, when the sun and moon were in conjunction 
at sunrise in the beginning of Dhanishtha. The data are correct, for 
on Tuesday, lllh January 80 A. 1). the sun and moon were in conjunc- 
tion in Dhanishtha in the morning. Uut the conjunction took place 
not in the beginning of the Nakshatra as now understood, bat 
very near the true longitude of the star Dhanishtha (Alpha 
I)elj)hiiii). The sun was then in the 21st degree from the winter 
solstice of that year, and in the 27th degree of Capricoruus of the 
iiiuveablo Hindu Zodiac ; the true longitude of the star is also in the 
2 Tth degree of Capricoruus. This is extremely important as fixing the 



PANCFA siddhAntika OF varXhamihira. 135 

true position of the Hindu Zodiac before the introduction of the 
Babylonian system of signs ; Asvini, according to this system, must 
have commenced three degrees more to the East than it does now. 
Its present position was fixed at the epoch of Aryabhafca,. and we 
may very properly infer that it was he who fixed it. Another point 
worth noting is that even at that early date (80 A.D.) before the 
importation of the new astronomy, the Nakshatras- were taken to be 
of equal length and 27 in number. It is also worth noting that at 
first Baka years must have begun with Mdgha and not Chaitra. 

This Siddhanta could have been of practical use only for a short 
period ; the year is of 366 days, and so the sun must have fallen back 
by 15° or over a Nakshatra in 20 years ; the lunar month is too short 
by over 20 minutes, and therefore there must have been a loss of 4 
Tithis in 20 years, and of 15 in 75 when the full moon must have 
fallen on the day there ought to have been new moon according to 
calculation. 

CHAPTEE XIV. 

The latter part of this chapter gives the longitudes and latitudes 
of certain stars. I think the longitudes must be true longitudes 
measured along latitude circles, and not polar longitudes measured 
along declination circles. The latter seem to be a refinement of the 
modern Surya Siddhanta, being the true longitudes corrected by the 
Ayana Orikkarma. Lallans longitudes of the stars given in his Sishya 
Dhi Vriddhida are clearly true longitudes, and very probably thay 
were those of Aryabhata. I have just shown that the Paitamaha 
Siddhanta also indicates Dhanishtha by its true longitude not its 
polar which would be nearly 6° less. 

It is remarkable that the latitudes are measured' in cubits, a method 
•f measuring celestial distances very commonly employed by the 
Greeks. The Greek measure was a very uncertain one as Delambre 
has shown in different parts of his book ; a cubit may have been one 
or two or three degrees. I think it has been properly fixed at 54 2/5' 
in the present case by the editors. 

The exact star of the group Krittiki (Pleiades) cannot be identi- 
fied ; certainly the stars Pushya and Aslesh^ are different from those 
of the modern Surya Siddhanta if the reading be correct. Rohini is 
about 1° behind its true position, PuuRrvasu, which seems to repre- 
sent the mean between Alpha and Beta Gemini about 3°, Maghd about 
3**, and Chitrd about 2° for the epoch of Vatahamihira. One ex- 



136 



PANVHA SIDDHANTIKA OF VARA HAM I HI RA. 



planation of ihis is that the longitudes are taken from an old catalognej 
and not determined from observation in his own time or near it 
Another is that the longitudes were determined according to the old 
Eindu Zodiac, which as I have shown commenced about 3° to the 
East of the present one. The only other old catalogue I know ii 
that of Ptolemy, which is probably the same as that of Hipparchus, 
I give below his longitudes side by side with those of Yarahamihira 
Certainly the longitude of Magha (Regulus) would be what it ii 
according to Ptolemy's method, by adding 3i° for his value of the 
precession for the three and a half ceiituries that elapsed between him 
and the epoch of Aryabhata. It is also worth noting that the 
latitude of ('anopus 75i' is much closer to Ptolemy's latitude 76**i 
than the 80^ of the modern Surva Siddhanta; — 



Nanio of Star. 



rtoli.-niv's 



Var:ihamihira*ii 







Loiigitiidi-. 


Lat 


.itmle. 


Lonj?i 


tiule. 


Latitude. 


Aldebarau or Boliini ... 


•.. 


42 


40 


5 


30 S. 


48- 




4- 


69' a 


Pollax and Castor or Piinaryasa. 


r 80 

I 83 


20 
20 


9 


15 N. 
SON. 


5 88* 




7- 


15' » 


Bogulus OP Maghii 


... 


122 


30 





10 N. 


126*' 




0- 




Spioa or Ciiitra 


••• 


170 


10 


2* 


S. 


180' 


50 


2^ 


48' S 


Canopus or AgoBfcya ... 


.•. 


77 


10 


75' 


S. 


00' 

1 





75' 


sc s 



Kotc en the Persian Calcntlar, 

The pasHage of Yarahamihira dealing with this subject leads ti] 
some iuteri'sting result:*, but as they are not directly connected witt 
Hindu astronomy, it has been thought best to discuss them in s 
separate note. 

The passage gives us the oldest recorded date in the Persian 
Calendar known to us. Strange as it may seem, hitherto there wai 
aot a single date of that calendar known to us previous to the acceS' 
sion of the last Snssanian monarch. 

The passage furnishes extremely good corroboration of Alberuni'l 
testimony which was very much wanted. The fact that the inter- 
calary days were added at the end of the eighth month seems so odd 
and iucouijisteut with the modern practice iu ludia as well aa PerBiAj 



PANCHA SIDDHiNTIKi OF VARXhAMIHIRA. 137 

that the authority of the Mahommedan writers who have asserted it, 
has been very strongly doubted by European scholars as well as by the 
modern Parsis themselTes. Yet Alberuni asserts that that was the 
case eTen in his own time (About A.D. 1000), He states (See page 
66 of Dr. Sacbu's translation) "In that intercalation the turn had 
come to Ahin Mah, therefore the epagominae were added at its end> 
and there they have remained ever since." Alberuni knew also the 
other system in which the epagominae were put at the end of the 12th 
month which he states prevailed in Khwarism and Sugdiana. 
Throughout his book Alberuni has marked this difference. Thus at 
page 136 when describing the day on which 1st Tholh of the era of 
Nabonassar begins he states that it begins on the 1st of the month 
De. ; that can only be if the intercalary days have preceded 
De. ; if they be at the end of Aspand^d as in the calendars at 
present current 1st Thoth would fall on the 6th of D^. In the 
reformed calendar of Khalif Al-Mu'tadid introduced in 895 A.D., 
although the year begins with 1st Farvardin on 11th June, the 
intercalation takes place in the same way being at the end of Abdn* 
(See as regards this calendar pages 36, 37, 38, 138 and 185 of Dr. 
Sachu's translation.) Again at page 184 when describing the way 
to find the signum or week-day of the beginning of each month of the 
Yasdegirdi Era, the same distinction is made between the Persian 
and Khwdrismian calendars. The same distinction is most clearly 
marked in the description of the Persian feasts beginning at page 
201 ; the Gdhnb^rs or six seasonal festivals come exactly as if the 
year commenced with Addr and not Farvardin, and that they must 
do as they must keep their respectiye distances and at the same time 
the last of them must fall on the last intercalary day ; the Farvardigan 
ceremonies are described as taking place during the last five days of 
Abdn and the intercalary days ; whereas in the case of the Sughdians 
they are described as taking place at the end of Aspandad as now in 
India. A perusal of his whole work cannot but convince one 
of the truth of this assertion, for he tells not merely a tradition 
but what was prevailing in his own time in the heart of Persia. 
Alberuni receives unexpected support from Varahamihira, for the 
passage I have quoted shows that even in 505 A.D., five centuries 
before Alberuni's time the intercalary days were at the end of Ab^n. 
Variihamihira wrote in the time of Noshirv^n if not earlier, and the 
calendar he describes is that of the time of Kobad, and his is there- 
fore contemporary testimony. 



138 PANCHA SlDDHANTIKi OF VARAHAMIHIRA. 

Another peculiar assertion of Albetuni receives coofirmation from 
another \inexpected quarter. He asserts that the Khwurtsmiao 
calendar differed from the Persian not only io putting the intercalary 
days at the end of the twelfth month, but also according to that 
calendar the year commenced five days later than the Persian^ so that 
the first day of the first month Navasardi fell on the sixth day of the 
Persian month Farvardin which is called Khurddd Sal now, and 
used to be called formerly the great Xauroz. Thus the first year of 
Yasdegird Sliahriur would in Khwarism have commenced on 21 at 
June 632 A.D. I find the Khwarismiau calendar is in fact identical 
with the common Armenian calendar. The first month in both 
calendars bears the same name, viz., Nava Sardi, meaiiiiignew year, and 
commences on exactly the same day. so that the rest of the months ai 
well as the intercalary days also coincide. The Armenian Era 
commenced on 1 1th July 552 A.D. (See Du Laurier's Armenian 
Chronology) ; if we count back from 21st June 63*2 A.D. by years of 
365 days we shall come to the same date for 552 A.D., vis., 1 1th 
July ; or in the reverse way the Armenian year m 1394 A.D. com- 
menced on 22nd August exactly as the Khwarismiau. We can 
understand the identity when we remember that it wns one of th» 
Arsacide kings Artaxes who introduced this calendar into Armenia 
about the end of the first century after Christ This shows, more*- 
over, how accurate Albernni is. 

It is an interesting question as to how the Parsis of India came to 
have the Khwarismiau mode of intercalation insteail of the purt 
Persian. Probably a clue may be furnished by the tradition reported 
in the Kissa-e-Sanjan that they came to India after a long stay ia 
Ehorasaii. A dale given in the same book would seem to show as if 
they had at first the Khwarismiau calendar in exactly the form given 
by Alberuni. The date of landing at Sanjan is given as Shravan Sud 
9 Samvat 772 Friday, corresponding to the 4th month and 2nd day of 
the Yasdegirdi year 85. The Hindu date corresponds to 3rd July 
716 A.D. Old style; and it would correspond exactly with the 4th 
day of the 2nd month of the Khwarismiau year 85 of Yasdegird. 
The month and day seem to have been interchanged somehow in the 
original ; such is the theory also of Mr. K. K. EZama in his excellent 
pamphlet on the Yasdegirdi Era in Gujerati, but of course according^ 
to the ordinary calendar the day comes out to be the 9th and therefore 
the explanation is not quite satisfactory ; it would be the 4th according 
to the Khwarismian. I have taken the date at second-hand from 



PANCHA siddhantikX ov vabXhamihira. IS9 

X)asbur Aspandiarji's book on the Kabisa, and that I believe is also 
Mr. Kama's source ; it would be worth while looking np the oldest 
-manuscripts of the Kissa-e-Sanjan to find <the truth. 

After this dfgression I will return to Yarahamihira. It must not 
-be intended from the passage in question, that the year actually com- 
menced with the mouth of Adar. The year always seems to have 
commenced with Fare Ardin. Such is the explicit assertion of AlberunL 
The same is also clear from the facts that the first day of Farvardia 
vftis always called the Nauroj, ». e., new day, and that the month cor- 
responding \vith Farvardin both in £hw»rism and Armenia is called 
Nava Sardi, i. e., New Year, That this correspondeace of Farvardia 
^ith Navasardi is not accidental is shown by the names of several 
other months being nearly identical, such as Qiri, Hamddd, and 
Iksharewari for Tir Amerdad and Shahrivar, 

Neither must it be supposed from the passacre -that the month of 
Adar aWnys began, with the vernal equinox. There is good reason to 
suppose that once upon a time the month of Farvardin began with the 
vernal equinox. Of course it did so in the tenth century after Christ 
•on account of the neglect of intercalation, but what I mean is that 
this seems to have happened also before. There is a tradition to that 
effect reported by Alberuni (See page 55 of his book), as well as in 
the Bundahis. This tradition receives great support from the astro- 
logical doctrine of exaltation. The 19tk degree of Aries is the exalta- 
tion of the sun, and the 3rd degree of Taurus that of the moon ; this 
seems to be derived from or connected with the fact that the )9th day 
of Farvardin is Farvardin, and the5rd day of Ardibesht is Ardibesht, 
both considered holy on which days the sun entered his own exalta. 
tion and that of the moon respectively-; this idea of connecting the 
degrees of the Zodiacal signs ^ith the days of the Parsi months is 
not a new one, for it is the leading idea of the very passage of Vard- 
hamihira under discussion. The doctrine of exaltation thus connects 
Farvardin virith Aries and Ardibhesht with Taurus, and it is as old as 
Ptolemy if not older, and consequently even before Ptolemy Farvardin 
must once have been near the vernal equinox. Another tradition 
reported in the Bundahis connects the fourth month Tir with the 
heliacal rising of the star Sirius; the tradition is probably true as the 
name shows ; the heliacal rising of Sirius has within the last 2,500 
years tnken place in the third and fourth mpnths after the vernal 
equinox ; this also shows that Farvardin must have been near the 
vernal equinox when the month Tir was so named. 



140 PANCHA SIDDHANTIKA OF VARAHAMIHIRA. 

From the fact that Adar has not always been near the vernal equinox 
but that Farvardin was once there, it follows that intercaUrj months 
could not always have been added. In fact, it seems probable that 
there have been onlv three intercalarv months. Before these months 
were intercalated, the Persian vear must have been exactly the same as 
the Egyptian ; a little consideration will show this if one bears in mind 
the fact that at present the first Egyptian month Thoih coincides with 
tlie tenth Persian month De ; before the last month was intercalated 
it must have coincided with the eleventh Persian, before the last two 
months were intercalated with the twelfth Persian, and before the 
last three months were intercalated with the first Persian Farvardin. 
It seems very unlikely that the two calendars ever were different 
before; the chances seem to be very few that by accident the two 
calendars should have not only the same structure, viz., 12 months o^ 
30 davs and 5 intercalary davs, but that also the months should 
exactly coincide, so that the year began on the same day. In this con- 
nection the tradition reported by Diodorus Siculus that a Zodiac of 
3r>5 cubits was carried by Cambyses from Egypt to Persia seems to be 
significant. No doubt Cambyses himself could not hare introduced 
the Egyptian calendar into Persia, for his successor Darius seems to 
have used a different one in his inscriptions, but probably he paved 
the wav for it. 

The next question is as to when the three months were intercalated. 
We have the explicit statement of Alberuni that the last two were inter- 
calated in the reign of Ya^degird bin Shapur at the beginning of the 
fifth century alter Christ, and there is no good reason to doubt tliis 
tradition. It is not clear when the first was ; it may have been in the 
time of the hero Ilormazd bin Shapur who is said by Alberuni to have 
connected the two Nauroz and made some other changes in the 
calendar ; who this hero was or when he flourished I do not know. 
But it seems pretty clear that the first intercalation must have taken 
place within two or three centuries before the last, probably at the 
end of the Arsacide or beginning of the Sassanian period. 

The passage of Varahamihira seems to throw sone light on the 
last question indirectly by confirming the seasonal theory of the 
Ciahnbars, and suggesting a good reason why the intercalary days 
were pub at the end of Aban. In the year chosen by our author 
the Gahnbars or six festivals fall in complete accordance with the 
seasonal theory ; the last of them which is the same as the fifth in- 
tercalary day falls on the day of the vernal equinox, and the rest fall 



PANCHA siddhIntikI OF varIhamihira. 141 

at the fixed distances of 45, 105, ISO, 210 and 290 days from it. Is 
it not probable that the intercalary days vsrere put at the end of the 
eighth month Aban in order that the Gah^bars might come in their 
proper seasons before the intercalations began ? Then they could 
have been kept in their proper place by tho intercalation of a month 
in about 120 years. If the Parsee calendar was originally the same 
as the Egyptian it will be found that the eighth month terminated at 
the time of the vernal equinox about the middle of the second century 
after Christ. One can understand how at that time all the seasonal 
festivals were brought right by shifting the intercalary days from the 
end of the twelfth to the end of the eighth month Aban, the other 
festivals keeping their 6zed distances from the intercalary days. One 
can also understand how about the latter part of the third century after 
Christ one month was intercalated to bring back the intercalary days 
to the vernal equinox, and how the time again came for intercalation 
at the beginning of the fifth century. Of course these suggestions can- 
not be finally accepted without the discovery of some more facts, but 
it does not seem unlikely that the Persians should have thought of 
reforming their calendar about the same time that the neighbouring 
nations in Turkey in Asia and Europe were doing the same for theirs 
on the basis of the Julian. No doubt the above suggestions are not 
in accordance with the alleged tradition reported hy Alberuni, that 
intercalations existed from the very oldest times that the first inter- 
calary month was put after Farvardin, the second after Ardibhesht 
and so on, and that the intercalary days were put in succession after 
each of these intercalary months. But this tradition is not support- 
ed by any particular facts ; it is not known when any intercalary 
month or intercalary days were added except after Aban. The 
knowledge of the true length of the year in very remote times seems 
extremely doubtful. Moreover, by the alleged method the intercalary 
days and therefore the seasonal festivals would have been carried all 
round the year, a result the very reverse of which people who in- 
tercalate generally try to attain. The alleged tradition would seem 
to be no tradition at all, but an attempt at explanation by some 
ingenioud person or persons who did not know the facts. 



19 



142 



Art» X, — Mahmiid of Qhazni and the Legend of Somnath, By 

R. P. Karkaria, Esq. 



Read 10th April 1895. 



The reign of Mahmud of Ghazni is of great importance in the 
history of India, as it marks the beginning of the critical period of 
the Mahomedaii rule, fraught with momentous consequences to the 
land and its peoples. Ancient history which in the West is by 
common consent, taken to have terminated with the fall of Rome 
in 475 A. D., lasted much lonsrer in India and may be said to have 
closed here with the advent of the Mahomedans under Mahmud. 
For all previous history up to this point presents a homogeneity 
which clearly distinguishes it from the subsequent period. The 
Mahomedan conquest and rule of India changed completely and 
disastrously the condition and character of the various peoples 
affected by it. The accounts which we have of the Hindu character 
from writers in pre-Mahomedan times, are inapplicable to it in later 
days, owing to the curse of the foreign rule. The trnthfulness, 
honesty, bravery, and many other good qualities which Greek obser- 
vers, like Megasthenes and Arrian, noted and admired in them» 
gradually gave way under the political and religious tyranny to 
which they were subjected for nearly eight centuries by their Maho- 
medan rulers, and are only now beginning to revive under another and 
a far better rule. " Their bravery is always spoken of as charac- 
teristic, their superiority in war to other Asiatics is repeatedly 
asserted and appears in more ways than one. They are said to be 
sober, moderate, peaceable ; good soldiers ; good farmers ; remarkable 
for simplicity and integrity ; so reasonable as never to have recoarsc 
to a law-suit ; and so honest as neither to require locks to their doors 
nor writings to bind their agreements. Above all, it is said (by 
Arrian) that no Indian was ever known to tell an untruth." Of 
course, there is some exaggeration in all this, as may be seen from 
the remark on this account of one whose bias, if he had any, was 
certainly on the side of the natives, and whom these hold in the 
highest esteem. ** We know," says Mountstuart Elphinstone, *« from 
the ancient writings of the Hindus themselves, that the alleged proofs 



MAHMUD OF GHAZNI AND THE LEGEND OF SOMNATH. 143 

of their confidence in each other are erroneons. The account of their 
veracity may safely be regarded as equally incorrect ; but the state- 
ment is still of great importance, since it shows what were the 
qualities of the Indians, that made most impression on the Mace- 
donians, and proves that their character must since have undergone 
a total change. Strangers are now struck with the litigiousness and 
falsehood of the natives ; and when they are incorrect in their 
accounts, it is always by exaggerating those defects/'* 

This change in character was but natural in a subject-people. 
Falsehood and treachery are the weapons to which helpless subjects 
of despotism readily turn when they have no open and brave means of 
hostility left. The enlightened and liberal views which the Hindus 
had about the education and freedom of women, had necessarily to be 
changed when they were confronted with the lawlessness of their 
licentious new rulers. It would be very interesting to enquire into the 
moral effects of the Mahomedan rule upon the Indians, but this is 
not the place for it« The subject is here touched only to show the 
critical nature of the epoch heralded in India by Mahmud of Ghazni. 
It may be said that he found a garden and converted it into a desert. 
The work of wanton destruction gratuitously begun by him — for the 
redeeming feature of the idea of possession and rule is absent in his 
case, as after each invasion he returned to his capital — was continued 
by successive rulers and dynasties who, however, showed better 
method in their fury. 

Personally Mahmud is an attractive subject to the historian. 
Gallant, brave, prudent, enterprising, zealous, and, above all, scru- 
pulously just, he is the character to fascinate. When we add to 
this the magnificence of his court, the grandeur of his city, his love 
of architecture, and, especially, his munificent patronage of litera- 
ture, we cannot wonder, that he has been made a hero by his people. 
This last trait is specially attractive. He collected round him some of 
the best men of letters of his time, Ansuri, Rudini, Firdausi, the 
poets, Al Utbi, the historian, Albiruni, the philosopher, and his 
reign shines with the reflected lustre of their literary renown. The 
great epic of Firdausi alone would keep hia bays green for ever, if all 
other laurels were to be stripped by time from his brows. Among 
Oriental potentates he shares with Caliph Harun Al Rashid and 
Akbar alone, the rare honour of ranking with Pericles and Augustus, 



• Blphinstone's Bittory of India, Ed. 1874, p. 286. 



144 MAHMUD OF GHAZNl AND THE LEGEND OF SOMNATH. 

Louis XIV and Queen Anne for the literary splendour of his rei^« 
As Mohl puts it, he had estahlished at his court a yeritahle Round 
Table aud become the Ring Arthur of the East. 

But it is for his religious zeal, amounting to fanaticism, that he is 
chiefly remembered by his co-religionists. It was zeal for his faith that 
induced him to invade year after year the distant provinces of India, 
and to carry away innumerable captives to be converted and sold into 
slavery. No doubt his ruling passion of avarice, which was found in 
his case literally *^ strong in death/' as is attested by the story of his 
weeping on his deatb-bed at the sight of the enormous wealth and 
grandeur that he had ordered to be paraded before him for the last 
time, and which he could not carry with him out of this lifcy this 
avarice had much to do with his activity, especially as he was im- 
mensely enriched by his campaigns. But still it can hardly be 
doubted that one of his chief motives was religions zeal. At least his 
contemporaries thought so. He got from the Commander of the 
Faithful the title of Yamin-ood-Dow)a, and was called by his people 
the Ghazi, titles highly coveted by all true followers of Islam. 

His mc )ory is cherished by them on this account to the present 
day, and many are the legends woven around it by pious fraud and 
believeG hy >us credulity. It is one of these, what I have called 
the lege: 1 ti Somnath, that is selected for examination in this paper. 
A mixture ^f . "\ doth ever add pleasure, said Bacon ; and the Persian 
historians who n-aufartured and embellished this legend, were great 
adepts in this art ot mixing truth with falsehood. Nothing that 
added to the glorification of a Ohazi of their faith could be wrong or 
false in their eyes. The end truly justified the means with them. 
Nothing that could discredit and damn the infidels could be considered 
reprehensible to be invented. Hence their pages contain many in-^tions 
invented to praise the faithful, greatly at the expense of tb ) iiiadeU 
who, in their eyes, had no claim to justice or truth at their h'-nds. 

This religious bias and unscrupulousness is a great drawback to the 
authority of these historians, who, without it, are also untrustworthy 
enough. One who had studied them thoroughly, and who haa, 
moreover, done much more than auj one else to spread a knowledge of 
them, says that it is almost a misT> nj:r to style their works histories, 
and that ihey ** may be said to be defi' .ent in some of the most 
essential rcqnisiies of history."* He notices in them •* the intense 



* Elliot's prtCiioc to Historians of Indian 1849, Part 1., p. xv. 



MAHMUD OF GHAZNI AND THE LEGEND OF SOMNATH. 145 

desire for pnrade and ostentatioiii which inclines authors to quote 
works they have never seen, and to lav claim to an erudition which 
the limited extent of their knowledge does not justify." And he 
quotes an instance of how, in one list of works, he found that **from 
bejrinning to end it was a complete fabrication, the names of the 
works beine: taken from the prefaces of standard histories in which it 
is usual to quote the authorities, the very identical sequence of names, 
and even the errors of the originals being implicitly followed."* 

Great care thus should be employed by a modern enquirer in using 
these Persian historians of India, and it would be dangerous to 
follow implicitly the authority of anyone of them, however renowned 
for accuracy he may be. Collating them with one another, and, if 
possible, with independent authorities, we can arrive at something 
like the real facts, though it must always be a matter of doubt whether 
we can be sure of the truth of events related bv these historians alone. 

In his sixteenth invasion Mahmud came to the temple of 8omnath 
and captured it after a stubborn resistance on the part of its 
defenders. Somnath is in Kattiawar, and, on its site, is the present 
town of Prabhas Patan which flared up into notice so suddenly and 
disastrously in 1893. A striking description of its site is given by 
Tod. " Nothing can surpass the beauty of the site chosen for t)ie 
temple, which stands on a projecting rock, whose base is washed by 
the ocean. Here resting on the skirt of the mighty waters, the vision 
lost in their boundless expanse, the votary would be lulled into a 
blissful state of repose by the monotonous roar of the waves. Before 
him is the bay extending to Billawal (Verawal), its golden sands kept 
in perpetual agitation by the snrf, in bold and graceful curvature ; it 
is unrivalled in India, and although I have since seen many noble 
bays, from that of Penzance to Salurnum, perhaps the finest in the 
world, with all its accessories of back -ground, and in all the glory of 
a closing day, none ever struck my imagination more forcibly than 
that of Puttun. The port and headland of Billawal, with its dark 
walls raised as a defence against the pirates of Europe, form a noble 
terminating point of view, and from which the land trends northwards 
to Dwarica. The peaks of Girnar, twenty coss distant, would raise 
the sublimest feeling, or if he choose more tranquil scenes, the 
country around presents objects of interest, the plains being well 
wooded and diversified both by Nature and ar t.^f 



♦ Ibid, t TraveU in Western IndiOy p. 344. 



146 MAHMUD OF GHAZNI AKD THE LEGEND OF SOMNATH. 

But Mahmud must have cared little for the beautiful situation and 
the natural scenery of the place. He was intent on taking the place 
by force and breaking the idol. And it is with this breaking of the 
idol that the legend is connected. The earliest account of this in 
English is that of Col. Dow, whose History of Hindustan, translated 
from the Persian, published in 1767-72, professes to be a rendering 
of the famous Persinn historian Ferishta, but contains much put in by 
himself. This is Dow's account: *'In the centre of the hall stood. 
Somnath, an idol of stone, five yards in height, two of which were 
sunk in the ground. The King was enraged when he saw this idol, 
and raising his mace, struck off the nose from his face. He then 
ordered that two pieces of the image should be broken off to be sent 
to Ghnzni, there to be thrown at the threshold of the public mosque 
and in the court of his palace. Two more fragments he reserved to 
be sent to Mecca and Medina. When Mahmud was thus employed 
in breaking up Somnath, a crowd of Brahmans petitioned his 
attendants and offered some crores in gold if the King should be pleased 
to proceed no further. The Omrahs endeavoured to persuade Mahmud 
to accept of the money ; for they said that breaking up the idol could 
not remove idolatry from the walls of Somnath, that therefore it 
could serve no purpose to destroy the image, but that such a sum of 
money given in charity, among believers, would be a very meritorious 
action. The King acknowledged that what they said was in some 
measure true; but should he consent to that bargain, he might justly 
be called a seller of idols ; and that he looked upon a breaker of them 
as a more honorable title. He therefore ordered them to proceed. 
The next blow having broken up the belly of Somnath which had 
been made hollow, they discovered that it was full of diamonds, 
rubies and pearls of a much greater value than the amount of what 
the Brahmans had offered, so that a zeal for religion was not the sole 
cause of their application to Mahmud."* This account is in the main 
an accurate version of Ferishta. With Dow's version may be compared 
the more correct translation of Ferishta, given by Briggs : *' In the 
centre of the hall was Somnath, a stone idol, five yards in height, two 
of which were sunk in the ground. The King approaching the image 
raised his mace and struck off its nose. He ordered two pieces of the 
idol to be broken off and sent to Qhizny, that one might be thrown at 
the threshold of the public mosque, and the other at the court door of 

• Vol. I. pp. 65, 66, Ed. 1812. 



HAHHUD OF QHAZNI AND TBS LEGEND OF SOMNATH. 147 

his own palace. These identical fragments are to this day (now 600 
years ago) to be seen at Ghizny. Two more fragments were reserved 
to be sent to Mecca and Medina. It is a well authenticated fact, 
that when Mahmud was thus employed in destroying the idol, a 
crowd of Brahmins petitioned his attendants and offered a quantity 
of gold if the King would desist from further mutilation. His officers 
endeavoured to persuade him to accept of the money, for they said 
th&t breaking one idol would not do away with idoltary altogether, 
that, therefore, it could serve no purpose to destroy the image 
entirely ; but that such a sum of money given in charity among true 
believers would be a meritorious act. The King acknowledged there 
might be reason in what they said, but replied, that if we should 
consent to such a measure, his name would be handed down to 
posterity as ' Mahmud the idol-seller ;' whereas he was desirous of 
being known as * Mahmud the destroyer : ' he therefore directed the 
troops to proceed in their work. The next blow broke open the belly 
of Somnath, which was hollow, and discovered a quantity of diamonds, 
rubies and pearls, of much greater value than the amount which the 
Brahmins had offered.* 

The version of Dow lias been the chief source of misleading later 
writers. Gibbon, coming a few years in 1786 after Dow, based his 
short account on him, and compressed it in the following round 
sentence: — "He repeated his blows , and a treasure of pearls and 
rubies, concealed in the belly of the statue explained in some degree the 
devout prodigality of the Brahmins.'* t Then came Maurice, the 
learned author of Indian Antiquities, who, in his Modern History of 
Hindustan^ published in 1802, gave the same account, with the 
embellishment about the nose of the idul. *' In the fury of Maho- 
medan zeal, he smote off the nose of the idol with a mace which 
he carried, and ordered the image to be disfigured and broken to 

pieces the person appointed having mutilated the superior 

parts, broke in pieces the body of the idol, which had been made 
hollow, and contained an infinite variety of diamonds, rubies and 
pearls of a water so pure, and of a magnitude so uncommon, that the 
beholders were filled with surprise and admiration."^ Next came 
James Mill, who, in his first volume of the History of India 

• Briggs' FeHshtay Vol. I. pp. 72, 73, Ed. 1829. 
t Decline and Fall, Vol. VI. Chap. LVII. p. 361. 
t Hiitory of Hindoottan, Vol. I. Part I. p. 296. 



148 MAHMUD OF QHAZNI AND THE LEGEND OF SOMNATH. 

published in 1817, repeats the same. ^' At the next blow the belly 
of the idol burst open : and forth issued a vast treasure of diamonds, 
rubies and pearls, rewarding the holy perseverance of Mahmud, 
and explaining the devout liberality of the Brahmans.*'* 

After Mill came Price, who, in the second volume of his Mahome- 
dan History/, published in 1821, bases his account on the 
KhulasaUuUAkbar as well as Ferishta. ^* The circumstance of its 
being smitten on the nose by the mace of Mahmud, and of the 
immense treasure concealed in its belly, are already known. We 
shall here just mention that he rejected a prodigious ransom to spare 
it, alleging that of two appellations, rather than the idol-broker, he 
chose to be called Mahmud the idol-breaker : and to reward his seal 
the precious contents discovered in the hollow of the idol surpassed an 
hundred-fold the sum which had been offered bv the Brahmins for its 
redemption."t Even the judicious Elphinstone is misled into giving 
the same account in his excellent history published in 1841, though, 
in a line in the note, he expresses some doubt and says, that 
Feristah's '* account might be true of some idol in the temple."J 
Since the time of Elphinstone, Prof. Wilson showed in 1843, how 
the mistake was made by referring to some Persian historians* But 
later writers have not heeded this, and continue to repeat the old 
story which has the sanction of the authorities we have quoted. 
Two books published very recently, Mr. Rees* short account of the 
Mahomedans, in Mr. Adam's Series, and Syed Mahmud Latif' s more 
pretentious and bulky History of the Panjahy give the same old 
account. 

Only Sir W. Hunter has given the correct version of the sack of 
Somnath and the breaking of the idol in the historical part of his 
Gazetteer, But owing to its verv narrow limits, he has merelv 
condensed the result of the enquiry in a few lines. It is here pro- 
posed to trace the origin and growth of the legend by means of all 
the authorities available, some of which were rendered accessible 
only recently, and consequently not used by Wilson, and to dissipate 
the delusion, if possible, once for all. 

Ferishta, as we have seen, who wrote before 1611 A. D., in the 
reign of Jehangir, is the source for all European writers who 



• Vol. I. p. 177, Ed. 1858. 

+ Restroipect of Mahomedan History, Vol. II. p. 289, Ed. 1821. 

X p. 336, Kd. 1874. 



HAfiUOD OF OHAZNI AND THE LEGEND OF SOMNATH* 149 

urention the event. Bu6 Feristha is not alone in narrating it. The 
tvriters of the TarikJ^^i-Alfi, a great history composed by the order 
of Akbar, of the thou8<)nd years after the Hegira that expired in his 
reign, say that, '' It is a well aathenticated fact, that when Mahmud 
^as about to destroy th« idol, a crowd of Brahmans represented to 
his nobles, that if he would desist fron the mutilation, they would 
pay several crores of gold coins into his treasury. This was agreed 
to by many of the nobles, who pointed out to the Sultan that he 
could not obtain so much treasure by breaking the image> and that 
the proffered money would be very servicenble. Mahmud replied, 
** I knew this, but I desire that on the day of resurrection, I should 
be summoned with the words, *' Where i% that Mahn^ud who broke 
the greatest of the heathen idols ? ' rather than by these : ' Where 
is that Mahmud who sold the greatest of die idols to the infidels for 
gold?' When Mahmud demolished the image, he found in it so 
many superb jewels and rubies tha,t they amounted to, and even 
exceeded an hundred times the value of, the ransom which had been 
offered to him by the Brahmans,*'* 

Ferishta cites as his general authority the celebrated Sauzat-us^ 
Safa of Mirkhond, which was written towards the close of the 15th 
century. But Mirkhond's account does not mention the remarkable 
incidents we have seen alluded to by all the writers quoted above* It 
merely says: ''The temples were demolished and razed to the 
ground. The stone of Somnnth was broken into fragments, some of 
which were sent to Ghazni and placed at the door of the mosque^ and 
were there many years," Khondamir, thedon, or according to Fome, 
the nephew of Mirkhond in his Habib-us-Siyar^ written 1521-28, 
gives a similar account: ''Somnath was an idol cut out of stone, 
whose height was h^^ yards, of which three yards were visible, and 
two yards were concealed in the ground. Yanunu d Daula having 
broken that idol with his own hand, ordered that they should pack up 
pieces of the stone, take them to Ghazni, and throw them on the 
threshold of the Jami Masjid, The sum which the treasury of the 
Sultan Mahmud obtained from the idol temple of Somnaih, was more 
than twenty thousand thousand dinars, inasmuch as these pillars were 
all adorned with precious jewels.* 't 

The oldest accunt of this expedition is that given by Ibn Asir in 



* Apttd, Elliot and Dowson, Vol. II., p. 472. 
t Ibid. Vol. IV. p. 18J. 

20 



150 MAOMUD OF GHAZNI AND THE LEGEND OF SOMNATIT, 

his Kamilu't'Tawarilchy written about 1230 A. D., and this also doeff 
not mention the incidents of the bribe and the belly. It is very 
specific in its details, and has been largely drawn upon by later 
writers. It says: — ''The temple of Somnath was built upon 56 
pillars of teaki/vood covered with lead. The idol itself was in a 
chamber, its height was five cubits, and its girih three cubits. This 
was what appeared to the eye, but two cubits were hidden ill 
the basement. It had no appearance of having been sculptured. 
Yaminu-d-Donla seized it, part of it he burnt, and part of it he carried 
away with him to Qhazni, where he made it a step at the entrance of 
the Jami M usjid. The shrine of the idol was dark, but it was lighted 
by most exquisitely jewelled chandeliers. Near the idol was a chain 
of gold to which bells were attached. The weight of it was 200 waiis. 
When a certain portion of the night had passed, this chain was shaken 
to ring the bells, and so rouse a fresh party of Brahmans to carry on 
the worship. The treasury was near, and in it there were many idols 
of gold and silver. Over it there were reils hanging, set with jewels, 
everyone of which was of immense value. The worth of what wa» 
found in the temple exceeded two millions of dinars, all of which was 
taken."* A contemporary of Ibn A sir, the famous Ibn Khalikan, 
adds another detail, and says that the idol had 30 rings in its ears.f 
Abul Feda, in his Annals, written about the some time, at the 
commencement of the l3th centurv, confirms the fact thai the idol 
was burnt. 

Thus, as we get nearer to the times, we got more accurate and less 
embellished accounts. We may note, \^hilst dealing with writers of 
the ]3th century, that the famous Shaikh Sndi, who lived 200 
years after Mahmnd, gives an amusing tale of his own adventures at 
Somnath in his Btisfan, But from the details he mentions, it is quite 
evident that he never saw the inside of the temple, nor the idol, for 
most strangely he calls it a temple of the Ouebres or Parsis, who, asis 
well known, have no images whatever in their places of worship. 

When we come to the contemporary writers, we get the straight, 
forward account of the famous Alberuni, which sets the whole matter 
at rest. From his account it is certam that the idol was not a statue 
having any form or belly, but was a stone linga or phallic image of 
Mahadeva. The great contemporary chronicler of Mahmud, Al Utbi, 



• jipud, Klliot and Dowson, Vol. IT., p. 471. 
t Biographical JjicOonary^ Vol. III., p. 333. 



UAHMUD OF QHAZNI AND THE LEGEND OF SOXKATH. 151 

does not narrate the events of this campaign of Somnath, as he stops 
a few years before this event ; otherwise we might have had a most 
valuable narrative which would have set at rest all doubts. 

The following is Alberuni's account ia his Tarikh-i-Hind, taken 
from Dr. Sachau*s recent scholarlv and faithful translation. '^The 
lunar stations they declare to be the daughters of Prajapati, to whom 
the moon is married. He was especially attached to Rohini, and 
preferred her to the others. Now her sisters, urged by jealousy, 
complained of him to their father, Prajapati. The latter strove to 
keep the peace among them* and admonished him, but without any 
success. Then he cursed the moon (Lunns), in consequence of which 
his face became leprous. Now the moon repented of his doing, and 
came penitent to PrajApati, who spoke to him : '^ My word is one, and 
cannot be cancelled ; however, I shall cover thy shame for the half of 
each month/' Thereupon the moon spoke to Prajapati : " But how 
shall the trace of the sin of the past be wiped off from me V* Praja- 
pati answered : ** By erecting the shape of the linga of Mahadeva a& 
an object of thy worship/' This he did. The linga he raised was the 
stone of Somnath, for soma means the moon andnatha means mastery, 
80 that the whole word means master of the moon. The image was 
destroyed by the prince Mahmud — may God be merciful to him I 
A. H. 416. He ordered the upper part to be broken, and the remain- 
der to be transported to his residence, Ghazni, with all its coverings and 
trappings of gold, jewels, and embroidered garments. Part of it has 
been thrown into the hippodrome of the town together with the 
Chakrasvamin, an idol of bronze, that had been brought from Tane- 
shar. Another part of the idol from Somnuth lies before the door of 
the mosque of Ghazoi, on which people rub their feet to clean them. 
from dirt and wet. 

The linga is an image of the penis of Mahadeva. I have heard the 
following story regarding it : — " A Rishi, on seeing Mahadeva witk 
bis wife, became suspicious of him, and cursed him that he should 
lose his penis. At once his penis dropped, and was, as if wiped off. 
But afterwards the Rishi was in position to establish the signs of hia 
innocence, and to confirm them by the necessary proofs. The 
suspicion which had troubled his mind was removed, and he spoke to 
bim : * Verily, I shall recompense thee by making the image of the 
limb which thou hast lost the object of worship for men, who thereby 
will find the road to God, and come near him.' " 

Yarahamibira says about the construction of thejinga: — *' After 



152 MAHMOD OF GHAZWI AND THBT LEGEND OF SOHNATfl* 

having chosen a faultless stone for it, take it as long as the imitge ir 
intended to he. Divide it into three parts. The lowest part of it i» 
quadrangular, as if it were a cube or ^adrangular column. The 
middle part is octagonal, its surface being divided by four pilasters. 
The upper third is round, rounded oflF so as to resemble the gland of 
R penis. In erecting the figure, place the quadrangular third within 
the earth, and for the octagonal third, make a cover which is called 
pinda, qpiadrangular from without, but so as to fit also on the quadr- 
angular third in the earth. The octagonal form of the inner side ]» 
to fit on to the middle third, which projects out of the earth. The 
round third alone remains without cover." 

Further he says : — ** If you make the round part tO€> small or too 
thin, it will hurt the country and bring about evil among the inhabit* 
ants of the regions who have constructed it:. If it does not go deep 
enough down into the earth, or if it projects too little out of the earth, 
this causes people to fall ill. When it is in the course of conetruction, 
and is struck by a peg, the ruler and his family will perish. If on 
the transport it is hit and the blow leaves a trace on it, the artist will 
perish, and destruction and diseases will spread in that country." 

In the south-west of the Sindh country this idol is frequently met 
with in the houses destined for the worship of the Hindus, but Som- 
nAth was the most famous of these places. Every day they brought 
there a jug of Ganges water and a basket of flowers from Kashmir. 
They believed that the linga of Somnath would cure persons of every 
inveterate illness and heal every desperate and incurable disease. 

The reason why, in particular, Somnath has become so famous, is 
that it was a harbour for seafaring people, and a station for those wha 
went to and fro between Sufala in the cauntry of the Zang and 
China." 

It is clear from Alberuni that the idol of Somnath was merely a 
solid piece of stone haying no hollow, in which jewels and precioue 
stones could be concealed to reward the pious zeal of an iconoclast. 
As Alberuni says, the top of the stone idol was decorated withprecioue 
stones and gold, which were thus visible to all at first sight, Mahmnd 
must have seen them before the Brahman?, according to the later 
writers, offered the ransom. But as we have seen, both the immense 
wealth concealed in the belly of the idol, as well as the proffered ran- 
som of the Brahmans, with the zealous answer of the iconoclast, are 
purely fictitious, the creatures of the imagination of later Mahomedan 
annalists, who care more for religious aeal than historical truth, and 



HAHMUD OF GHiZNI AND THE LEGEND OF SOMNATH. 153 

who evidently thought they were doing nothing wrong — on the con- 
trary something highly meritorious — when they converted the plain 
■tory of tiie sack of SomoAth into a piouR legend of Yairin-ood-DauWtt 
iconoclastic zeal. The spirit which led those writers to invent this 
legend, and which made it popular among the Moslems for so many 
centuries, seems to live among them still to this day, if one may judge 
from the fervour, with which the ignorant among them believe in it, 
and the way in which they resent any attempt to show the real 
character of the legend of Somnath. 

Another myth connected with Somnath in history is the story of the 
famous Sandalwood Gates which, eight centuries after they had been 
rifled from the temple and taken to Ghazni by Mahmud, were paraded 
by a theatrical Governor-General through the cities of India as a 
trophy from Afghanistan to soothe the susceptibilities of the injured 
Hindus. But the gates were spurious beyond doubt, and will live in 
Indian history as an instance of a clumsy forgery and a huge practical 
joke. 

R. P. KARKARIA* 



154 



Art. X\.—Mdndu, By J. M. Campbell, Esq., 

LL.D.) C.I.C, I.Co* 



[CommaDlcated 4c h Angast 1895.] 

Pabt I. — Description. 

M^ndii, about twenty-three miles south of Dhdr in Central India, 
is a wide wnving hill-top, part of the great wall of the Vindhian 
range. The hill-top U three to four miles from north to south and 
four to five miles from east to west. On the north, the east, and the 
west, Mdndu is islanded from, the main plateau of M^lwa by valleys 
and ravines that circle round to its southern face, which stands 1,200 
feet out of the Nimar plain. The area of the hill- top is over 12,000 
English acres, and, so broken is its outline, that the encircling wall 
is said to have a length of between thirty-seven and thirty-eight miles. 
Its height, 1,950 feet above the sea, secures for the hill-top at all 
seasons the boon of fresh and cool air. 

About twenty miles south of Dhdr the level cultivated plateau 
breaks into woody glades and uplands* Two miles further the plain 
is cleft by two great ravines, which from their deeper and broader 
southern mouths 700 to 800 feet below the Dhar plateau, as they 
wind northwards, narrow and rise, till, to the north of Mandu hill, 
they shallow into a woody dip or valley about 300 yards broad and 
200 feet below the south crest of Malwa. From the south crest of 
the Malwa plateau, across the tree tops of this wild valley, stand the 
cliffs of the island Mandu, their prests crowned by the great Dehli 
gateway and its long lofty line of flanking walls. At the foot of the 
sudden dip into the valley the Alamgir, or World-Guarding Gate, 
stands sentinel.^ Beyond the gateway, among wild reaches of rock 

1 Farishtah (Persian Text, II. p. 466) calls this the Northern Gate of 
H^da. The following Persian verses are carved on the Gateway : — 

In the time of A.lamgir Anrangsib (A. D. I658-1707), the roler of the 

World, 
This gate resembling the skies in altitude was bnilt anew. 
In the year A. H. 1079 (A. D. 16U8) the work of renewal was begun and 

completed, 
By the endeavour of the exalted Eh^ Muhammad Beg Khdn. 
From the accession of this Emperor of the World, Aurangzib, 
This was the eleventh year by way of writing and history. 



mInw. 155 

and forest, a noble causeway with high domed tonibs on either hand 
fills the lowest dip of the valley. From the south end of the causeway 
the road winds up to a second gateway, and beyond the second 
gateway between side walls climbs till, at the crest of the slope, it 
passes through the ruined but still lofty and beautiful Delhi or 
northern gateway, one of the earliest works of Dildwar Khan (A. D. 
1400), the founder of Mnsalman Mandu. 

Close inside of the Dehli gate, on the right or west, stands the hand- 
some Hindola pa?ace. The name Uindola, which is probably the title of 
the builder, is explained by the people as the Swingcot palace, because, 
like the sides of the cage of a swinging cot, the walls of the hall bulge 
helow and narrow towards the top. Its great baronial hall and hanging 
'windows give the Hindola palace a special merit and interest, and an 
air of lordly wealth and luxury still clings to the tree-covered ruins 
which stretch west to large underground cisterns and hot weather 
retreats. About a quarter of a mile south stand the notable group 
of the Jah^z Mehel or Ship palace on the west, and the Tapela Mehel 
or Caldron palace on the south, with their rows of lofty pointed 
arches below deep stone eaves, their heavy windowless upper stories, 
and their massive arched and domed roof-c ham hers. Tliese palaces 
are not more handsomely built than finely set. The massive ship-like 
length of the Jahdz Mehel lies between two large tree-girt ponds, and 
the Tapela, across a beautiful foreground of water and ruin, looks 
east into the mass of tangled bush and tree which once formed part 
of the 130 acres of the Lai Bagh or Royal Gardens. 

The flat palace roofs command the whole 12,000 acres of Mdnda 
hill, north to the knolls and broken uplands beyond the great ravine- 
moat, and south across the waving hill-top with its miles of glades 
and ridges, its scattered villages, hamlets and tombs, and its gleaming 
groves of mangoes, hhirnis, banyans, mhntoras, and pipah. In the 
middle distance, out from the tree-tops, stand the lofty domes of 
Hoshang's tomb and of the great Jama mosque. Further south lies 
the tree-girt hollow of the Sagar TaUo or Sea Lake, and beyond the 
Sdgar lake a woody plateau rises about 200 feet to the southern crest, 
where, clear against the sky, stand the airy cupolas of the pavilion of 
Riip Mali, the beautiful wife of Baz Bahadur (A. D. 1551-1561), the 
last Sultdn of Malwa. Finally to the west, from the end of the R6p 
Mati heights, rises even higher the bare nearly isolated shoulder of 
Songad, the citadel or inner fort of Mandu, the scene of the Gujarat 
Bahadur's (A. D. 1531) daring and successful surprise. This fair 



156 mIndu. 

hill-top, beaufiful from its tangled wildness and scattered ruinSy is a 
strange contrast to Mandu, the capital of a warlike independenl 
dynasty. Daring the palmy days of the fifteenth century, of the 
12,000 acres of the Mandu hill-top, 560 were fields 370 were xardens, 
200 were wells, 780 wpre lakes and ponds, 100 werehaiar roads. 1,500 
were dwellings, 200 were rest-houses, 260 were bath*, 470 were 
mosques, and 334 were palaces. These allotments crowded out the 
wild to a narrow pittance of 1,560 acres of knolls and ridges. 

From the Jahilz Mehel the road winds through fields and woods, 
gtmmed with peafowl and droll with monkevs, among scattered 
palaces, mosques and tomhs, some shapely, fome in heaps, about a 
mile south to the walled enclosure of the lofty domed tomb of the 
estahlislier of Mdndu's greatness, Eoshang Slidh Ghori (A. D. 1405- 
1432). Thongh the badly-fitted joinings of the marble slabs of the 
tomb walls are a notable contrast to the finish of the later Mughal 
bnildings, Hoshang^s tomb, in its massive simplicity and dim-lighted 
roughness, is a solemn and suitable resting-place for a great Pathan 
warrior. Along the west of the tomb enclosure runs a handsome 
flat-roofed colonnade. The pillars, which near the base are four-sided» 
pnss through an eight-sided and a sixteen-sided belt into a round upper 
shaft. The round shaft ends in a square under-capital, each face of 
which is filled by a group of leafage in outline the same as the 
favourite Hindu Singh-mukh or horned head. Over the entwined 
leafy horns of this moulding, stone brackets support heavy stone 
beams, all Hindu in form.^ Close to the east of Ilushanj^'s tomb 
is Hoshang's Jdma IMasjid or Great Mosque, built of blocks of red 
limestone. Hoshang's Mosque is approached from the east through 
a massive domed gateway and across a quadrangle enclosed on the 

' Mr. Ferguflson {^Indian Archifectitret p. 543) save: *'The | ill ars appear to 
have been taken from a Jain bu.ldirig." Bet the refinement on the square 
capital of eaoh pillar of the Hindu Singh-mvkh or horiied face into a groap of 
leaves of the same outline shows that the pillars were gpcoially carved for us© 
in a Muslim building. The porch on the north side of the tomb euclosare is 
described (Ferguseon, Indian Architecture, y. 543) as composed of pillam 
avowedly re-crected from a Jain building. This note of Mr. Fcrgus8on*8 must 
have gone astray, as the north porch of Hoshang's tomb enclosure is in the plain 
massive pointed arch and square-shafted style (f the tomb andof tho great 
mosquo. Mr. Fergcsson's note apparently belongs to the second and smaller 
Jama Maajid, about 100 yards east of the Sea or Sdgnr lake, the pillars of whose 
oolonnade and porch are still enlivened by rows of the lucky face of the Hindu 
old horny. 



mIndu. 157 

enst, north, and south hy wrecked colonnades of pointed arches. The 
west is filled hy the great pointed arches of the mosque in fair repair, 
and from the roof out of a thick undergrowth of domelets rise three 
lofty domes.' 

In front of the gateway of the great Mosque, in the centre of a 
masonry plinth about three feet high, stands an iron pillar about a 
fbot in diameter at the base and twenty feet high. Close to the east 
of the gateway is the site of Mehmud's (A.D. l442)*Tower of Victory, 
traces of which remained as late as A. D. 1840* About fifty yards 
further east are the ruins of a great building called the Ashrafi Mehel, 
said to have been a Musalmdn College* To the north-east a banner 
marks a temple and the local State offices. South the road passes 
between the two lines of small houses and huts that make modern 
Mandn. Beyond the village, among ruins and huge swollen baobab 
stems, the road winds south along a downward slope to the richly, 
wooded lowland, where stretches to the west the wide coolness of the 
Sigar Taldv or Sea Lake. Its brond surface covering 600 acres is 
green with fan-like lotus leaves, reeds and water grasses. Its banks 
are rough with brakes of tangled bush from which, in uncramped 

* Hoshang^s great mosqoe has the foUowiDg muoh damaged Persian 
imscription : — 

** The mosqne of exalted constr notion, the temple of heavenly altitude, 
Whose every thick pillar is a copy of the (pillars of the) Sacred Temple 

(the Temple of Makkah). 
On account of the greatness of its dignity, like the pigeons of the 

Temple of Makkah, 
Sacred angels of high degree are always engaged in hovering around it* 
The result of the events bom of the merciless revolution of the skies, 
When the sun of his life oame as far as the balcouy (t. 0., was ready to 

set), 
A^am Hnmfiyiin (that isi Malik Mughls) said * * 
The administration of the country, the construction of buildings, and the 

driving back of enemies 
Are things which I leave you (the son of Aazam Hum^yi^n) as parting 

advioe with great earnestness. 
The personification of the kindness of Providence, the SultAn Alii-ud-dfn 

(Mehmfid I, A. D. 1436.14«9), who is 
The outcome of the refulgence of the Faith, and the satisfier of the 

wants of the people, 
In the year A. H. 858 (A. D. 1454), 
In the words of the above parting advioe, finished the construction of 

this building/' 

21 



158 mIndu. 

• 

Btatelinesfl, rise lofty mhauras^ mangoes, kirnts, and p{pdl8» To tlw 
east round a smaller tank, whose banks are crowned by splendid 
mangoes and tamarinds, stand the domes of sereral handsome tombs* 
Of some of these domes the black masses are brightened by belts of 
brilliant pale and deep-blae enamel. To the north of this OTerflow 
pool a long black wall is the back of the smaller Jama or congregation 
mosque, badly ruined, but of special interest, as each of its nmnerona. 
pillars shows the nndefaced Hindu Stngh-mtilsh or homed head. By a 
rough piece of constructive skill ibe original cross comers of the end 
cupolas have been worked into Taulted Musalmdn domes.* 

From the Sea Lake, about a mile across the waving richly* wooded 
plain, bounded by the southern height of the plateau, the path leads 
to the sacred Rewa Kund or Narbada Pool, a small shady pond lined 
with rich masonry, and its west side adorned by the ruins of » 
handsome Bath or Hummdm Khdndh. From the north-east eomer of 
the Rewa Pool a broad flight of easj stairs lead» thirty or fortj feet 
up the slope on whose top stands the palace of Baz Bahadur (A.D, 



« This Jima Mosqne has the follownig Persian inscription, dated H. 885. 
(A. D. 1431):— 

" With good omens, at a happy time, and in a lacky and well-starred 
year. 

On the 4th of the month of A116h (Kamaz^) on the great day of Friday, 

In the year 635 and six months from the Hijrah (A. D. 1481) 

Counted aocording to the reTolntion of the moon in the Arabian manner. 

This Isldmio mosqne was fonndcd in this world, 

The top of whose dome rnbs its head against the green eanopjof 
Heaven. 

The constrnction of this high moeqac was dne to Mngbis-ud-dfn-wad- 
dnnya (Malik Mughfs), the father of Mehmilid I. of Mdlwa (A. D. 1496- 
1469), the redresser of temporal and spiritnal wrongs. 

Ulugh (bravo), Aazam (great), Humify un (angnst), the KMn of the 
seven olimes and of the nine conntries. 

By the hands of his enterprise this mosqne was fonnded so greaAp 

That some call it the House of Peace, others style it the Kabbah. 

This good building was completed on the last of the month of BhawwU 
(A. H. 8B5, A, D. 1431). 

May the merit of this good act be inserted in the soroU of the Kb&n'e 
actions ! 

In this centre may the praises of the sermon read (in the name) of 
Mehmikd Sbdh. 

Bo everlasting, so long as mountains stand on tho earth and stars ia the 

firmament." 



lllNDtT. 159 

1851-1561), the last independent Chief of Mindu.^ The bifoad easy 
fiight o( steps ends in a lofty arched gateWay through which a roomy 
hall or passage gives entrance into a courtyard wiCh a central masonry 
cistern Ind an enclosing double colonniidt;. which on the right opens 
into an arched balcony overlooking the Rewa Eund and garden. 
Within this courtyard is a second court enclosed on three sides by an 
tirched gallery. The roofs of the colonnades, which are reached by 
flights of easy steps, are shaded by arched paviliooa topped by cupolas 
brightened by belts of blue enameU 

To the south of Bai Bab^dur^s Palace a winding path climbs the 
steep slope of the southern rim of Miindu to the massive pillared 
cupolas of R4p Mati's palace, which, clear against the sky, are the 
most notable ornament of the hilUtop. From a ground-floor of heavy 
masonry walls and arched gateways stairs lead to a flat masonry 
terrace. At the north and south ends of the terrace stand massive 
lieavy-eaved pavilions, whose sqnare pillars and pointed arches support 
lofty deep-grooved domes. The south pavilion on the crest of the 
Vindhian cliff commands a long stretch of the south face of Mindu 
with its guardian wall crowning the heights and hollows of the hill-top. 
Twelve hundred feet below spreads the dim hazy Nimar plain bright- 
ened eastwards by the gleaming line of the Narbada. The north 
pavilion, through the clear fresh air of the hill-top, looks over the 
entire stretch of Mandu from the high shoulder of Songad in the ex* 
treme south-west across rolling tree- brightened fields, past the domes, 
the tangled bush, and the broad grey of the Sea Lake , to the five* 
domed cluster of Hoshang's mosque and tomb, on, across a sea of 
|2;reen tree tops, to the domed roof-chambers of the Jahaz and Tapela 
palaces, through the Oehlt gateway, and, beyond the deep cleft of the 
northern ravine, to the bare level and low ranges of the Malwa plateau. 

From the Rewa Pool, a path, along the foot of the southern height 
among &oble solitary mkauras and AAirnit, across fields and past small 
clusters of hats, guides to a flight of steps which lead down to a deep 
shady rock-cut dell where a Muhammadan chamber with great open- 
arched front looks out across a fountained courtyard and sloping 

* The following PersiaH iosc? iption, carved on the entrance arch, shows that 
though it may hav>e been repaired by Bkz Bahadur, the building of the p.'ilaco 
Was fifty years earlier (H, »14, A. D. 1508) ;— " lo the time of the Sultan of 
l^ations, the most just and great, and the most knowing and munificent Khakan 
'»a8ir Shih Khilji (A. D. 1600-1512). Written by Yusuf, the year (H. 914) 
'a. D. 1508)." 




IGO mInd0. 

scalloped water-table, to the wild western slopes of Mdndn. This is 
NUkanthy where the Emperor Akbar lodged in A.D. 1574, and which 
Jehangir visited in A,D. 1617.* 

From the top of the steps that lead to the dell the hill stretches 
west bare and stony to the Songad or Tdrapur gateway on the narrow 
neck beyond which rises the broad shoulder of Songad, the lofty 
south-west limit of the Manda hill-top.^ 

Part IL — History.® 

The history of Manda belongs to two main sections, before and 
after the overthrow by the Emperor Akbar in A.D. 1563 of the 
independent power of the Sultans of M^lwa. 

Section I. — Thk Malwa Sultans, A.D. 1400-1570. 

Of early Hindu Mundn, which is said to date from A.D. SIS, 
nothing is known.® Hindu spire stones are built into the Hindola 
Palace walls ; and the pillars of the lesser Jima mosque, about one 
hundred yards from the east end of the sea or Sagar Lake, are Hindu, 
apparently Jain. Of these local Hindu chiefs almost nothing is 
known, except that their fort was taken and their power brought to an 
end by Siiltun Shams-ud-din Altamsh about A.D. 1234.^^ Dh4r, not 



^ TraoBlatioDB of its two mnoh-admired Persian insoriptloiiB are giyon below, 
p. 181. 

' On the T,irap6r gate a Persian inscription of the reign of the Smperor 
Akbar (A.D. 1556-1605) states that the royal road that passed through thia 
gateway waa repaired by Tdhir Muhammad Hassan Imad-ud-din. 

** The Persian references ami extracts in this section arc contribnt^d by 
Khan Saheb Fazl-ul-lah I.utfullah Faridi of Si'irat. 

» Sir John Malcolm in Eastwick's Handbook of the Panjab, 119. This 
referenoe has not been tracetl. Furishtah (Elliot, VI., 563) says IC&ndu was 
built by Anand Dev of the Bain tribe, who was a contemporary of Khnsrao 
Parwiz, the Sassanian (A.D. 591-621). 

10 The date is uncertain. Compare £lphinstone*8 History, p. 828 ; BriggB* 
Farishtah, Vol. I., pp. 210-211 j Tabakat-i-N5siri, in Elliot, Vol. II., p. 828. Tbm 
conquest of Mandu in A.D. 1227 is not Maudu in Malwa as Elphinstone and 
Brigps supposed, but Mandur in the Siwiilik Hills, See Elliot, Vol. II., p. 825^ 
Note 1. The Persian text of Farishtah (I., 115), though by mistake calliDg ife 
Mandu (imt Mandu), notes that it was the Mundu in the Siw^ik Hills. The 
poetical date'S^-ript also terms it Bilddi-Siwdlik, or the Siwilik coaxitriea. The 
date of the conquest of the SiwAlik Mandu by Altamsh is given by Farishtah 
(Id.) as A. H. 624 (A.D. 1226). The conquest of M41wa by Altamsh, the 
taking by him of Bhllsah and Ujjain, and the destraction of the temple of If aha 
Kali and of the statue or image of Bikramiijit are {jTiTCu as occurring in A.H. 681 



mXndu. 161 

M&frdu, was at that time the capital. It seems douhtful whether 
Mandu ever enjoyed the poeition of a capital till the end of the four- 
teeuth century. In A.D» 1401> in the ruin that followed Timdr's 
(A. D. 1398-1400) conquest of Northern India, a Pathdn from the 
town of Ghor, DiUwar KhanOhori (A. D.1387-1405), at the sugges- 
tion of his son Alp Khin, assumed the white canopy, and scarlet 
pavilion of royalty ,^^ Though Dhar was Dilawar's headquarters he 
sometimes stayed for months at a time atMandu,^^ strengthening the 
defences and adorning the hill with buildings, as he always entertained 
the desire of makipg Mandu his capital.^^ Three available inscriptions 

(A.D. 1233). The Mirati-Sikandari (Persian Text 13) notices an expedition 
made in A.D. 1395 by Z afar Khan (Mazaffar I. of Q-ujariL) against a Hinda 
Dhief of M^nda, who, it was reported, was oppressing the Masalmans. A siege 
•of more thaii twel'p^e months failed to oaptare the fort. 
i» Briggs* Farishtah, Voi, IV., p. 170. 

i» Briggs' Farishtah, Vol. IV., p. 168. According to the WAkiAt-i-Mush- 
t^ki (Elliot, IV., 553) Dilawar Khda, or as the writer calls him Amin Shah» 
throqgh the good offices of a merchant whom he had refrained from plundering 
obtained the grant of Manda, which was entirely desolate. The King sent a 
robe and a horse, and Amin gave up walking and took to riding. He made his 
friends ride, enlisted horsemen, and promoted the cultivation of the country 
(Elliot, IV., 562). Faiishtah (Pers, Text. VoL 11, pp. 460-61) states that when 
Sultan Muhammad, the son of Firdz TugUlak, made Khwajah Sarwar his chief 
minister, with the title of Khwajah Jeh4n, and gave Zafar KhAn the Vioeroy- 
«1ty of Gujarat and Khixr Khin that of Mnltdn, he sent Dilfiwar Kh&n to be 
Governor of Malwa. In another passage Farishtah (II., 461) states that one of 
Dilawar's grandfathers, Sult'au Shahab-ud-din, came from Ghor and took 
service In the Coart of the Dehli Sultans. His son rose to be an Amitt and his 
grandson, DilawaT Khan, in the time of Sultan Firiiz, became a leading noble- 
man, and, in the reign of Muhammad^ son of Firiiz, obtained M61wa in fief. 
When the power of the Tughlaks went to ruin Dilawar assumed the royal em- 
blems of the umbrella and the red-tent. 

13 Dilawar Khan Ghori, whose original name was Husein, was one of the 
grandsons of Sultan Sh^ hab-ud-din Muhammad bin S^. He was one of the 
nobles of Muhammad, the son of FCrdz Tughlak, who, after the death of that 
monarch, settled in and asserted his power over Malwa. (Pers* Text, Farishtah, 
II., 460). The Emperor Jehangir (who calls him Amid Shah Ghori) attributes 
to him the construction of the Fort of Dhar. He says (Memoirs, Pers. Text, 
201-202) : — Dhar is one of the oldest cities of India. Raja Bhoj, one of the 
famous ancient Hindu kings, lived in this city. From his time up to this 
1,000 years have passed. Dhar was also the capital of the Muhammadan rulers 
of Malwa, When Sultdn Muhammad Tughlak (A. D. 1325) was on his way to 
the conquest of the Dakhan he built a cut-stone fort on a raised site. Its 
outline is very elegant and beautiful, but the space inside is empty of buildings. 



162 hXnDit. 

of DilawRr Kh£n (A. D. 1387.1405) seem to show that he bnilt an 
assembly mosqae near the Ship Palace, a mosque near the Debli 
Gate, and a gate at the entrance to Songad, the sonth-west comer 
and citadel of Mdndu, afterwards known as the T^ripdr Qate. 

In A. D. 1398 Alp Khan, son of DiUwar KhAn, annoyed with Iria 
father for entertaining as his overlord at Dhar, Mehmdd Tughlak, 
the refugee monarch of Dehli, withdrew to Mandu. lie stayed in 
Mdndu for three years, laying, according to Fnrishtah, the foundation 
of the famous fortress of solid masonry which was the strongest 
fortification in that part of the world. i* On his father's death in 
A< D. 1405 Alp Khan took the title of Sultdn Hoshang, and movedl 
the capital to Mandu. The rumour that Hoshang had poisoned his 
father gave DiWwar's brother-in-arms, Muzafar Shilh of Gujarat 
(A. D, 1399-1411), an excuse for an expedition against Hoshang.^* 

Xmid Shah Ghori, known as Dilawar Khan^ who in the days of SulU^ 
Muhammad, the son of Sult^u Flruz, King of Dehli, gained the independent 
rule of Malwa, bailt oabside this fort an assembly mosqae, which has in front 
of it fixed in the ground a four-cornered iron column about foar feet round. 
When Sultdn Bahadur of Gujarat took Miilwa (A. D. 1580-31) he wished to 
carry this column to Gujarat. In digging it up the pillar fell and broke in 
twO) one piece measuring twcnty*two feet and the other thirteen feet. As it 
was lying here uncared for I (JehangCr) ordered the big piece to be carried to 
Agra to be put up in the courtyard of the shrine of him whose abode is the 
heavenly throne (Akbar), to be utilized as a lamp post. The mosqae has two 
gates. In front of the arch of one gate they have fixed a stone tablet ex\gra¥ed 
with a prose passage to the effect that Amid Shah Ghori in the year H. 809 
(A. D. 1405) laid the foundation of this mosque. On the other arch they have 
written a poetio inscription of which the following verses are a part : — 

The liege lord of the world. 

The star of the sphere of glory. 

The stay of the people. 

The sun of the zenith of perfection. 

The bulwark of the law of tne Prophet, Amid Shah Da(id. 

The possessor of amiable qualities, the pride of Ghor. 

Dilawar Khan, the helper and defender of the Prophet's faith. 

The chosen instrument of the ezalfced Lord, who in the city of Dh^r 
constructed the assembly mosque. 

In a happy and auspicious moment on a day of lucky omen. 

Of the date 808 years have passed (A. D. 1405). 

When this fabric of Hope was completed. 
»* Briggs' Farishtah, IV., 169. 

»» When fellow-nobles in the 0)nrfc of the Tughlak Sultiin, Zafar Khin 
(Saltan Mnzaffar of Gujarat) and Dilawar Khan bound themselves under an 
oath to be brothera-in-arms. Farishtah, Pers. Text II., 462. 



vIndit. 163 

Eoshang was defeated at Dhdr, made prisoner, and carried to Gnjarat, 
EDd Muzaffar's brother Nasrat was appointed in his place. Nasrat 
failed to gain the good- will either of the people or of the army of 
Mdlwa, and was forced to retire from Dhdr and take refuge in Mdnda. 
In consequence of this failure in A. D. 1408, at Hoshang's request, 
Mnzaffar set Hoshang free after one year's confinement, and deputed his 
grandson Ahmed to take Hoshang to Malwa and establish Hoshang's 
power. ^^ With Ahmed's help Hoshang took Dhdr, and shortly after 
secured the fort of M^ndu, Hoshang (A.D. 1405-1431) madeMdndu 
his cdpital and spread his power on all sides except towards Gujarft.^' 
Shortly after the death of Muzaffar I. and the accession of Ahmed, 
when (A.D. 1434) Ahmed was quelling the disturbances rnised by 
his cousins, Hoshang, instead of helping Ahmed, marched towards 
GujariLt and created a diversion in favour of the rebels by sending 
two of his nobles to attack Broach. They were soon expelled by 
Ahmed Shah. Shortly after Hoshang marched to the help of the 
Chief of Jhdlaw^r, in Kathi^w^r, and ravaged eastern and central 
Gajardt.^® To punish Hoshang for these acts of ingratitude, between 
J^. D. 1418 and 1422, Ahmed twice besieged Mdndu, and though he 
failed to take the fort his retirement had to be purchased, and both as 
iregards success and fair-dealing the honours of the campaign remain- 
ed with Ahmed.^^ In A. D. 1421 Hoshang went disguised as ahorse- 
dealer to Jdjnagar, now J^jpiJr, in Katak, in Orissa. He took with 
him a number of cream-coloured horses, of which he had heard the 
Rdjah was very fond. His object was to barter these horses and other 
goods for the famous war elephants of Jajnagar. An accident in the 
camp of the disguised merchants led to a fight, in which the Rajah 
was taken prisioner and Hoshang was able to secure 150 elephants to 
fight the Gujarat Sultdn.^^ During Hoshang's absence at Jdjnagar 
Ahmed pressed the siege of Mandu so hard that the garrison would 

" BriggB' Farishtah, IV., 173; Elphinstone's History, 678! 

^' Though their temples were turned into mosques the Jains continued to 
prosper under the Ghoris. At Deogarh in Lalitpnra in Jh^si in the North- 
West Provinces an inscription of Samvat 1481, that is, of A. D. 1424, records 
the dedication of two Jaina images by a Jain priest named Holi during the 
reign of Sb^h Alambhaka of Mandapapura, that is, of 8h^ Alp Ehin of Mindu, 
that is, Sultan Hoshang Ghori. ArchsQological Surrey of India, New Series, 
Vol. U„ 120. 

" Farishtah, Pers. Text, II., 464-65. 

i» Briggs' Farishtah, IV., 176, 178, 180, 181, 183. 

»o Farishtah, Pres. Text, II., 46667. 



164 mXndu, 

have snrrendered had Hoshang not succeeded in findini; his way into 

the fort through the south or Tarapiir Gate.*^ For ten years after 

the Gujarat campaign by the help of his Minister Malik Mughis of the 

Khiiji family and of his Minister's son Mehmud Khan, Mdlwa pros* 

pered and Hoshang's power was extended. Hoshang enriched hi* 

capital with buildings, among them the Great Mosque and his own 

tomb, both of which he left unfinished. Hoshang's Minister, Malik 

Mughis (who received the title of Ulugh Aaznm Humdyiin Khdn) 

appears to have built the assembly mosque near the Sagar Lake in 

Hoshang's life-time, A. D. 1431. Another of his buildings most 

have been a Mint, as copper coins remain bearing Hoshang's name, 

and Mandii Shddiabud as the place of mintage.^^ In A. D. 1432, at 

Hoshangdbdd, on the left bank of the Narbada, about 120 miles east 

of Manda, Hoshang, who was suffering from diabetes, took greatly to 

heart the fall of a ruby out of his crown. He said : A few days before 

the death of FiriJiz Tughlak, a jewel dropped from his crown. 

Hoshang ordered that he should be taken to Mandn. Before 

he had gone many miles the king died. His nobles carried the body 

to the Madrasah or College in Shddiudbad, or Mandn, and buried 

him in the College on the ninth day of Zil-Hajjah, the twelfth month 

of A. H. 838, A. D. 1434. The year of Hoshang's death is to be 

found in the letters. 

Ah Shah Hoshang na mtind : Alas, Shah Hoshang stayed not.*' 
■ — ^— ^— ^— — ^ 

«» BriggB* Farishtah, IV., ISO. In conucotion with the Taripfir Gate 
Farishtah says (Pers. Text, II., 468):— The fort of Mdndu is built on the top 
of a mountain, and the line of its fortification is about 26 miles in length. Id 
place of a moat it is surrounded by a deep chasm, so that it is impossibtiB to 
use missiles againRt it. Within the fort water and provisions are abundant^ 
and it includes land enough to grow grain for the garrison. The extent of it0 
walls makes it impossible for an army to invest it. Most of the villages near 
it are too small to furnish supplies to a besieging force. The south of T&rdp6r 
Gate is exceedingly difficult of access. A horseman can hardly approaeh it. 
From whichever side the fort may be attempted, most difficult heights hate 
to be scaled. The long distances and intervening hills prevent the watcbeiv 
of the besieging force communicating with each other. The gate on the side 
of Delhi is of easier access thjin the other gates. 

■* It follows that Parishtah (Briggs, IV., 19«) is mistaken in stating that 

Hoshang's son, Muhammad, gave Mdudu the name of ShadiAbkd, the Abode of 
Joy. 

"» Farishtah, Pers. Text II., 472-475. It seems to follow that the monu- 
ment to Hoshang in Hoshangdb^d from the first, was an empty tomb. 
Compare Briggs' Farishtah, IV., ISO-IDO. 



mInbu. 165 

On Hosbang's death his son Ghdzni Khan, with the title of Sult&n 
Muhammad Ghori, succeeded. Malik Mugbis, his father's Minister, 
and the Minister's son, Mehmdd, were maintained- in power. In 
three years (A. D. 1433-d6)» as Sultan Muhammad proved dissipated 
cruel and suspicious, Mehmiid, the Minister's son, procured his death 
by poison. Mehmdd Elhilji then asked his father to accept the 
succession, but his father declined, saying that Mehmi!id was fitter 
Co be king. A. D. 1436 MehmUd was accordingly crowned with the 
Royal tiara of Hosbang.'^ He conferred on his father the honour of 
being attended by mace-bearers carrying gold and silver sticks, who^ 

** The following more detailed, bat also more oonfuBed, story is told in the 
WakiAit-i-Mnsbtiki, (Elliot, IV., 552-54) :— A man named Mehmiid, son of 
Mugbfs Khilji, oame to Hoshang and entered his service. He was a treacheroos 
man who secretly aspired to the throne. He became Minister, and gave his 
daughter in marriage to the King. [Farishtah, Pers. Text jll., 474, says !-~ 
"Malik Mughfi gave his daughter (Mehm6d*s sister) in marriage, not to 
Hoehang, bat to Hoshang's son Mohammad Sh^."] His father, Malik Mngbis, 
coming to know of his son's ambitions designs, informed the King of them. 
Hereupon Mehmiid feigned illness, and to deceive the King's physicians shut 
himself in a dark room and drank the blood of a newly killed goat. When the 
physicians oame Mehmdd rose hastily, threw up the blood into a basin, and 
tossing back his head rolled on the floor as if in pain. The physicians called 
for a light. When they saw that what Mehm6d had spat up was blood they 
were satisfied of his sickness, and told the King that MehmOd had not long to 
live. The King refrained from killing a dying man. This strange story seems 
to be an embellishment of a passage in Farlshtah (Pers. Text II., 477). When 
Kh&n Jehin, that is Malik Mughfs, the father of Mehm(id, was ordered by 
Bultin Muhammad to take the field against the R^jpi!it rebels of Kddoti 
(H&roti ?) many of the old nobles of M&lwa went with him. In their absence 
the party hostile to the Kiljis represented to Sultdn Muhammad that Mehm&d 
Khilji wad plotting his death. On hearing that the Sult&n was enraged against 
him Mehmud secluded himself from the Court on pretence of illness. At the 
same time he worked secretly aud bribed Sultan Muhammad's cup-bearer to 
poison his master. On the death of Sult&n Muhammad the party of nobles 
opposed to Mehmdd, concealing the fact of Muhammad's death, sent word that 
Muhammad had ordered him immediately to the palace, as he wanted to send 
him on an embassy to Gujar&t. Mehmi!id, who knew that the Sultan was dead 
TOtumed word to the nobles that he had vowed a life-long seclusion as the 
sweeper of the shrine of his patron, Sult&n Hosbang, but that if the nobles 
came to him aud convinced him that the good of his country depended on his 
going to Gujarit he was ready to go and see Sultdn Muhammad. The nobles 
were caught in their own trap. They went to Mehmud and were secui^^d and 
imprisoned by him. 

22 



166 mIkdu. 

when the Khao mounted or went out, had, like the maoe-hearen of 
independent monarchs, the privilege of repeating the BismilUtk, ^' In 
tho name of the compassionate and merciful Allah .'*^ He gaTe his 
father royal honours, the white canopy and the silver quiver, and to 
his title of Malik Ashraf Khdn Jehan he added among others 
Amir-ul-Umara and Aazam Humayiln.^ Mehmdd quelled a revolt 
among his nobles. And an outbreak of plague in the Qujarit camp 
relieved him from a contest with Ahmed Shah.27 In A. D. 1489 
Mehmdd repaired the palace of Sultan Hoshang and opened the 
mosque built in commemoration of that monarch which Farishtah 
describes as a splendid edifice with 208 columns.^ About the same 
time Mehmiid completed Hoshang's tomb, which Hoshang had left 
unfinished. On the completion of this building Hoshang's remains 
seem to have been moved into it from their first resting-place in the 
College. In A. D. 1441 Mehmud built a garden with a dome and 
palaces^ and a mosque at NHulcha, about three miles north of the 
Dehli Gate of Mandu, a pleasint^ well- watered spot, where the 
plateau of Malwa breaks into glades and knolls^^. In A. D. 144S, 
in honour of his victory over liana Kilmbha of Chitor, Mehmtid 
built a beautiful column of victory,^^ seven storeys high, and a 

«» PariBhtah, Perg. Text 11., 480. 

«« Brigg's Farishtah IV., 196. These titles mean : The Chief of Nobles, 
the Great, the August. 

*' It is related that one of the pious men in tho camp of Snltin Ahmed of 
Qnjarfit had a warning dream, in which the Prophet (on whom be Peaoe) 
appeared to him and said :— " The calamity of (spirit of) pestilenoe is cominf 
down from the skies. Tell Saltan Ahmed to leave this ^coantry." Thia 
warning was told to Saltan Ahmed, bat ho disregarded it, and within three 
days pestilence raged in his csmp. Farishtah, Pers. Text II., 484 . . 

•8 Brigg's Farishtah IV., 205, gives 230 minarets and 360 arches. This 
must have been an addition in the Text used by Briggs. Theso details do not 
apply to the building. The Persian text of Farishtah, II., 485, mentions 208 
columns or pillars (duyatt o haahi uatuwdnnh), No reference is made either 
to minarets or to arches. 

» • Farishtah, Pers. Text II., 487. 

»o Brigg's Farishtah IV., 207. Malcolm's Central India I., 32. In A.D. 
1817 Sir John Malcolm (Central India I., 33 n) fitted up one of Mehmud'i 
palaces as a hot weather residence. 

^ ^ Of the siege of K6mbhdlmer a onrions incident is recorded by Farishtah 
(Pers. Text 17., 485). He says that a temple outside the town destroyed by 
Mehm6d had a marble idol in the form of a goat. The Sultan ordered the idol 
to be ground into lime and sold to tho B^jpitts as betel-leaf lime, so that the 



mIiibu. 167 

college in front of the mosqae of Hoshang Qhori. Facing the east 
entrance to the Great Mosque stands a paved ramp crowned by a 
confused rub. As late as A.D, 1843 this ruin is described as a square 
marble chamber. Each face of the chamber had three arches^ the 
centre arch in two of the faces being >i door. Above the arches the wall 
was of yellow stone faced with marble. Inside the chamber the square 
comers were cut off by arches. No roof or other trace of superstruc-^ 
ture remained.^3 This chamber seems to be the basement of the> 
column of victory which was raised in A.D. 1443 by Mehmiid I. (A*D» 
1482-1469) in honour of his victory over Rina Kdmbha of Chitor.^^ 
Mehmiid's column has the special interest of being, if not the original 
at least the cause of the building of Kumbha Bdna's still uninjured 
Victory Pillar,, which was completed in A.D. 1454 at a cost of 
i6900,00a in honour of his defeat of Mehmud.9^ That the Mdndu 
Column of Victory was a famous work is shown by Abul Fazl's 
reference to it in A.D. 1590 as an eight-storeyed minaret.'* Farishtah , 
about twenty years later (A.D. 1610), calls it a beautiful Victory, 
Pillar, seven storeys high.'® The Emperor Jehdngir (A.D. 1605-1627) 
gives the following account of Mehmiid's Tower of Victory .'^ This 
day, the 29th of the month Tfr, corresponding to July-August of 
A.D. 1617, about the close of the day, with the ladies of the palace, 
I went out to see the Kaft Manzar or Seven Storeys. This building 
is one of the structures of the old rulers of Mdlwa, that is of Sultdn 
Mehmdd Khilji. It has seven storeys, and on each storey there are 
foar porticos, and in each portico are four windows. The height o£ 
this tower is about 163 feet and its circumference 150 feet. From 
the surface of the ground to the top of the seventh storey there are 

Hindus might eat their god. The idol was perhaps a ram, not a goat. The 
temple would then have been a Sun-temple and the ram the carrier or v&hana 
of the sun would have occupied in the porch a position similar to that held by 
the bull in a Mah^eva temple. 
^* Rnineof Mdndu,13. 

^^ In the end of A. H.846 (A.D. 1442) Mehmdd built aseveo-storeyedtower 
and a oollege opposite the Jama Mosque of Hoshang Shdh. Brigg's Farishtah 
IV., 210 J Persian Text II., 488. 

»* Compare Brigg's Farishtah IV., 823, 

»«» Gladwin's Aiu-i-Akbari II., 41. 

»• Brigg*s Farishtah IV.*, 210; Farishtah, Persian Text II, 488. 

»^ Memoirs of the Emperor Jchangir (Pers. Text) Sir Rayad Ahmed'a 
Edition 188, year 11th of Jehdngir, A.D. 1617. 



1 68 mXndu. 

one hundred and seventy-one steps.*' Sir Thomas Herbert, the 
traveller, in A.D. 1626, describes it from hearsay, or at least at 
second-hand, as a tower 170 steps high, supported by massive pillars 
and adorned with gates and windows very observable. It was built, 
he adds, by Khdn Jchan, who the/e lies buried.^ 

Two years later (A. D. 1443) Mehmud built at Mdndn, and 
endowed with the revenues of several villages a large Shifa Khdnah, 
or Hospital, with wards and attendants for all classes and separate 
apartments for maniacs. He placed iu charge of it his own phyri^ 
cian, MauUna FazluUah.'^ He also built a college to the east of the 
Jdma mosque, of which traces remain>^ 

In A. D. 1453, though defeated, Mehmud brought baok from 
Ghijardt the jewelled waistbelt of Gnjanit, which in a daring charge 
he bad taken from the tent of the Gujarat King Kutb-ad-d(n ShAh.^ 

98 Herbert's Klijiu Jeli^n is doubtless Mehmad's fatlier the Minister Malik- 
Maghfs, Kh&n Jebdo Afizam Huindyiic. It cimDot be Kh&n Jeli&n Pir 
Mohammad, Ak bar's genera!, who after only a few months' rosidenoe was slain 
in M&ndn in A.D. 1561 ; nor can it be Jehangic's great Afghdn general, Khfn 
Jehin Lodi (A.D. 160O-163O), as he was not in M^nda until A.D. I628,tlfeatit 
more than a year after Herbert loft India. Oompare Herbert's Trarels, 107- 
118 ; BUiot Vl., 249-323 ; YII., 7, 8, and 21 ; and Bloohman*8 lln-i-Akbaii 
608^6. 

8 » Brigg'8 Parishtah IV., 214. 

*^ Bains of M^nda, 13, Farishtah has three mentions of oollegei. Ona 
(Pera. Text II., 475) as the plaoe where the body of Hoshang was oaniad, 
probably that prayers might be said over it. In another passage in the rdiga 
of Mehmud I (Fers. Text II, 480) he states that Mehmdd boilt ooUeges in Us 
territories which beoame the envy of Shir&z and Samarkand. In a thiid 
passage ho mentions a college (p. 488) near the Victory Tower. 

41 Brigg s Farishtah IV., 217. A different but almost incredible aoooant 
of the captare of the royal belt is given in the Mirdt-i Sikandari» Fers. Text, 
139:— When Sult^ Kutb-ud-d(n, sou of Salttin Muhammad, defeated Bnltin 
Mehmiid Khilji at the battle of Kapadwanj, there was snoh a slanghter ts 
oonld not be exceeded. By chance, in the heat of the fray, which ro s ombl ed 
the day of judgment, the wardrobe-keeper of SultAn Kutb-nd-dln, in whose 
charge was the jewelled belt, was by the restiveness of his horse carried into 
the ranks of the enemy. The animal there became so Tiolent that the 
wardrobe-keeper fell off and was captnre<l by the enemy, and the jewelled bell 
was taken from him and given to Sultiin Mehmiid of M&Iwa. ^e anther 
odds : This jewelled waist-band was in the Malwa treasury at the time the 
fortress of M^dn was taken by the strength of the arm of Snit&n MozaSsr 
(A. D. 1531). Saltan Mehmiid sent this bolt together with a fitting SWOrd aad 
horse to Snlt&n Muzafifar by the hand^ of hU son. 



In A. U. 1441 Mehmdd's father died at Maiydasor. Mebmtid ^eli the 
loss so keenly that he tore his hair like one bereft of reason.^ 
After his father's death Mehmild made his s6n, Ghids-ud-d(n,^ 
Minister, and conferred the command of the army and the title of 
Aazam Humdyun on his kinsman T^j Kh&n. In A. D. 1469, after 
a reign of thirty-four years (A. D. 1436-1469) of untiring energy 
and activity Mehmiid died. Farishtah says of him — '* His tent was 
his home > the field of battle his resting-place. He was polite, brave^' 
jtisty and learned. His Hindu and Musalmdn subjects were happy 
and friendly. He guarded his lands from invaders. He made good 
his loss to any one who suffered from robbery in his dominions, 
recovering the amount from the village in whose lands the robbery 
had taken place, a system which worked so well that theft and 
robbery became almost unknown. Finally, by systematic effort, he 
freed the country from the dread of wild beasts.^ 

In A. D. 1169 Mehmud was succeeded by his son and minister, 
Q-hiis-ud-din, to whose skill as a soldier much of Mehml!id'B success 
had been due. On his accession Ghids-ud-din made his son, Abdul 
Kider, Prime Minister and heir -apparent, and gave him the title of 
Nisir-ud-din. He called his nobles, and in their presence handed 
his sword to N^sir-ud-din, saying : — " I have passed thirty-four years 
in ceaseless fighting. I now devote my life to rest and enjoyment."^^ 
Ghids-ud-din, who never left Mdndu during the whole thirty years 
of his reign (A. D. 14694499), is said to have completed the Jah^£ 
Mehel, or Ship Palace,^^ and the widespread buildings which surround 
it. It seems probable that the Tapela Palace close to the south-east 
of the Ship Palace and the Lake and Royal Gardens immediately to 
the north and north-east of the Tapela Palace were part of Ghi&s-ud- 
din's pleasure houses and grounds. The scale of the ruins behind the 
Hindola or Swing Got palace to the north, and their connection with 
the ottt-boildings to the west of the Jahdz Mehel, suggest that they 
also belonged to the palaces and women's quarters of the pleasure- 
' loving Ghids-ud-din. 

Of the surprising size and fantastic arrangements of Ghids-ud-d{n's 
pleasure city, the true Mdndu Shddidb^d or Abode of Joy, curious 

«s Bfigg's Farishtah IV., 209. 

«s Brigg*8 Farishtah IV., 234-35 ; Pers. Text II., 503. 

** Brigg'B Farishtah IV., 236. * 

*' EuioB of M&ndu, p. 6. 



1 70 mAndu. 

details have been preserved. This Abode of Pleasare was acity, not 
a palaoe. It contained IS^OOO inhabitants, all of them women, none 
either old or plain featured, and each trained to some profession or 
craft. Among^ them were the whole officers of a courts and besides 
courtiers, teachers, musicians, dancers, prayer readers, embroiderers^ 
and followers of all crafts and callinf^s. Whenever the King heard 
of a beautiful girl he never rested till he obtained her. This city 
of women had its two regiments of guards, the Archers and the 
CarabineerSy each 500 strong, its soldiers dressed like men in a 
distinguishing uniform. The Archers were beautiful young Turki 
damsels, all armed with bows and arrows: the Carabineers were 
Abyssinian maidens, each carrying a carbine. Attached to the palace 
and city was a deer park, where the Lord of Leisure used to hunt 
with his favourites. Each dweller in the city of women received her 
daily dole of grain and coppers, and besides the women were oiany 
pensioners, mice, parrots, and pigeons, who also received the same 
dole as their owners. So evenly just was Ghias-ud-din in the matter 
of his allowances, that the prettiest of his (avourites received the same 
allowance as the roughest Carabineer .^^ 

The Lord of the City of Pleasure was deeply religious. Whenever 
he was amusing himself two of his companions held in front of him 
a cloth to remind him of his shroud. A thousand Hdfizdhs^ that is 
women who knew the Kuradn by heart, constantly repeated its holy 
verses, and* under the orders of the King, whenever he changed his 
raiment the Hdfitdhs blew on his body from head to foot with their 
prayer-hallowed breath.^^ None of the five daily prayers passed 
unpra3red. If at any of the hours of prayer the King was asleep he 
wu sprinkled with water, and when water failed to arouse him, he 
was dragged out of bed. Even when dragged out of bed by his 
servants the King never uttered an improper or querulous word. 

So keen was his sense of justice, that when one of his courtiers, 
pretending he had purchased her, brought to him a maiden of 
ideal beauty, and her relations, not knowing she had been given 
to the King, came to complain, though they gladly resigned her, 
the King grieved over his unconscious wrong. Besides paying 
compensation he mourned long and truly, and ordered that no 
more inmates should be brought to his palace>^ So great was 

•• PariBhtah Pere. Text II., 604-606. 
♦^ Parishtah Pers. Text II., 605. 
«8 Farishtak Pers. Text XI., 607. 



mIndu. 171 

ihd King's charity that every night below his pillow he placed 
a bag containing some thousand gold-mohurs* and before the next 
erening all were distributed to the deserring. 80 religions was the 
King that he paid 50,000 tankaa for each of the four feet of the ass of 
Christ. A man came bringing a fifth hoof, and one of the conrtiera 
said-*-" My Lord, an ass has four feet. I never heard that it had 
fiye, unless, perhaps, the ass of Christ had five." '* Who knows," the 
King replied, *' it may be that this last man has told the truth, and 
one of the others was wrong. See that he is paid/' 80 sober was 
the King that he would neither look upon nor hear of intoxicants or 
stimulants. A potion thst hud cost 100,000 tankas wss brought to 
him. Among the 300 ingredients one was nutmeg. The King direct- 
ed the potion to be thrown into a drain. His favourite horse fell 
sick. The King ordered it to have medicine, and the horse recovered* 
" What medicine was given the horse?'* asked the King. "The 
medicine ordered by the physicians " replied his servants. Fearing 
that in this medicine there might be an intoxicant, the King 
commanded that the horse should be taken out of the stables and 
turned loose into the forest.*® 

The King's spirit of peace steeped the land, which, like its ruler, 
after thirty years of fighting, yearned for rest. For fourteen years 
neither inward malcontent, nor foreign foe broke the quiet. In A.D, 
1482 Bahlol Lodi advanced from Dehli to subdue Mdlwa. The talk 
of M^ndu was BahloPs approach, but no whbper of it passed into the 
charmed City of Women. At last the son-minbter forced his way 
into the King's presence. At the news of pressing danger his soldier 
spirit awoke in 6hids-ud-din. Bis orders for meeting the invaders 
were so prompt and well-planned that the King of Dehli paid a ran- 
som and withdrew. A second rest of fifteen years ended in the son- 
minister once more forcing his way into the presence. In A.D. 1500 
the son presented his father, now an aged man of eighty, with a cup 
of sherhet and told him to drink. The King, whose armlet of bezoar 
stone had already twice made poison harmless, drew the stone from 
his arm. He thanked the Almighty for granting him, unworthy, the 
happiest life that had ever fallen to the lot of man. He prayed that 



«(> WikiHt-i-Moaht^ki, in Elliot IV., 664-56. Probably tiieM are stock 
Ules. The Oajar&t historians give Masaffar II. (A.D. 1613-1636), credit for 
the korse scmpalosity. Seo Mir&bi-Sikandari* Pers. Text, p. 178. 



1 70 mAndu. 

details have been preserved. This Abode of Pleasare was acity, not 
a palaoe. It contained IS^OOO inhabitants, all of them women, none 
either old or plain featured, and each trained to some profession or 
craft* Among^ them were the whole officers of a courts and besides 
courtiers, teachers, musicians, dancers, prayer readers, embroiderersi 
and followers of all crafts and callings. Whenever the King heard 
of a beautiful girl he never rested till he obtained her. This city 
of women had its two regiments of guards, the Archers and the 
Carabineers, each 500 strong, its soldiers dressed like men in a 
distinguishing uniform. The Archers were beautiful young Turki 
damsels, all armed with bows and arrows: the Carabineers wer« 
Abyssinian maidens, each carrying a carbine. Attached to the palace 
and city was a deer park, where the Lord of Leisure used to hunt 
with his favourites. Each dweller in the city of women received her 
daily dole of grain and coppers, and besides the women were many 
pensioners, mice, parrots, and pigeons, who also received the same 
dole as their owners. So evenly just was 6hias-ud-din in the matter 
of his allowances, that the prettiest of his favourites received the same 
allowance as the roughest Carabineer.^^ 

The Lord of the City of Pleasure was deeply religious. Whenever 
he was amusing himself two of his companions held in front of him 
a cloth to remind him of his shroud. A thousand HdfizdhSf that is 
women who knew the Kuradn by heart, constantly repeated its holy 
verses, and* under the orders of the King, whenever he changed his 
raiment the HdfizAhs blew on his body from head to foot with their 
prayer-hallowed breath.^^ None of the five daily prayers passed 
unpra3red. If at any of the hours of prayer the King was asleep he 
was sprinkled with water, and when water failed to aronse him, he 
was dragged out of bed. Even when dragged out of bed by his 
servants the King never uttered an improper or querulous word. 

So keen was his sense of justice, that when one of his coortiera, 
pretending he had purchased her, brought to him a maiden of 
ideal beauty, and her relations, not knowing she had been given 
to the King, came to eomplain, though they gladly resigned her, 
the King grieved over his unconscious wrong. Besides paying 
compensation he mourned long and truly, and ordered that no 
more inmates should be brought to his palace.^ So great was 

•• PariBhtah Pare. Text II., 504-506. 
♦^ Parishtah Peps. Text II., 505. 
«8 Farishtak Pen, Text XI.» 507. 



mXndu. 171 

thd King's charity that every night below his pillow he placed 
a bag containing some thousand gold-mohurs, and before the next 
evening all were distributed to the deserving. 80 religious was the 
King that he paid 50,000 tanka» for each of the four feet of the ass of 
Christ. A man came bringing a fifth hoof, and one of the courtiers 
said-^'* Mj Lord, an ass has four feet. I never heard that it had 
fiye, unless, perhaps, the ass of Christ had five." '* Who knows," the 
King replied, '' it may be that this last man has told the truth, and 
one of the others was wrong. See that he is paid/' 80 sober was 
the King that he would neither look upon nor hear of intoxicants or 
stimulants. A potion thst hsd cost 100,000 tankas wss brought to 
him* Among the 300 ingredients one was nutmeg. The King direct- 
ed the potion to be thrown into a drain. His favourite horse fell 
sick. The King ordered it to have medicine, and the horse recovered* 
" What medicine was given the horse ? '* asked the King. " The 
medicine ordered by the physicians " replied his servants. Fearing 
that in this medicine there might be an intoxicant, the King 
commanded that the horse should be taken out of the stables and 
turned loose into the forest.^® 

The King's spirit of peace steeped the land, which, like its rukr, 

after thirty years of fighting, yearned for rest. For fourteen years 
neither inward malcontent, nor foreign foe broke the quiet* In A.D* 
1482 Bahlol Lodi advanced from Dehli to subdue Mdlwa. The talk 
of M^ndu was Bahlol's approach, but no whbper of it passed into the 
charmed City of Women. At last the son-minbter forced his way 
into the King's presence. At the news of pressing danger his soldier 
spirit awoke in 6hids-ud-din. Bis orders for meeting the invaders 
were so prompt and well-planned that the King of Dehli paid a ran- 
som and withdrew. A second rest of fifteen years ended in the son- 
minister once more forcing his way into the presence. In A.D. 1500 
the son presented his father, now an aged man of eighty, with a cup 
of sherhet and told him to drink. The King, whose armlet of bezoar 
stone had already twice made poison harmless, drew the stone from 
his arm. He thanked the Almighty for granting him, unworthy, the 
happiest life that had ever fallen to the lot of man. He prayed that 



«(> W4kUt-i-Mosht4ki, in Elliot IV., 664-56. Probably these are stock 
tales. The Gajar&t historians give Mazaffar II. (A.D. 1613-1626), credit for 
the horse scrupalosity. Sec Mir&bi-Sikandari. Pers. Text, p. 178. 



172 mXndu. 

th(» liii of hii death might not be laid to hii son's charge, drank the 
poiHOii, and died*^ 

OhiiHi-nd-dtn can hardlj have ihut himself off so completely from 
State affairs aa the story-tellers make out. He seems to have been 
the firat of the Malwa kings who minted gold* He also introdooed 
nen titles and ornaments* which implies an interest in hia coinage.**^ 
FariHhtah says that Ghias-nd-din used to come out every day for an 
hour from his harimy sit on the throne and receive the salutations of 
his nobles and subjects, and give orders in all weighty matters of 
Stale, lie used to entrust minor affairs to his Ministers ; bat in 
all grave matters he was so anxious not to shirk his responsibility 
as a ruler, that he had given strict orders that all such commnniealioiM 
ahould be made to him at whatever time they came through a parti- 
eular tVmale otKi^^r appointed to receive his orders."^ 

A^vordiug to most accounts Nasir-ud-din was led to poi»n hia 
father by an attempt of his younger brother, Shujaat Khan, sap* 
ported if uot orgtiuizeil by some of Ghias-ad-din*s favourite wives, to 



»^ Byi^^i rari^huOi IV.. 33t$^ : WikUti-Jehiogiri. is EUioc TL, S4M60| 
VrAuQi-MiMhukuiuKraoc lV»&;V4-33; Xalcolm* Oocnl India L. K-3C 
VtM >liMU-$4ka:»siri v^J^ "^^M^ ^'>^^^ hA* iha followiiac nocwe of Ghia»ad- 
Ui¥;~'nM SuUaua s>:* )Liudu ^i r^^Mihed sucii a pitch cf laxnrr aad eaae tbat 
U i« \ukpi.'«iub!« K^ iuta^tn*^ au^bc exc«»«»*2iu^ it. Anoai; thaait Saltaa GUA»> 
^ J^u wtu «v.^ t\ui^>u<> tV^ hia :u.\'JLrn>u« babit«. thdc at present ;AJ)L 16311) 9 
au^ vj^M caw<Kia iu >t\ary auU pI^fasooN shev s^ !i« is a «coad lT%i4rwliHa 
r^C' ^^fdlH:s ^ i^o Su*.%4tt wucv tbbas 3lv «v«a3 ^i a pai^if 'il a&suxa^ or one m 
mtki<ik Ibtai^ «a« autv >>ujcii ^^ iaJLaiiR», tlwald be Kui3«*«i :q htat. Zbaf M^ 
itUA tiu^tt^ ^ <Mi*.c^ ■'^u^ %»>«i^ s^t ^ «al ^ATTtre waa ^qIt :w*1« e o nfej ed to 
biui. v.Hk>n MilWii ^^ mki iU'^« HoU. aad aia iujicaaer waa b w o if i ia baCbva 
b:^ c^HboU ill wiiiv.* );«^-tiKM3«. ^Hi 'hia ^vaaioa »«f S^can ia refaotii tokava 
iiui{KN :i*:«i ^ l!>KiK4^'« Vr ^;iA>)a:)01 u« j«*«^:/' This m ^'i b a nam e tka 
cttMiWk ^ %^>^ v^^V**^ *^ l>i'a i« 'jbac ^'latt ^2feo aii$baad jf a w«.niuiii <&a% i 

^ ^ift^taiA tf^ui^lc^ «w^ y^iuU«»£^.^i. M»v«Ka! fi uc rac= xoa x' '."Tiaauifri. 
:% m^ tiai^xnarty '^ w^mc*' .b»a ;•• vino :si*ta:i. i:a 3iiMi«(ier» w« 
AHuattttticaa^* -^ '^ y-'*^" ta^v. . .i<cvik^,Hv« Mii&vu ft Mau if .krcur^ ^f 
^rgnTi^ /la ut^^a ^* ^ '$*i*t4t«. i'J^l *iKKi«.:vHi.ii^ K' hte'riv'ca 'ly :*?i>k< 

V!|^a;»a voa >4.u >» ^-^ ,»«;♦»> 



mAndu. 178 

oust Nasir-nd-dfii from the succession.^^ In the struggle N^sir-ud- 
d{n triumphed and was crownedj^at M^ndu in A. D. 1600.^ The 
Bew King left Mdudu to put down a revolt. On his return to 
Mandu he devoted himself to debauchery and to hunting down and 
murdering his brother's adherents. He subjected his mother, 
Khorshid Rani, to great indignities and torture, to force from her 
information regarding his father's concealed treasures.^^ In a fit of 
drunkenness he fell into a reservoir. He was palled out by four of 
his female slaves. He awoke with a headache, aud discovering what 
his slaves had done put them to death with his own hand.^^ Some 
time after, in A^ D. 1512, he again fell into the reservoir, and there 
he was left till he was dead.^^ Nasir-ud-din was fond of building. 
His palace at Akbarpi4r, in the Nimdr plain, about twenty miles south 
of Mandu, was splendid and greatly admired .^^ And, at Mdndu, 
besides his sepulchre^^ which the Emperor Jehangir (A. D. 1617) 



>> Farishtah (Per. Text II., 508) datailing bow Kasir-ud-diu came to 
power, says : There was a diSorenoe betwen Nasir-ud-dia and his brother 
AU-ad-din. The mother of these princes, Khurshid B^i, who was the 
daughter of the Hindu chief of Baglana, had taken Ala-ad-diu the younger 
brother's aide. After killing his father Nasir-ud-dfn ordered his mother to be 
dragged out of the karint and Ala-ud-diu and his children to be slaughtered 
like lambs, 

»* Brigg's Farishtah IV., 233-39. Farishtah holds that Nasir-ud-din' a 
marder of his father is not proved. He adds (Pers. Text II., 515) that 
Kasir ud-din was at Dhar, where he had gone to quell the rebellion of the 
nobles when the news of Ghias-ud-dln's death reached him. He argues that 
88 A patricide cannot flourish more than a year after his father's murder, and 
as MABir-ud-din ruled for years after that event, he coald not have killed his 
father. 

»* Farishtah Pers. Text II., 516. 

»« Brigg's Farisht^ IV., 243. The Emperor Jehanglr (Memoirs, Pers. 
Text 181) sayB that N^<^ir-ud-din had a disease which made him feel so hot 
that ke used to sit for hours in water. 

»' "Wikiat i-Jehangiri, in Elliot VI., 350. Farishtah (Pers. Text II., 
617-18) Bays that Nisir-ud-din died of a burning-fever he had contracted by 
harddi-inking and other evil habits; that he showed keen penitence before his 
death; and bequeathed his kingdom to his third son Mehmud. The Emperor 
Jch^nglr (Memoirs Pers. Text 181) confirms the aooount of the Wdki^t as to 
the manner of Nasir-ud-din's death. 

»" Brigg's Farishtih IV., 243. 

•" The Emperor Jehangir thus df^scriljcs (Memoirs Pers. Text 181) bis 
visit to Nasir-ud-din's grave. It is related that when during his reign Sher 
Khan Afghan Sur (A. D. 15^10-55) vibitcd Nasir-ud-din 's grave he ordered hi« 

23 



174 IfXNDQ. 

mentions,*^ an inscriplion shews that the palace now known by the 
name of Baz Bahadur was built by Nasir-ud-din. 

Nasir-ud-din was succeeded by his younger son, Mehm&l 
(A. D. 1512-30), who, with the title of Mehmud the Second, was 
crowned with great pomp at Mandu. Seven hundred elephants in 
gold-embroidered velvet housings adorned the procession .'^ Shortly 
after his accession Mehmild II. was driven out of Mdndu by the 
revolt of the commandant, MuhAfiz Khun, but was restored by the 
skill and courage of Medani Rai, his Bajpik commander-in-chief.^ 
A still more dangerous combination, Muzaffar II. (A. D. 1511-26) 
of Gujarat and Sikandar Shah Lodi (A. D. 1488-1516) of Dehli, waB 
baffled by the foresight and energy of the same Rdjpdt geneml. 
Mehmud, feeling that his power had passed to the Hindns, 
tried to disband the Rajputs and assassinate Med&ni R^i, 
Failing in both attempts Mehmild fled from Mandu to Gnjarit^ 
where he was well received by Sultan Muzaffar (A. D. 1511-26).*' 
They advanced together against Mandu, and in A. D. 1519» after 



attendants to flagellate the parricido*s tomb. When I visited the sepolohre 
I kicked his grave and ordered those with me to do the same. Not satisfied 
with this I ordered his bones to be dug oot and burned, and the ashes to be 
thrown into the Narba<ia. 

■ 

«o Wdkiat-i-Jehungfri, in Elliot VI., 350. The Emperor Jehinglr (Iffemoin 
Pers. Text, 202) refers to the well-known bridpjo and water palaoe, about 
three miles north of Ujjain, as tho work of Nasir-ud-din. He says : ''On 
Sunday I reached Sar.dalpur near Ujjain. In this village is a river-IioaBe 
with a bridge, on which are alcoves, both built by Nasir-ud-dln Khiiji 
(A. D. 1500-12). Though tho bridge is not specially praiseworthy, the water- 
courses and cisterns connected with it have a certain merit." 

« 1 Brigg's Farishtah 1 V., 24«. 

«a Brigg's Farishtah IV., 247-49. Mnlcolni (Central India I., 38) writes 
the Rajpiis's name Mader<ty. The MirAt-i-Sikuuduri (Poi-s Text, p 149^5 
gives ^he form Mcd:'ini R;'ii, tho L(*rd of the Battlo Fi#fld, a title whioh the 
author says (p. 149) was conferred on the Eajput by Mehmud in acknowledg- 
ment of his jirowess. 

•3 The Mij6t-i Sikandari (Pers. Text, 154) gives the following detafle of 
Mehmud's flight; Sultau Mehmud, on pretence of hunting, left Mindo and 
remained huntin-,' for several days. The Hindus, whom Medani R}'.i bad 
placed on guaid oyer him, slept afler the fatigne of the chase- Only some of 
the more trusted guards remained. Amoii<^' them was a H&jput named Krishna, 
a Malwu zaminddr^ who was attached to ihe Sult:in. Mehmiid said to Krishna; 
** Can you find me two horses and »how me the way t<» Gujarit that I may get 
aid from Sultdn MuzaTer to puuish ihedo rasuals ? If you can^ do so at onoc^ 



MiNDU. 175 

a close sJege of several months, took the fort by assault. The 
Rajput garrison, who are said to have lost 19,000 men, fought to 
the last, consecrating the close of their ilefence by a general 
javdr or fire sacrifice. Sultan Mehmud entered Mandu close after 
the storming party, and while Mehmiid established his authority 
in Mandu, Muzafi^er withdrew to Dhdr. When order was 
restored Mehmild sent this message to Muzaffar at Dhdr: 
** Mandu is a splendid fort. You shoud come and see it." "May 
Mandu," Muzafar replied, " bring good fortune to Sultan Mehmdd. 
He is the master of the fort. For the sake of the Lord I came 
to his help. On Friday I will go to the fortress, and having 
read the sermon in MehmiJd's name, will return." On Mnzafi'ar's 
arrival in Mdndu Mehmiid gave a great entertainment;** and 
Muzaffar retired to Gnjariit, leaving a force of 3,000 Gujaratis to 
help to guard the hill.*^ Immediately after Muzafar's departure, 
as Sul^tan Mehmud was anxious to recover Chanderi and Qagraun, 
which still remained in the possession of Medani Rdi and his 
supporters, he marched against them. R^na S^nga of Chitor came 
to Medani's aid and a great battle was fought.^ MehmiJd's hastiness 

and, Alldh willing, you shall be handsomely rewarded.*' Krishna brought two 
horses from the Sultan's stables. Mehmiid rode ou one and seated his dearest 
of wives, Rini Kannya Knar, on the other. Krishna marched in front. In 
half the night and one day they reached the Gujarat frontier. 

«♦ T&Hkh-i-Sher Shdhi, in Elliot IV., 366. The MirAt-i-Sikandari (Per«. 
Text, 160) gives the following i details of the entertainment: — Solt^n Mehmtid 
showed great hospitality and humility. After the banquet, as he led the 
Saltan over the palaces, they came to a mansion, in the centre of which war 
a four-cornered building like the Kabbah, carved and guilded, and round it 
were many apartments. When Sultan Muzaffar placed his foot within the 
threshold of that building the thousand beauties of Sultfcn Mehmud's harem, 
magnificently apparelled and ornamented, all at once opened the doors of their 
chambers and burst into view like huris and fairies. When Muzaffar*8 eyes 
fell on their charms he bowed his head and said : " To see other than one's 
own harim is sinful.'' SultAn Mehmud replied : "These are mine, and there- 
fore yours, seeing that I am the slave purchased by your Majesty's kindness." 
Muzaffar said : ** They are more suitable for you. May you have joy in them. 
Let them retire." At a signal from Sultin Mehm6d the ladies vanished. 

«» Brigg'sFarishtah IV., 260-62. 

«• Parishtah Pers. Text., II., 527. According to the Mirs\t-i-Sikandari 
(Pers. Text, IBl), Mehmiid marched against Gagraun first, and slew Hemkaran, 
a partisan of Medini Edi, in a hand-to-hand fight. On this the E4na and 
Med&ni Rai joined their forces against Mehmud. 



176 ifXypg. 

le<1 him to attack when his men were weary and the Bijpilts weiv 
freah. lu Hpitc of tho greatest bravery on the |iart of himself and 
of his ofllcrrH the Musalmnn army was defeated, and Mehmdd 
weakoneil hy lo^s of blood, was made prisoner. The R^na S^nga 
had Mohniild's wounds dressed, sent him to Ghitor, and on his 
recovery released hini.*^ 

lu A. D. 152(5, by giving protection to his outlawed brother, Ch&nd 
Khan, and to Kazi-ul-MuIk, a refugee Gujarat noble* MehmM 
bnnight on himself the wrath of Bahadur Shah of Gujarat (A. D. 1526- 
15300. Tho oifended Bahadur did not act hastily. He wrote to 
Mehmitd, askimi: him to come to his camp snd settle their qnarrelsu 
He waited on the Gujarat frontier at Karji Gh:it, east of Binawiira, 
until at last satisfied that Mehmild did not wish for a peacefal settle- 
ment he advanced on Mandu. Meanwhile Mehmud had repsired the 
walla of Mandu« which soon after was invested by BahMur. The 

m 

liege was prv^ceetling in res^ular course by mines and batteries, and the 
garrisoiit though nve i^-tiixeil. were sciil loyal and in heart» when in 
the dim light of morning Mehmdd sudiienly found the Gujarat flag 
waving on the beittloments. According to the Mirat-i-Sikaodari^ 
Vahidur annv\ved by the slow progress of the siege asked his spies 
where was the high^s^t ground near Maudu. The spies »id : T<h 
wards Sougad-Chicor the hill is extremely high. Witbafew followers 
the Sultan sotUevl SongavU and rushing doviv che slope, bursl throogk 
ike wallaiid tix>k the fv>rt v. May :Ivth, lo*.26).^ Mehmud sarrenderrd. 
Near IVbav). vui his way to hts priKm at ChampAnir. an attempt wm 
IMSde Co nfscue Mehtuud, av.d tv^ prevent their escape he and some of 
kis sous were slain and burievi on the bd:;k oi t'-^e Pohad tank.^ 
Eabuikdur s^'^nt the Tai:\v seasoa v. June- October lo^o' in Maada, and 
M alwa w as iuvv • uor^ihf o « •. : a ii u *4 r.* t. 

M»udu Tv.ra.*j<d uaoer Viu;ifcr:i5, tu. iu A. P. IS'-;^^ after Babidnr'a 
de(«*««t ^y lli:tiMy.-i *: Xlaao^sor, KiaAr:.r retired to Mandn. 
H U'lb* y - iJt t"or.o>* vd. A : '.i • j:^ : -C «.' o : : : u - • : j. y - u " s jcic i^yrs went to the 
Kw)l o: 'ih< K^^T^^i^ *^\.vru vj: :.» FArt3c::*>. :ae sccztb-wess hefcht of 
Ss'tt^pur* S wVv*^ Kwlii^r Xld*u•\^'".s^^i Mtb^^c* £«rr*tfcn» seal* 






• mXndu. 177 

the walls by ladders and ropes, opened the gate, and let others in. 
Mallu Khdn, the commandant of the batteries, a native of Mdlwa, who 
afterwards gained the title of Eddir Shdb, went to Bahddur and 
wakened him. Bah£dar rushed out with four or five attendants. 
He was joined by about twenty more, and reaching the gate at the 
top of the maiddn^ apparently the Tdrdpiir gate by which Humdydn's 
men had entered, cut through 200 of Humdyiin's troops and went off 
with Mallu Khdn to the fort of Songad, the citadel of Mdndu. 
While two of Bahddilr's chiefs, Sadr Khdn and Snltdn Alam Lodi, 
threw themselves into Songad, Bahddur himself let his horses dbwn 
the cli:fiE by ropes and after a thousand difficulties made his way to 
Chdmpdnlr.73 On the day after Bahadur^s escape Sadr Khdn 
and Sultan Alam Lodi came out of Sonj^ad and surrendered to 
HumaviJn.73 

In the following year (A.D. 1535) the combined news of Sher Shdh's 
revolt in Bengal, and of the defeat of his officers at Broach and Cam- 
bay, forced Humdydn to retire from Gujdrdt. As he preferred its 
climate he withdrew, not to Agra, but to Mdndu .7* From Mdndu, as 
fortune was against him in Bengal, Humdydn went (A. D. 1535-36) 
to Agra. 

On HumdytSn's departure three chiefs attempted to establish 
themselves at Mdndn : Bhtjpat Bdi, the ruler of Bij^gar, sixty nniles 
south of Mdndu ; Mallu Khdn or Kddir Shdh, the former commandant 
from Gujardt; and Mirdn Muhammad Fdrdki from Burhdnptir.^*^ 
Of these three Mallu Khan was successful. In A. D. 1536, when 
HumdytSn fied from Bher Shdh to Persia, Mallu spread his power 
from Mdndu to Ujjain, Sdrangpdr, and Rantambhor, assumed the 
title of Kddir Shdh Mdlwai, and made Mdndu his capital. Some time 
after, Sher Shdh, who was now supreme, wrote to Mallu Kddir Shdh, 
ordering him to co-operate in expelling the Mughals. Kddir Shdh 
resenting this assumption of over-lord^hip, addressed Sher Shdh as an 



7 3 Abul Fazl'B Akbar N&mab, in Elliot VI., 14 ; Brigg's Farishtah II., 77. 

»« Abal Fazl's Akbar Ndmah.ir. Elliot V., 192. 

»♦ Abul Fazl's Akbar N4mah, in Elliot YI., 15 ; Brigg's Farishtah XL, 80-81. 

»» Abul Fazl's Akbar N^mah iu Elliot VI., 18. According to Farishtah 
(Fera. Text II., 632) Mallu, the srin ol* Mallu, wua a native of Malwa and a 
Khilji slave noble. Mallu received his title of Kad'r Sh^h from Sultan Mehmud 
III. of Gujarat (A. D. 1536-1544) at the reoouimeiKlatiou of his minister 
Im&d-ul-Mulk who was a great friend of Mallu, Mir&t-i-Sikandari, Peraiao 
Text, p. 298. 



178 mIndu. 

inferior. When Sher Shah received Mallu's order he folded it and 
placed it in the scabhard of his poniard to keep the indignity fresh 
in his mind. Allah willing, he said, we shall ask an explanation for 
this in person.7« In A. D. 1542 (H. 949) as Kddir Shdh failed to 
act with Kutb Khan, who had been sent to establish Sher Shah's 
over-lordship in M^lwa, Sher Shah advanced from Gwilior towards 
Mandu with the object of punishing Kiidir Shiih.^^ As he knew he 
could not stand against Sher Shah, Kadir Shah went to SdrangpiSr 
to do homage. Though on arrival Kadir Shah was well received, his 
kingdom was given to Shujaat Khan, one of Sher Shdh's chief 
followers, and himself placed in Shujaat Khan's keeping.^® Suspicions 
of what might be in store for him Kadir Shah fled to Gujardt. Sher 
Shah was so much annoyed at Shujaut Khan's remissness in not 
preventing Kadir Shah's escape that he transferred the command at 
Dhar and Mandu from Shujaat Khan to Hdji Khan and Jnnaid Khdn. 
Shortly after Kadir Shah brought a force from Gujarat and attacked 
Mandu. Shujaat came to Hdji Khan's help and routed Kadir Shdh 
under tho walls of Mandu. In reward Sher Shah made him ruler of 
the whole country of Mandu.^^ Shujaat Khan established his head- 
quarters at Mandu with 10,000 horse and 7,000 matchlockmen. 
During the reign of Sher Shah's successor, Selim Shah (A, D. 



»• Farishtah Pets. Text II., 532. 

77 Tdrikh-i-Sher Shdhi, in Elliot 17., 891 ; Brigg's Farishtah IV., 271-72. 

7s Farishtah (Pers. Text, 533-34) refers to the following oiroamstanceB 

tho oanso of K&dir Sh&h's suspicion. On his way to Sher Shah*s Darb&r at 

Ujjaiu Kddir saw some Mughal prisoners in chains making a road. One of the 

prisoners seeing him began to sing : — 

** Mard mi bin darinahwdl ofikri Ichithtnn mi Icun ! ** 
In this plight thou seest me to-day, 
Thine own turn is not far away. 
When K4dir Shah escaped, Sher Shdh on hearing of his flight exclaimed-^ 

Bd md chi kard didi 
MalU Qhuldm-i-gidi ? 
Thus he treats us with scurn, 
Mallu the slave base bom. 
To this one of Sher Shah's men replied : 

Kaul-i-Basiil bar hah 
Ld khairJU Abidi. 
Tho words of the Prophet are true, 
No good can a slave ever do. 
7« Tarkh-i-Sher Sh6hi in Elliot IV., 397. 



UAMIU. 17P 

1545-53), Shujart was forced to leave Malwa and seek shelter in 
Dungarpur. ISelim pardoned Shujdat, but divided Mdlwa among 
other nobles. Shujdat remained in Hindustan till in A. D. 1553, on 
the accession of Selim's successor, Adali, he recovered Mdlwa, and in 
A. D, 1554, on the decay of Adali's power, assumed independence.^^ 
He died almost immediately after, and was succeeded by his eldest 
son, Malik Bayazid.^^ Shujdat Khan was a great builder. Besides 
his chief works at Shujawalpiir, near Ujjain, he left many memorials 
in different parts of Malwa.^^ So far none of the remains at Mdndu 
are known to have been erected during the rule of Shujdat Khdn. 

On the death of his father Malik Bavazid killed his brother 
Daulat Khdn, and was crowned in A. D. 1555 with the title of B^z 
Bahadur. He attacked the Gonds, but met with so crushing a 
defeat that he foreswore fighting .^3 He g^ve himself to enjoyment, 
and became famous as a musician,^^ and for his poetic love of Kilp 
Mani or Riip Mati, who, according to one account, was a wise and 
beautiful courtezan of Saharanpiir in Northern India, and according 
to another was the daughter of a Nimdr Rajpilt, the master of the 
town of Dharampuri.®^ In A. D. 1560 Pir Muhammad, a general 
of Akbnr's, afterwards ennobled as Khan Jehan, defeated Biiz 
Bahadur, drove him out of Mandu, and made the hill his own 
headquarters,®* In the following year (A. D. 1561), by the help 
of the Berar Chief, Pir Muhammad was slain and Baz Bahadur 
re-instated. On news of this defeat (A. D. 1562) Akbar sent Abdullah 
Khdn Uzbak with almost unlimited power to re*conqner the provmce. 
Abdullah was successful, but as he showed signs of as8un)ing 
independence Akbar moved against him and be fled to Gujarut.^^ 



80 T&rkh-i-Alfi in Elliott V., 168 ; Elphiustone's India, 402-403. 

8i T&rkh-i-Alfi in Eiliott V., 168. 

«« Brigg»B Fariehtah IV., 276. 

"* When Jidz Bahidur attacked the Gonda their chief was dead, and his 
widow, Bani Durgavati, was ruling in his plaoe. The Eaui led the Gonds 
•gainst the invaders, and hemming them in one of the passes, inflicted on 
them suoh a defeat that biZ 13ah<;dui' fled from the field, leaving his baggage 
and camp in her hands, Farishtah Pei-s. Text II., 53b. 

«♦ According to Farishtah (I'ers. Text II., 638) Baz Bahadur was already 
an adept in musio. 

«» Malcolm's Central India I., 39 ; Ruins of Mandu. 30. 
»• Brigg's Farishtah II., 210. 

■^ Blochmau's Aiu i-Akbari, 32l. 



180 MANDU. 

Akbar remained in Mandu during the greater part of tiie following 
rains (A. D. 1503), examining with interest the buildings erected by 
the Khilji kings.^^ At Mandu Akbar married the daughter of Mlran 
Mabarak Khan of Khandesh.^^ When Akbar left (August, 1564)> 
he appointed Karra Bahadur Khan governor of Manda and returned 
to Agra.^ In A. D. 1568 the Mirzas, Akbar^s cousins, flying from 
Gujardt, attacked Ujjain. From Ujjain they retreated to Mandu and 
failing to make any impression on the fort withdrew to Gnjardt.*^ 
The Mfrzas' fnilure was due to the ability of Akbar's general, Haji 
Muhammad Khan, to whomtAkbar granted the province of Manda.** 
At the same time (A. D. 1568) the command of Mdndu Hill was 
entrusted to Shah Bndagh Khan who continued commandant of the 
fort till his death many years later. During his command, in a 
picturesque spot overlooking a well-watered ravine, in the south of 
Mandu, between the Sagar Lake and the Tarapur Gateway, Budigh 
Khan built a pleasure-house, which he named, or rather perhaps 
which he continued to call, Nilkanth or Blue Throat. This lodge is 
interesting from the following inscriptions, which show that the 
Emperor Akbar more than once rested within its walls.®^ 

The inscription on the small north arch of Nilkanth, dated A. D. 
1674, runs: — 

(Call it not waste) to spend yonr life in water and earth (t. e., in bnilding). 

If perchance a man of mind for a moment makes jour house his lodging. 

Written by Shfih Budigh Khan in the year A. 11. 982-87. p* 

The inscription on the great southern arch of Nilkanth, dated 
A. D. 1574, runs: — 

This pleasant building was completed in the reign of the great Saltan, the 

s« Brigg'e Farishtah IV., 211. ^ 

»» Brigg's Fariehtah IV., 216. 

90 Tabakat-i-Akbari, Elliot V., 291, 

91 Tabakat i-Akbari v., 330-31. 
o< Blochman^s Ain-i-Akbari, 875. 

»s The Emperor Jehangir thus describes (Memoirs, Pers. Text. 372) a risit 
to this building. On the third day of Amardnd (July, 1617), with the palace 
ladies 1 pet out to see Nilkanth, which is one of the pleasantest places in 
Mandu fort. Shah Bud^gh Khan, who \«as one of the trusted nobles of my 
august father, built this very pleasing and joy-giving lodge during the time 
he held this province in fief (A. D. 1572-77). I remained at Kilkanth till 
about an hour after nightfall and then returned to my State quarters. 

«♦ An officer who distinguished himself under Humayun, one of Akbar 'i 
Commanders of Three Thousand, long (jovernor of Miindu, where he died. 
Blochman's Ain-i-Akbari, 372. 



MANDU. 181 

most muniAoent and just Khakan, the Lord of thd countries of Arabia and 
Persia, ** the shadow of God on the two earths, the ruler of the sea and of the 
land, the exalter of the standards of those who war on the side of Gk)d, Abu 
Fatah J^al-ud-dfn Huhanunad Akbar, the warrior king, may his dominion 
and his kingdom be everlasting. 
Written hy Farid6n Husein, son of Hatim-al-ward , in the year ▲. h. 982.^^ 
The inscription on the right wall of Nilkantb, dated A. D. 1591-92, 
runs : — 

In the year A. H. 1000, when on his way to the conquest of the 
Bakhan, the slaves of the Exalted Lord of the Earth, the holder of 
the sky-like Throne, the shadow of Allah (the Emperor Akbar), passed 
by this place. 
That time wastes your home cease, Soul, to complain, 
Who will not scorn a complalner so vain ; 
From the story of others this wisdom derive 
Ere naught of thyself but stories survive. 
The inscription on the left wall of Nilkanth, dated A.D. 1600, 
runs : — 

The (Lord of the mighty Presence) shadow of All^, the Emperor Akbar, 
after the conquest of the Dakhan and D^des (Ehandesh) in the year A.H. 
1009| set out for Hind (Northern India). • 

May the name of the writer last for ever ! 
At dawn and at eve I have watched an owl sitting 
On the lofty wall- top of Shlrw^n Sh^'s Tomb.»7 
The owl's plaintive hooting convey* d me this warning 
<' Here pomp, wealth, and greatness lie dumb." 
In A.D, 1573, with the rest of Malwa, Akbar handed Mandu to 
Muzaifur III., the dethroned ruler of Gujarat. It seems doubtful if 
Muzaffar ever visited his new territory. ^^ On his second defeat in 
A.D. 1562, Bdz Bahadur retired to Gondwdna, where he remained, his 
power gradually waning, till in A. D. 1570 he paid homage to the 
Emperor and received the command of 2,000 horse. ^^ His decoration 

9i When opposed to Arab the word ijam signifies all countries except 
Arabia, and in a narrow seDse, Persia. The meaning of the word A jam is 
dumbness, the Arabs so glorying in the richness of their own tongue as to hold 
all other countries and nations dumb. 

V* The stones on which this inscription is oarved have been wrongly arranged 
by some restorer. Those with the latter portion of the inscription come first 
and those with the beginning come last. Munshi Abdur Rahlm of Dhkr, 

*' The maternal unole of Naushiraw&n (A.D. 539-576) the S&ss&nian, Shlrwin 
Sh&h was ruler of a district on Mount Canoasus. Al-Masildi, Arab Text 
Prairies d'Or II., 4, and Baozatus-Safa, Persian Text 1., 259. 

<»« Blochmau*8 Afn-i-Akbari, 353. 

•» Brigg's Farishtah IV., 279. 

24 



1 70 mAndu. 

details have been preserved. This Abode of Pleasure was acity. not 
a palaoe. It contained 15,000 inhabitants, all of them women, none 
either old or plain featured, and each trained to some profession or 
craft* Among^ them were the whole officers of a courts and besides 
courtiers, teachers, musicians, dancers, prayer readers, embroiderersy 
and followers of all crafts and callinf^s. W henever the King heard 
of a beautiful girl he never rested till he obtained her. This city 
of women had its two regiments of guards, the Archers and the 
Carabineers, each 500 strong, its soldiers dressed like men in a 
distinguishing uniform. The Archers were beautiful young Turki 
damsels, all armed with bows and arrows: the Carabineers were 
Abyssinian maidens, each carrying a carbine. Attached to the palao^ 
and city was a deer park, where the Lord of Leisure used to hmit 
with his favourites. £a«h dweller in the city of women received her 
daily dole of grain and coppers, and besides the women were many 
pensioners, mice, parrots, and pigeons, who also received the same 
dole as their owners. So evenly just was 6hias-ud-din in the matter 
of his allowances, that the prettiest of his favourites received the same 
allowance as the roughest Carabineer>^ 

The Lord of the City of Pleasure was deeply religious. Whenever 
he was amusing himself two of his companions held in front of him 
a cloth to remind him of his shroud. A thousand HdfiedhSf that is 
women who knew the Kuradn by heart, constantly repeated its holy 
verses, and* under the orders of the King, whenever he changed hii 
raiment the Hdfizdhs blew on his body from head to foot with thair 
prayer-hallowed breath.^7 None of the five daily prayers passed 
unprayed. If at any of the hours of prayer the King was asleep he 
was sprinkled with water, and when water failed to arouse him» he 
was dragged out of bed. Even when dragged out of bed by his 
servants the King never uttered an improper or querulous word. 

So keen was his sense of justice, that when one of his courtien, 
pretending he had purchased her, brought to him a maiden of 
ideal beauty, and her relations, not knowing she had been gmtk 
to the King, came to complain, though they gladly resigned her, 
the King grieved oyer his unconscious wrong. Besides paying 
compensation he mourned long and truly, and ordered that no 
more inmates should be brought to his palace.*® S o great wa s 

•• Pariahtah Pere. Text II„ 504-506. 
♦^ Pariahtah Pers. Text II., 505. 
«9 Farishtali Pers. Text II., 607. 



MiNDU. 171 

thd King's charity that every night below his pillow he placed 
a bag containing some thousand gold-mohurs, and before the next 
evening all were distributed to the deserving. 80 religious was the 
King that he paid 50,000 tankas for each of the four feet of the ass of 
Christ. A man came bringing a fifth hoof, and one of the courtiers 
said — '' My Lord, an ass has four feet. I never heard that it had 
five, unless, perhaps, the ass of Christ had five." ^' Who knows," the 
King replied, '* it may be that this last man has told the truth, and 
one of the others was wrong. See that he is paid." 60 sober was 
the King that he would neither look upon nor hear of intoxicants or 
stimulants. A potion that had cost 100,000 tankas was brought to 
him. Among the 300 ingredients one was nutmeg. The King direct- 
ed the potion to be thrown into a drain. His favourite horse fell 
sick. The King ordered it to have medicine, and the horse recovered. 
" What medicine was given the horse?" asked the King. **The 
medicine ordered by the physicians " replied his servants. Fearing 
that in this medicine there might be an intoxicant, the King 
commanded that the horse should be taken out of the stables and 
turned loose into the forest.^® 

The King's spirit of peace steeped the land, which, like its ruler, 
after thirty years of fighting, yearned for rest. For fourteen years 
neither inward malcontent, nor foreign foe broke the quiet. In A.D. 
1482 Bahlol Lodi advanced from Dehli to subdue Mdlwa. The talk 
of M^ndu was BahloPs approach, but no whisper of it passed into the 
charmed City of Women. At last the son-minister forced his way 
into the King's presence. At the news of pressing danger his soldier 
spirit awoke in Ghids-ud-din. Bis orders for meeting the invaders 
were so prompt and well-planned that the King of Dehli paid a ran- 
som and withdrew. A second rest of fifteen years ended in the son- 
minister once more forcing his way into the presence. In A.D. 1500 
the son presented his father, now an aged man of eighty, with a cup 
of sherbet and told him to drink. The King, whose armlet of bezoar 
stone had already twice made poison harmless, drew the stone from 
his arm. He thanked the Almighty for granting him, unworthy, the 
happiest life that had ever fallen to the lot of man. He prayed that 



*« W^kiHt-i-Masht^ki, in ElUot IV., 654-56. Probably these are stock 
tales. The Gajar&t historians give Mazaffar II. (A.D. 1513-1526X credit for 
the iiorse sompalositj. See Mirati-Sikandari. Pers. Text, p. 178. 



1 70 mAndu* 

details have been preserved. This Abode of Pleasare was acity^ not 
a palace. It contained 15,000 inhabitants, all of them women, none 
either old or plain featured, and each trained to some profession or 
craft. Among^ them were the whole officers of a courts and besides 
courtiers, teachers, musicians, dancers, prayer readers, embroiderers, 
and followers of all crafts and callinji^s. W henever the King heard 
of a beautiful girl he never rested till he obtained her. This dty 
of women had its two regiments of guards, the Archers and the 
Carabineers, each 500 strong, its soldiers dressed like men in a 
distinguishing uniform. The Archers were beautiful yoong Turki 
damsels, all armed with bows and arrows: the Carabineers were 
Abyssinian maidens, each carrying a carbine. Attached to the palaoe 
and city was a deer park, where the Lord of Leisure used to hunt 
with his favourites. Each dweller in the city of women received her 
daily dole of grain and coppers, and besides the women were many 
pensioners, mice, parrots, and pigeons, who also received the same 
dole as their owners. So evenly just was Ghids-ud-din in the matter 
of his allowances, that the prettiest of his favourites received the same 
allowance as the roughest Carabineer.^^ 

The Lord of the City of Pleasure was deeply religious. Whenever 
he was amusing himself two of his companions held in front of him 
a cloth to remind him of his shroud. A thousand Hafizdhst that is 
women who knew the Kuradn by heart, constantly repeated its holy 
verses, and, under the orders of the King, whenever he changed hif 
rument the Hdfizdhs blew on his body from head to foot with thdr 
prayer-hallowed breath.^^ None of the five daily prayers passed 
unprayed. If at any of the hours of prayer the King was asleep he 
was sprinkled with water, and when water failed to arouse him» he 
was dragged out of bed. Even when dragged out of bed by hii 
servants the King never uttered an improper or querulous word. 

So keen was his sense of justice, that when one of his coiirtienp 
pretending he had purchased her, brought to him a maiden of 
ideal beauty, and her relations, not knowing she had been given 
to the King> came to complain, though they gladly resigned beTy 
the King grieved over his unconscious wrong. Besides paying 
compensation he mourned long and truly, and ordered that no 
more inmates should be brought to his palace.^^ So great was 

♦• Fariahtah Pers. Text II„ 504-506. 
♦7 Farishtah Pers. Text II., 505. 
«s FariBhtak Pers. Text II., 507. 



uriNDU. 171 

thd King's charity that every night below his pillow he placed 
a bag containing some thousand gold-mohurs, and before the next 
eTening all were distributed to the deserving. 80 religious was the 
King that he paid 50,000 tankas for each of the four feet of the ass of 
Christ. A man came bringing a fifth hoof, and one of the courtiers 
said-^'' My Lord, an ass has four feet. I never heard that it had 
five, unless, perhaps, the ass of Christ had five." ^' Who knows," the 
King replied, '* it may be that this last man has told the truth, and 
one of the others was wrong. See that he is paid." 60 sober was 
the King that he would neither look upon nor hear of intoxicants or 
stimulants. A potion that had cost 100,000 tankas was brought to 
him. Among the 300 ingredients one was nutmeg. The King direct- 
ed the potion to be thrown into a drain. His favourite horse fell 
sick. The King ordered it to have medicine, and the horse recovered. 
" What medicine was given the horse?" asked the King. **The 
medicine ordered by the physicians " replied his servants. Fearing 
that in this medicine there might be an intoxicant, the King 
commanded that the horse should be taken out of the stables and 
turned loose into the forest.^® 

The King's spirit of peace steeped the land, which, like its ruler, 
after thirty years of fighting, yearned for rest. For fourteen years 
neither inward malcontent, nor foreign foe broke the quiet. In A.D. 
1482 Bahlol Lodi advanced from Dehli to subdue Mdlwa. The talk 
of M^ndu was Bahlol's approach, but no whisper of it passed into the 
charmed City of Women. At last the son-minister forced his way 
into the King's presence. At the news of pressing danger his soldier 
spirit awoke in Ghi^s-ud-din. Bis orders for meeting the invaders 
were so prompt and well-planned that the King of Dehli paid a ran- 
som and withdrew. A second rest of fifteen years ended in the son- 
minister once more forcing his way into the presence. In A.D. 1500 
the son presented his father, now an aged man of eighty, with a cup 
of sherbet and told him to drink. The King, whose armlet of bezoar 
stone had already twice made poison harmless, drew the stone from 
his arm. He thanked the Almighty for granting him, unworthy, the 
happiest life that had ever fallen to the lot of man. He prayed that 



*• W^kUt-i-Masht^ki, in ElUot IV., 654-56. Probably these are stock 
tales. The Gajar&t historians give Mazaffar II. (A.D. 151d-1526X credit for 
thehorsesortipaloBitj. See Mirati-Sikandari. Pers. Text, p. 178. 



18G MANDU, 

with her gun. I said "Be it so." In a trice she killed these four 
tigers with six bullets. I had never seen such shooting. To shoot 
from the back of an elephant from within a closed hfjwdah and 
bring down with six bullets four wild beasts without giving 
them an opportunity of moving or springing is wonderful. In 
acknowledgment of this capital marksmanship I ordered a thousand 
ashrafis (Rs. 4,500) to be scattered^o^ over Nur Jehan and granted, 
her a pair of ruby wristlets worth a lakh of rupees.^** 

Of the mangoes of Mandu, Jehangir says : — In these days many 
mangoes have come into my fruit stores from the Dakhan, fiurh^nptir, 
Gujarat, and the districts of Mulwa. This country is famous for ita 
pangoes. There are few places the mangoes of which can rival those 
of this country in richness of flavour, in sweetness, in freedom from 
fibre, and in sizc^®^ 

The rains set in with unusual severity. Eain fell for forty days 
continuously. With the rain were severe thunderstorms, accom- 
panied by^ightuing which injured some of the old buildings.^^^ His 
account of the beauty of the hill in July, when clear sunshine followed 
the forty days of rain, is one of the pleasantest passages in Jehang{r*8 
Memoirs : What words of mine can describe the beauty of the grass 
and of the wild flowers ! Tliey clothe each hill and dale, each slope 
and plain. I know of no place so pleasant in climate and so pretty 
in scenery as Mandu in the rainy season. This month of July which 
is one of the months of the hot season, the sun being in Loo, one 
cannot sleep within the house without a coverlet, and during the day 
there is no need for a fan. What I have noticed is but a small part 
of the many beauties of Miindu. Two things I have seen here which 

107 This scattering of gold, silver, or^copper coin, called in Arabic and 
Peraaiu nisar, is a common form of offering. The influence of Ihe evil eye, 
or other baneful influence, is believed to be transferred from the person ever 
virhom the coin is scattered to the coin, and through the coin to him who 
takes it. 

los xhis feat of Ni!ir Jehan's drew from one of the Ooart poet» the couplet ; 

Niir Jehdn gar chih la surat zanatt 
Dar safi Marddn zani sher ajkanaat, 
Nur Jehin the tiger-slayer *8 woman 
Kanks with men as the tigcr-sl&ying woman, 
Sherafkan, that is tiger-slayer, was the title of N6r Jehin'sfirsthnaband^ 
Ali Kuli-lstajlu. 

io» Tuzuk.i-Jekunglri, IVrs. Text, 187. 
110 TuBuk-i-Jehaugiri, Pers. Text, 189. 



mIndu. 187 

I had seen nowhere in India. One of them is the tree of the wild 
plantain which grows all over the bill- top, the other is the nest of the 
mamotah 6r wagtail. Till now no bird-catcher could tell its nest. 
It 80 happened that in the building where I lodged we found a 
wagtail's nest with two young ones. ' 

The following additional entries in the Memoirs belong to Jehdngir's 
stay at Miindu. Among the presents submitted by Mahabatkhdn, 
who received the honour of kissing the ground at Mandu, Jehdngir 
describes a ruby weighing eleven miskdls,^^^ He says : — This ruby 
was brought to Ajmere last year by a Frankish jeweller who wanted 
two lakhs 6f rupees fpr it. M ab;lbatkh^n bought it at Burhdnpdr for 
one lakh of rnpees.^^ 

On the 1st of Tir^ the fourth month of the Persian year (15th 
May, 1617), the Hindu chiefs of the neighbourhood came to pay 
their respects and present their tribute. The Hindu chief of Jaitpdr 
in the neighbourhood of Mandu, through his evil fortune, did not 
come to kiss the threshold.^^' For this reason I ordered Fiddikhdn to 
•pillage the Jaitpur country at the bead of thirteen officers and font 
or five hundred matchlockmen. On the approach of Fidafkhdn the 
chief fied. He is now reported to regret his past conduct and to 
intend to come to the Court and make his submission. On the 9th 
of Ydvj the sixth month of the Persian calendar (late July A.D. 
1617), 1 heard that while raiding the lands of the chief of Jaitpdr, 
Ruh-ul-Iah, the brother of Fidaikhan, was slain with a lance in the 
village where the chiefs wires and children were in hiding. The 
.village was burned, and the women and daughters of the rebel chief 
were taken captives.^^* 

The beautiful surroundings of the Sagar Lake offered to the elegant 
taste of Nur Jeh^n a fitting opportunity for honouring the Shab-r- 
Barat or Night of Jubilee with special illuminations. The Emperor 
.describes the result in these words:— On the evening of Thursday 
the 19th of Amarddd, the fifth month of the Persian year (early July, 
A. D. 1617), I went with the ladies of the palace to see the bnildings 
and palaces on the Sagar Lake which were built by the old Kings of 



1 ^^ The miakdl which was nsed in weighing gold was eqaal in weight to 96 
barley corns.-' — BIochman'R A(n-i-Akbari, 36. 
iia Tazuk-i-Jehdngiri, Pers. Text, 195. 
»»» Tozuk-i-Jehanglri, Pers. Text, 195, 
»»* Tuzuk-i-Jehangiri, Pers. Text, 19219 J. 



188 mIndu. 

Manda. The 2Gth of Amarddd (nhovii mid Julv) was the Shab-i-Barafe 
holiday. I ordered a jubilee or assembly of joy to be held on the 
occasion in one of the palaces occupied by Ndr Jehdn Begara in the 
midst of the big lake. Tbe nobles and others were invited to attend 
this party which was organized by the Begam« and I ordered the cap 
and other intoxicants with various fruits and minced meats to be 
given to all who wished them. It was a wonderful gathering. As 
evening set in, the lanterns and lamps gleaming along the banks of tht 
lake made an illumination such as never had been seen. Tbe 
countless lights with which the palaces and buildings were ablaie 
shining on the lake made the whole surface of the water appear to 
be on fire.115 

The Memoirs continue: On Sunday, the 9th of Yur^ the sixth Persian 
month (late July), I went with the ladies of the palace to the quarters 
of Asaf Khan, Nijr Jehan's brother, the second son of Mirxa Ghiis 
Beg. I found Asaf Khan lodged in a glen of great benuty surrounded 
by other little vales and dells with waterfalls and running streamlets 
and green fresh and shady mango groves. In one of these dells were 
from two to three hundred sweet pandanus or leewda trees. I passed 
a very happy day in this spot and got up a wine party with some 
of my lords-in-waiting, giving them bumpers of wine.^^® Two 
months later (early September) Jehangir has the following entry ^^' 
regarding a visit from his eldest son and heir. Prince Khurram, 
afterwards the Emperor Shah Jehin, who had lately brought the war 
in the Dakhan to a successful close. On the 8th of the month of 
Mdh of the year H. 1026 (according to Roe, September 2nd, 1617X 
my son of exalted name obtained the good fortune of waiting upon 
me in the fort of Mandu after three-quarters and one ghadi of the 
day had passed, that is about half an hour after sunrise. He had 
been absent fifteen months and eleven days. After he had performed 
the ceremonies of kissing the ground and the hurnish or prostrationt 
I called him up to my hfij vr'indow or jharokah. In a transport of 
affection I could not restrain myself from getting up and taking him 
into my arms. The mare I increased tbe measure of affection and 
honours the more humility and respect did he show. I called him 
near me and made him sit by me. He submitted a thousand ashrafis 

»>» Tuznk-i-Jehangiri, Pers. Text, 190. 
ii» Tuzuk-i-Johinglri, Tcra. Text, 192. 
»»' Tuzuk-I-Jehangfri, Pers. Text, I94.5u 



m1nd0. 1 8S 

(Rs. 4,500) and a thousand rupees as a gift or naxar and the same 
Amount RS sacrifice or nisdr. As there was not time for me to 
insfiect nil his presents he produced the elephant Sarndk, the best of 
the elephants of Adil Khan of fif jdpdr. He also gave me a case fnll 
of the rarest precious stones. I ordered the military paymasters to 
make presents to his nobles according to their rank. The first to 
come was Khan Jehan, whom I allowed the honour of kissing my 
feet. For his victory over the Runa of Chitor I had before granted 
to my fortunate child Khurram the rank of a commander of 20,000 
with 10,000 horse. Now for his service in the Dakhan I made him 
a commander of 30,000 and 20,000 horse with the title of Shdh 
Jehun. I also ordered that henceforward he should enjoy the 
privilege of sitting on a stool near my throne, an honour which did 
not exist and is the first of its kind granted to anyone in my family 
I further granted him a special dress. To do him honour I came 
down from the window, and with my own hand scattered over his 
bead as sacrifice a tray full of precious stones as well as a large tray 
full of gold. 

Jehdngir's last Mandu entry is this: — On the night of Friday in 
the month of Ab^n (October 24th, 1617) in all happiness and good 
fortune I marched from Mundu and halted on the bank of the lake 
at Naalchah. 

Jehdngir*s stay at Mandu is referred to by more than one English 
traveller. In March 1617, the Rev. Edward Terry, chaplain to the 
Right Honourable Sir T. Roe, Lord Ambassador to the Great 
Mughal,H;ame to Mandn from Burhanpur in east Khandesh.^^® Terry 
crossed a broad river, the Narbada, at a great town called Anchabar- 
piir (Akbarpiir)ii® in the Nimar plain not far south of Mandu hilK 
The way up, probably by tae Bhairav pass, a few miles east of 
Manj^u, seemed to Terry exceeding long. The ascent was very 
difficult, taking the carriages, apparently meaning coaches and 
wagons, two whole days.i*' Terry found the hill of Mandu stuck 

i»« A Voyage to Bast India, 181, Terry gives April 1616, but Boe seems 
correot in saying March 1617. Compare W4kiat-i-Jehdngiri in Elliot VI., 351. 

* » » Akbarpiir lies between Dharampnrt and Waisiar, Maloolm's Central 
India I., 84, note. 

I'o Carriages may have the old meaning of things carried, that is baggage. 

The time taken favours the view that waggons or oarts were forced up the hill. 

For the early seventeenth oentury use of carriages in its modern sense compare 

Terry (Voyajj^e 161), Of our waggons drawn with oxen , . . . and other 

25 



190 mAndu. 

round with fair trees that kept their distance 6o> one firom and belf 
the other, that there was much delight in beholding them from eitb 
the bottom or the top of the hill. From one side only was the asoe 
not very high and steep. The top was flat plain and spacious wi 
vast and far'^stretching woods in which were lions» tigers, ai 
other beasts of prey and many wild elephants. Terry passed throiij 
MandtL a few days' march across a plain and level country^ apparec 
ly towards Dh^r, where he met the Lord Ambassador, Sir Thoni 
Roe, who had summoned Terry from Sdrat to be his chaplain, f 
Thomas Roe was then marching from Ajmir to MAnda with tl 
Court of the Emperor Jehangfr, whom Terry calls the Great King. 
On the drd of March, says Roe, the Mughal was to have enter 
M^ndn. But all had to wait for the good hour fixed by the astrol 
gers. From the 6th of March, when he entered Maudu, till the 24 
of October, the Emperor Jehdngir, with Sir Thomas Roe in aitendanc 
remained at Mandu.^^^ According to Roe before the Mughal visit 
Mdndu the hill was not much inhabited, having more ruins by f 
than standing houses.^^^ But the moving city that accompanied tl 
emperor soon overflowed the hilltop. According to Roe Jehdngix 
own encampment was walled round half a mile in circuit in the fox 
of a fortress, with high screens or curtains of coarse stuff*, somewh 
like Aras hangings, red on the outside, the inside divided into coi 

oarriages we made a ring every night ; also Dodsworth (1614), who deooril 
a band of B&jp\!ita near Baroda entting off two of his carriages (Kerr's Yoyac 
jX., 303) ; and Roe (1616), who joornejed from {^jmir to M&ndn with twen 
camels, four oarts, and two ooaches (Kerr IX., 308). Terry^s carriages sec 
to be Roe's coaches, to which Dela Valle (A.D. 1623) (Haklyts' Edition I., S 
refers as roach like the Indian chariots described by Strabo (B.C. 60) oovetr 
with crimson silk fringed with yellow about the roof and the curtains. Coi 
paro Idrisi (A.D. 1100-1150, bnt prolably frc m Al IstRlrhiri A,D. 900, BI 
I., 87). In all Nahrwala or north Gujarat the only mode of carrying fitb 
passengers or goods is in chariots drawn by oxen with harness and trtc 
nnder the control of a driver. When in A.D. 1616 Jehanglr left Ajmlr for H^i 
the English carriage presented to him by the English Ambassador, SirThom 
Boo, was allotted to the Sult^nah Niir Jeh&n Begani. It was driven by 
English coachman. Jehcingir followed in the coach his own men had made 
imitation of the English coach. Corryat (1615 Orndities III. Letter* frc 
India, unpaged) oalls the English chariot a gallant coa^h of 150 poonda price 

i« I Kerr*8 Voyages IX., 385. "W4kidt-i-Jehangiri in Elliot VI., 377. 

' * 2 Roe writing from Ajmir in the previous year (29th Augu8t,16l6) describ 
M&udu as a castle un a hill, where there is no town and no buildings, Kerr U 
267. 



mXnpu. 191 

partments with a varietj of figures. This enclosure had a handsome 
gateway and the circuit was formed into various coins and bulwarks. 
The post^ that, supported the curtains were all surmounted with brass 
tops.^^ Besides the emperor^s encampment were the noblemen's 
quarters, each at an appointed distance from the king's tents » 
▼ery handsome, some having their tents green, others white, 
others of mixed colours. The whole composed the most curious 
and magnificent sight Roe had ever beheld.^^ The hour taken 
by Jeh^ngfr in passing ifrom the Dehli Gate to his own 
quarters, the two English miles from Roe's lodge which was not far 
from the Dehii Gate to Jehdngir's palace, and other reasons noted 
below make it almost certain that the Mughal's encampment and the 
camps of the leading nobles were on the open slopes to the south of 
the Sea Lake between B^z Bahadur's palace on the east and Songad 
on the west. And that the palace at Mindu from which Jehangfr 
wrote was the building now known as Bdz Bahddnr's palace .^^ 
A few months before it reached Mdndu the Imperial camp had 
turned the whole valley of Ajmir into a magnificent city,^^ and a 
few weeks before reaching Mdndu at Thoda, about fifty miles south 
east of Ajmir, the camp formed a settlement not less in circuit than 
twenty English miles, equalling in sizeialmost any town in Europe.^^ 
In the middle of the encampment were all sorts of shops so regularly 
disposed that all persons knew where to go for everything. 

The demands of so great a city overtaxed the powers of the 
deserted Mindu. The scarcity of water soon became so pressing that 
the poor were commanded to leave and all horses and cattle were 
ordered off the hill.^^s Of the scarcity of water the English traveller 
Corryaty who was then a guest of Sir Thomas Roe, writes : On the 
first day one of my Lord's people. Master Herbert, brother to Sir 
Edward Herbert, found a fountain which, if be had not done, he 
would have had to send ten course {hos) every day for water to a 
river called Narbada that falleth into the Bay of Cambye near 
Broach. The custom being such that whatsoever fountain or tank is 
found by any great man in time of drought he shall keep it proper to 

i«» Boe in Kerr's Travels IX., 813. 

"* Boe in Kerr's Travels IX., 314. 

^•s Compare W4ki&t-i-Jeh^glri in Elliot VI., 877. 

it6 Boe in Kerr's Trarels IX., 814. 

^•' Boe in Kerr's Travels IX., 821. 

1*9 Boe in Kerr*s Iravels IX., 336. 



1 92 mXkdu. 

his without interruption. The day after one of the King's Hadit 
(Ahddis) Boding the same and striving for it was taken by my Lord's 
people and bound.^^ Corryat adds : During the time of the great 
drought two Moor nobles daily sent ten camels to the Narbada and 
distributed the water to the poor, which was so dear they sold a little 
skin for 8 pie8."<> 

Terry notices that among the piles of buildings that held their heads 
above ruin were not a few unfrequented mosques or Muhammadan 
churches, Though the people who attended the King were marrel- 
pusly straitened for room to put their most excellent horses, none 
would use the churches as stables, even though they were forsaken 
and out of use. This abstinence seems to have been voluntary, as 
Roe's servants, who were sent in advance, took possession of a fair 
court with walled enclosure in which was a goodly temple and a 
tomb. It was the best in the whole circuit of M andu, the only draw- 
back being that it was two miles from the King's house.*^^ The air 
was wholesome and the prospect was pleasant, as it was on the edge 
of the hill.132 The Emperor, perhaps referring rather to the south 
of the hill, which from the elaborate building and repairs carried out 
in advance by Abdul Karim seems to have been called the New City, 
gives a less deserted impression of Mandu. He writes (24th March, 
1617) : — Many buildings and relics of the old Kings are still stand- 
ing, for as yet decay has not fallen upon the city • On the 24th I 
.rode to see the royal edifices. First I visited the J^ma Masjid built by 
Sultan Hoshang Ohori. It is a very lofty building and erected entirely 
of hewn stone. Although it has been standing 180 years it looks as 
if built do-day. Then I visited the sepulchres of the kings and 
rulers of the Khilji dynasty, among which is the sepulchre of the 
eternally cursed Ndsir-ud-din.^^ Sher Shah to show his horror of 
NAsir-ud-din, the father slayer, ordered his people to beat Nisir- 

ud-din's tomb with sticks. Jehangir also kicked ^e grave. Then he 

— ■ — r 

"» Corryat'B Crudities, Vol. III., Extracts (unpaged). This Master Herbert 

ifvaa Thomas, brother of Sir Edward Herbert, the flrst Lord Herbert. 

It seems probably that this Thomas supplied his oousin Sir Ibomas 

Herbert who was travelling in India and Persia in A. D. 1637 with 

his aocount of Mandu. See below p. 197-98. 
"0 Corryat*8 Crudities, Vol. III., Extraots (unpaged). 
131 Terry'a Voyage, 183. Roe iu Kerr IX., 335. 
»a« Roe in Kerr IX., 335. 
"s Wakiut-i-Jebangiri iu Elliot VI., 349. 



hXndu. 193 

ordered the tomb to be opened and the remains to be taken out and 
burnt. Finally, fearing the remains might pollute the eternal light, 
he ordered the ashes to be thrown into the Narbada.^^^ 

The pleasant outlying position of Roe's lodge proved to be open to 
the objection that out of the vast wilderness wild beasts often came, 
seldom returning without a sheep, a goat, or a kid. One evening 
a great lion leapt over the stone wall that encompassed the yard and 
snapt up the Lord Ambassador's little white neat shock, that is as 
Roe explains a small Irish mastiff, which ran out barking at the lion. 
Out of the ruins of the mosque and tomb Roe built a lodge,^^^ and 
here he passed the rains with his ^ family," including besides his 
secretary, chaplain, and cook twenty-three Englishmen and about 
sixty native servants, and during part of the time the sturdy half crazed 
traveller Tom Coryate or Corryat.^^^ They had their flock of sheep 
and goats, all necessaries belonging to the kitchen and everything else 
required for bodily use including bedding and all things pertaining 
thereto.^37 Among the necessaries were^^^ tables and chairs, since the 
Ambassador refused to adopt the Mughal practice of sitting cross- 
legged on mats " like taylors on their shop boards." Roe's diet was 
dressed by an English and an Indian cook and was served on plate 
by waiters in red taffata cloaks guarded with green taffata. The 
chaplain wore a long black cassock, and the Lord Ambassador wore 
English habits made as light and cool as possible.^^® 
. On the 12th of March, a few days after they were settled at 
Mdndu, came the festival of the Persian new year. Jehdngir held a 
great reception seated on a throne of gold, bespangled with rubies, 
emeralds, and turquoises. The hall was adorned with pictures of the 
King and Queen of England, the Princess Elizabeth, Sir Thomas Smith 
and others, with beautiful Persian hangings. Ou one side, on a little 
stage, was a couple of women singers. The king commanded that 
Sir T. Roe should come up and stand beside him jon the steps of the 
throne where stood on one side the Persian Ambassador and on the 
other the old king of Kandahir with whom Sir T. Roe ranked* Tha 
' - ■ ■■ , 

"* Wikiit-iJehtegiri in Blliot VI., 360. 
135 Terry's Voyage, 228. 
196 Terry's Voyage, 69, 
"' Terry's Voyage, 183. 

158 Terry's Voyage, 186, 198. 

15 9 Terry's Voyage, 198, 206. 



194 mAndu. 

king called the Persian Ambassador and gave him some stones and s 
young elephant. The Ambassador knelt and knocked hit head 
against the steps of the throne to thank him.^^^ From time to time 
during Terry's stay at Mandn, the Mughal, v^ith his stout daring 
Persian and Tartarian horsemen and some grandees, went out to take 
young wild elephants in the great woods that environed Mandii. 
The elephants were caught in strong toils prepared for the purpose 
and were manned and made fit for service. In these hunts the 
king and his men also pursued lions and other wild beasts on 
horseback, killing some of them with their bows, carbines, and 
lances.^*^ 

The first of September was Jehdnglr's birthday. The king, says 
Corryat,^*3 y^^kS forty-five years old, of middle height, corpulent, of a 
seemly composition of body, and of an olive coloured skin. Roe 
went to pay his respects and was conducted apparently to Bit 
Bahadur's gardens to the east of the Rewa Pool. This tangled 
orchard was then a beautiful garden with a great square pond or tank 
set all round with trees and flowers and in the middle of the garden 
a pavilion or pleasure house under which hung the scales in which 
the king was to be weighed.^^' The scales were of beaten gold set 
with many small stones, as rubies and turquoises. They were hung by 
chains of gold, large and massive, but strengthened by silken ropes. 
The beam and tressels from which the scales hung were covered 
with thin plates of gold. All round were the nobles of the court 
seated on rich carpets waiting for the king. He came laden with 
diamonds, rubies, pearls, and other precious vanities, making a great 
and glorious show. His swords, targets, and throne were corres- 
ponding in riches and splendour. His head, neck, breast, and arms 
above the elbows and at the wrist were decked with chains of precious 
stones, and every finger had two or three rich rings. His legs were 
as it were fettered with chains of diamonds and rubies as large as 
walnuts and amazing pearls. He got into the scales crouching oi 
sitting on his legs like a woman. To counterpoise his weight bags 
said to contain Rs. 9,000 in silver were changed six times. After this 
he was weighed against bags containing gold jewels and precious 

»*o Roe in Kerr's Voyages IX., 337; Pinkerton's Voyages VIII., 85. 

141 Terry's Voyage, 403. 

*♦• Corryat^B Crudities III., Ii2., Eztraots unpaged. 

»*» Roe in Kerr's Voyages IX., 343, 



MANDU. Iff5 

stoDes. Then against cloth of gold, silk stuffs, coUon goods, spices, 
and all commodities. Last of all sgainst meal, batter, and corn. 
£xcept the silver, which was reserved for the poor, all was said to be 
distributed to Baniahs (that is, Brahmans).^^^ After he wasweighad 
Jebangir ascended the throne and had basons of nuts, almonds, and 
spices of all sorts given him. These the king threw about, and his 
great men scrambled prostrate on their bellies. Roe thought it not 
decent that he should scramble. And the king seeing that he stood 
aloof reached him a bason almost full and poured the contents into 
his cloak. ^^^ Terry adds : The physicians noted the king's weight 
and spoke flatteringly of it. Then the Mughal drank to his 
nobles in his royal wine and the nobles pledged his health. The 
king drank also to the Lord Ambassador, whom be always treated 
with special consideration, and presented him with the cnp of 
gold curiously enamelled and crusted with rubies, turkesses, and 
emeralds. ^** 

Of Prince Khurram's visit. Roe writes : — A month later (October 
2nd) the proud Prince Khurram, afterwards the Emperor Shah 
Jehin (A.D. 1626-1657), returned from his glorious success in the 
Dakhan, accompanied by all the great men, in wondrous triumph.^^^ 
A week later (October 9th), hearing that the Emperor was to pass 
near his lodging on his way to take air at the Narbada, in accordance 
with the rule that the masters of all houses near which the king 
passes must make him a present, Roe took horse to meet the king. 
He offered the king an Atlas neatly bound, saying he presented 
the king with the whole world. The king was pleased. In return 
he praised Roe's lodge, which he had built out of the ruins of the 
temple and the ancient tomb, and which was one of the best lodges- 



»** Eoe in Kerr's Travels IX., 310-343. 

*«' Boe in Kerr's Travels IX., 844. 

!♦• Terry's Voyage, 377. Terry's details seem not to agree with Eoe*8, who 
states (Kerr's Voyages IX., 844 and Pinkerton's Voyages VIII. 37) I wag 
invited to the drinking, bnt desired to be excused because there was no 
avoiding drinking, and their liquors are bo hot that they burn out a man's 
very bowels. Perhaps the invitation Roe declined was to a private drinking 
party after the public weighing was over. 

1*7 Roe in Kerr's Voyage IX., 347; Elphinstone's History, 494 Kerr (IX. 
347) gives Septembei' 2, but October 2 is right, compare Pinkerton's Voyages, 
VlXl. 39. 



] 96 mXndu. 

in the camp.^^^ Jehangir left Mandu on the 24th October. On the 
30th when Roe started the hill was entirely deserted. ^^ 

Terry mentions only two buildings at M^ndu. One was the house 
oi^the Mufi;hal, apparently Baz Bahadar's palace, which he describes 
as large nnd stately, built of excellent stone, well squared, and put 
together, taking up a large compass of ground. He adds : We could 
never see how it was contrived within, as the king's wives and women 
were thcre.*^® The only other building to which Terry refers, he calls 
"The Grot." Of the grot, which is almost certainly the pleasure- 
house Nilkanth, whose Persian inscriptions have been quoted above, 
Terry gives the following details : — To the Mughal's house, at a 
small distance from it, belonged a very curious grot. In the building 
of the grot a way was made into a firm rock which showed itself on 
the side of the hill canopied over with part of that rock. It was 
a place that had much beauty in it by reason of the curious work- 
manship bestowed on it and much pleasure by reason of its coolness.^" 
Besides the fountain this grot has still one of the charmingly cool 
and murmuring scalloped rillstones where, as Terry says, water runs 
down a broad stone table with many hollows like to scallop shells, in 
its passage over the hollows making so pretty a murmur as helps to 
tie the senses with the bonds of sleep. 

Sh^h Jehan seems to have been pleased with Mdndu. He returned 
in A. D. 1621 and stayed at Mandu till he marched north against 
his father in A. D. 1622.1^2 In March, A. D. 1623, Shah Jeh^n 
came out of Mandu with 20,000 horse, many elephants, and powerful 
artillery, intending to fight his brother Shah Parwiz.^^ After the 
failure of this expedition Shiih Jehan retired to Mandu.^^ At this 

^^* Rains of M^nda, 57. As the Emperor must haye passed out by the Dehli 
Gate, and as Roe's lodge was two miles from Baz Bahadur's palace, the lodge 
cannot have been far from the Dehli Gate. It is disappointing that, of his 
many genial gossipy entries Jehangir does not devote one to Roe. The only 
reference to Roe's visit is the indirect entry (Wakiat-i-Jehangiri in Elliot VI^ 
847) that Jehangir gave one of his nobles a coach, apparently a copy of the 
English coach, with which, to Jehanglr*8 delight, Roe had presented him. 

^«» Roe in Kerr's Voyages IX., 853. 

150 Terry's Voyage, 180. 

19 i Terry's Voyage, 181. 

**• Wdki4t-i-Jeh^ingiri in Elliot VI., 388. 

1" Wikidt-i-Jehdngiri in Elliot VI., 387. 

i»« Elphinstone'a History, 496-97. Compare Dela Valle (Haklyt Edition 
I., 177) writing in A. D. 1622, Sultan Kharram after his defeat by Jehaaglr 
retired to Mandu. ^ 



mIndu. 197 

time (A« D. 1623) the Italian traveller Dela Valle ranks M&ndu 
with Agra, Ldhor and Ahmedabad, as the fonr capitals, each 
endowed with an imperial palace and court,^^^ Five years later the 
great General |Khan Jehan Lodi besieged Mdndu, but apparently 
without success.^^® Khan Jehan Lodi's siege of Mandu is interesting 
in connection with a description of Mdndu in Herbert's Travels. 
Herbert, who was inGKijardt in A. D. 1626, says, Mdndu is seated at 
the side of a declining hill (apparently Herbert refers to the slope 
from the southern orest northwards to Sagar Lake and the Grot or 
NClkanth) in which both for ornament and defence is a castle whioh 
is strong in being encompassed with a defensive wall of nearly fiva 
miles (probably kos, that is, ten miles) : the whole, he adds, heretofore 
had fifteen miles' circuit. But the city later built is of less size yet 
fresher beauty, whether you behold the temples (in one of which are 
entombed four kings), palaces or fortresses, especially that tower 
which is elevated 170 steps, supported by massive pillars and adorned 
with gates and windows very observable. It was built by Khdu 
Jehdn, who there lies buried. The confusedness of these details 
shows that Herbert obtained them second-hand, probably from 
Corryat's Master Herbert on Sir T. Roe's Staff.i^T The new city 

»" Dela Valle'8 Travels, Haklyt Edition I., 97. 

!»• Blphinatone's History, 607. 
. *^7 Herbert's Travels, 84. Gorryat's Master Herbert was, as already noticed 
named like the traveller Thomas. The two Thomas were distant relations 
both being fourth ^in descent fi-om Sir Bichard Herbert of Golebroke, who 
lived aboat the middle of the fifteenth century. A further oonnection 
between the two families is the copy of complimentary verses, ** To my oonsin 
Sir Thomas Herbert," signed Ch. Herbert,in the A.D. 1634 and A.D. 1665 editions 
of Herbert's Travels, which are naturally, though somewhat doubtfully, 
ascribed to Charles Herbert, a brother of our Master Thomas. It is, there-* 
fore, probable that after his return to England Sir Thomas Herbert obtained 
the Mandu details from Master Thomas, who was himself a writer, the author 
of several poems^and pamphlets. Gorryat's tale how, during the water-famine 
at Mandu, Master , Herbert anneifed a spring or cistern, and then bound a 
servant of the Great King who attempted to share in its use, shows admirable 
ooorage and resolution on the part of Master Thomas, then a youth of twenty 
years. The details of Thomas in his brother Lord Herbert's autobiography 
giTe additional interest to the hero of Gorryat's Tale of a Tank. Master 
Thomas was born in A. D. 1597. In A.D. 1610, when a page to Sir Edward 
Cedland a boy of thirteen, in the German War, especially in the siege of Juliers, 
fifteen miles north-east of Aix-la-ChapeUe, Master Thomas showed such for- 
wardness as no man in that great army surpassed. On his voyage to India 

26 



198 mXndU' 

of fresher beauty is probably a reference to the bnildiiigs raised and 
repaired by Abdal Karim against Jehdngir s coming, among which 
the chief seems to ha^e been the palace now known by the name of 
Bdz Bahddnr. The tower of 170 steps is Mehmijd Ehilji's Tower 
of yictory, erected in A. D. 1443, the Khdn Jeh^n being MehmiSd's 
father, the great minister Khdn Jehdn A&zam Hum^yiSn. 

In A. D. 1658 a R^ja Shiyr^j was commandant of Mandn.^^ No 
reference has been traced to any imperial yisit to Mdndu daring 
Anrangsfb's reign. But that great monarch has left an example of 
his watchful care in the rebuilding of the Alamgir or Aurangzib Gate, 
which guards the approach to the stone-crossing of the great 
northern ravine and bears an inscription of A • D. 1668, the elerenth 
year of Alamgir's reign. In spite of this additional safeguard, thirty 
years later (A. D. 1696) Mandu was taken and the standard of 
Ud^ji Paydr was planted on the battlements. ^^^ The Marathis soon 
withdrew and M^lwa again passed under an imperial gOTemor. In 
A. D. 1708 the Sh(a-loving Emperor Bahadur Shah I. (A. D. 1707- 
1712) visited Miindu, and there received from Ahmeddbdd a copy of 
the Kuran written by Imam Aii Taki, son of MUsa Raza (A. D.810* 
829), seventh in descent from AH, the famous son-in-law of th« 



1617, in a figbt witli a great Portuguese carrack, Captain Joseph, in oommand 
of Herbert's ship Qlche, was killed. Thomas took Joseph's place, forced the 
oarraok aground, and so riddled her with shot that she neyer floated again. To 
his brother 8 visit to India Lord Herbert refers as a year spent with the 
merchants who went from Snrat to the Great Moghal. After his return to 
Bngland Master Thomas distinguished himself at Algiers, capturing % veeiel 
worth £1,800. In A.D. 1622, when Master Thomas was in command of one of 
the ships sent to fotoh Prinoe Charles (afterwards King Charles I.) fromSpaiii* 
duriog the return voyage certain Low Countrymen and Dunkirkers, that ia» 
Dutch and Spanish vessels, offended the Prince's dignity by fighting in hit 
preeenoe without his leave. The Prinoe ordered the fighting ships to be 
separated ; whereupon Master Thomas, with some other ships, got bstwivt the 
fighters on either side, and shot so long that both Low Conntrymen and 
Dunkirkers were glad to desist. Afterwards at divers times Thomas fonght 
with great courage and success with divers men in single fight, sometimet 
hurting and disarming his adversary, sometimes driving him awayt The end 
of Master Thomas was sad. Finding his proofs of himself undervalned, he 
retired into a private and melancholy life, and after living in this sullen 
humour for many years, he died about A.D. 1642 and was buried in London in 
8t. Martin's near Charing Cross. 

'»8 Khiift Khan in Elliot VJT., 218. 

"0 Malcolm's Central India I., 64. 



mIndu, 199 

Prophiet, the first of Mnsalm&n raystics. In A. D. 1717 Asaph Jih 
NidLm-ul-Mulk was appointed Governor of M^lwa and oontinued to 
manage the proyiace by deputy till A. D. 1721. In A. D. 1722 Rdja 
Girdhar Bahddur, a Nagar Brdhman« was made governor and remained 
in charge till in A. D. 1724 he was attacked and defeated by 
Chimniji Pandit and Uddji Pavdr.^^ Raja Girdar was succeeded by 
his relation Dia Bahddur, whose successful government ended in 
A. D, 1732, when through the secret help of the local Chiefe 
Malharao Holkar led an army up the Bhairav pass, a few miles east 
of Mdndu, and at Tirellah, between Amjhera and Dhir, defeated 
and slew Dia Bahadur. As neither the next Governor Muhammad 
Khdn Bangash nor his successor Rijti Jai Singh of Jaipt!ir were able 
to oust the Mardthas, their success was admitted in A. D. 1734 by 
ihe appointment of Peshwa Bajfrdo (A. D. 1720-1740) to be 
Governor of Malwa. On bis appointment (A, D. 1734) the Peshwa 
ehose Anand Baa Pavdr as his deputy. Anand Rio shortly after settled 
at Dhdr, and since A. D. 1734 Mandu has continued part of the 
territory of the Pavdrs of Dhdr.^^^ In A. D. 1805 Mdndu sheltered the 
heroic Mioah Bdi during the birth-time of her son, Rdmcbandra Rdo 
Flavor, whose State was saved from the clutches of Holkdr and 
Siudhiaby the establishment of British overlordship in A.D. 1817.^0^ 
In A. D. 1820 Sir John Malcolm^^ describes the hill-cop as a place 
of religious report occupied by some mendicants. The holy places on 
the hill are the shrine of Hoshang Ghori, whosB guardian spirit stiH 
scares barrenness and other disease fiends^^, and the Rewa or Nar- 
baida Pool, whose holy water, according to common belief, prevents 
the dreaded return of the spirit of the Hindoo whose ashes are 
strewn on its snrface, or, in the refined phrase of the Brihman, 
enables the dead to lose self in the ocean of being.^^^ In A. D. 
1820 the Jdma Mosque, floshang's tomb, and the palaces of Baz 
Bahddur were still fine remains, though surrounded with jungle and 
fcst crumbling to pieces.^** In A.D. 1827 Colonel Briggs says^^': 

i«o Malcolm's Central India I., 78, 

i«» Malcolm's Central India L, 100. 

!•• Malcolm's Central India L, 106, 

"> Centrallndia II., 603. 

'•* Rnins of M&ndu, 43 : March, 1852, p. 84. 

>«• Rains of M^nda, 43 : March, 1852, p. 34. 

^«« Malcolm's Central II., 508, 

I at Briggs' Farisbteh IV., 235, note.* 



200 mAkdit. 

Perhaps no part of India so abounds with tigers as the neighbour- 
hood of the once famous city of Mdndu. The capital now deserted 
by man is overgrown by forest, and from being the seat of luxury, 
elegance and wealth, it has become the abode of wild beasts, and is 
resorted to by the few Europeans in that quarter for the pleasure 
of destroying them. Instances have been known of tigers being so 
bold as to carry off troopers riding in the ranks of their regiments. 
Twelve years later (A.D. 1839) Mr. Fergusson^^s found the hill avast 
uninhabited jungle, the rank vegetation tearing the buildings of the 
city to pieces and obscuring them so that they could hardly be seen.^* 
Between A.D. 1842 and 1852 tigers are described as prowling among 
the regal rooms, the half savage marauding Bhil as eating his meal 
and feeding his cattle in the cloisters of its sanctuaries and the in- 
sidious pipal as levelling to the earth the magnificent remains.^'^ So 
favourite a tiger retreat was the Jahaz Palace that ic was dangerous 
to venture into it unarmed. Close to the very huts of the poor 
central village, near the J^ma Mosque, cattle were frequently seized 
by tigers. In the south tigers came nightly to drink at the Sigar 
Lake. Huge bonfires had to be burnt to prevent them attacking the 
houses.^7^ In A.D. 1883 Captain Eastwick wrote : At Mdndu the 
traveller will require some armed men, as tigers are very numerous 
and dangerous. He will do well not to have any dogs with him, as 
the panthers will take them even from under his bed.^^^ If this was 
true of Mandu in A.D. 1883 — and is not as seems likely the repeti- 
tion of an old world tale — the last ten years have wrought notable 
changes. Through the interest His Highness Sir Anand Bao 
Pdvar, K C.S.I., C.I.E., the present Mahdrdjah of Dhdr, takes in the 
old capital of his State, travelling in Mandu is now as safe and easier 
than in many, perhaps than in most, outlying districts. A phaeton 
can drive across the northern ravine- moat through the three gate- 
ways and along the hill-top, at least as far south as the Sea Lake* 
Large stretches of the level are cleared and tilled, and herds of cattle 

i«8 Indian Architecture, 541. 

»•» Ruins of M&nda, p. 9. 

»»o Ruins of M6ndu, p. 9. 

^f ^ Ruins of M&ndu, 18, 25, 85. Some of these ei^fcracts seem to belong to a 
Bombay Subaltern, who was at Mandu about A.D. 1842, and some to Captain 
Claudius Harris who visited the hill in April 1852. Compare Ruins of 
Mandu, 34. 

»»• Murray's Handbook, Panjdb, 118. 



mXndit, 201 

graze free from the dread of wild beasts. The leading buildings 
have been saved from their ruinous tree-growth, the underwood has 
been cleared, the marauding ;Bhil has settled to tillage, the tiger, 
even the panther, is nearly as rare as the^wild elephant, and finally its 
old wholesomeness has returned to the air of the hill-top. 

This sketch notices only the main events and the main buildings. 
Even about the main buildings much is still doubtful. Many inscrip* 
tions, some in the puzzling interlaced Tughra character, have still to 
be read. They may bring to light traces of the Mdndu kings and 
of the Mughal emperors, whose connection with Mandu, so far as 
the hill buildings are concerned, is still a blank. The ruins are so 
many and so widespread that weeks are wanted to ensure their com- 
plete examination. It may be hoped that at no distant date Major 
Delasseau, the Political Agent of Dhdr, whose opportunities are not 
more special than his knowledge* may be able to prepare a complete 
description of the hill and of its many ruins and writings. 



202 



Art. XI.— !rAtf Tree Blossomed. Shtvajt as a Civil Ruler. By the 
Hon'ble Mr. Justice M. G. Ranaoe, M.A., LL.B., CLE. 



[Bead 17th September 1895.] 



The history of Shivaji's military exploits only presents to oar 
view one side of the working of his master-mind, and we are 
too apt to forget that he had other and stronger olaima upon 
our attention as a civil ruler. Like the first Napoleon, Shiraji 
in his time was a great organiser, and a builder of ci^il institutionit 
which conduced largely to the success of the movement initiated bj 
faim, and which alone enabled the country to pass nnscaUied 
through the dangers which overwhelmed it shortly after his detAh, 
and helped it to assert its claim to national independence, after a 
twenty years' struggle with the whole power of the Mogul 
Empire. These civil institutions deserve special study because they 
display an originality and breadth of conception which he could not 
have derived from the systems of government then prevalent under 
Mahomedan or Hindu rule ; and what is still more noteworthy is 
that when, after the war of independence, the country was reorga- 
nised, his own successors returned to the traditions of the past, and 
departed from the lines laid down by the founder of the Marhatta 
power, and in so departing from the model he had set up, they sowed 
the seeds of that disunion and separation which it was bis constant 
solicitude to avoid in all that he attempted and achieved. As has 
been stated before, Shivaji did not aspire to found an universal 
Empire under his own direct rule throughout India. He strove to 
secure the freedom of his own people, and unite them into one nation 
powerful for self-defence, and for self-assertion also ; but the 
extinction of all other powers was not contemplated by him. 
He had friendly relations with the Chiefs of Golconda and Bednur, 
and even Bijapur, and did not interfere with their respective spheres 
of influence, in the Telangan, Mysore, and Carnatic countries, and he 
allowed his brother Yenkoji to retain his father's Jahagir, all to him* 
self, in the Dravid country. He contented himself with levying only 
chotUh and Sardeshmukhi from the Mogul possessions. He made a 
clear distinction between Swarijya (territory directly governed by 



THE TREE BLOSGOMED. 208 

bimX and Mogalai (that governed hj foreign kings outside liis 
Swaraj ja). The civil institutions founded by him were intended 
chiefly for the Marhatta country proper, though they were also 
introduced partially in the line of military forts, maintained by him 
to the extreme south of the Peninsula. The civil territory, held 
under bis direct sway, was divided into a number of Prants (Districts). 
Besides bis ancestral Jahagir about Poona, there, was (1) Prant 
Mawal — corresponding with Mawal, Saswad, Jnnnar, and Khed 
Talnkas of the present day, and guarded by 18 great Hill-forts ; 

(2) the Prants of Wai, Satara, and Karad — corresponding with the 
Western portions of the present Satara district, guarded by 15 forts ; 

(3) Prant Panhala* — corresponding with the Western parts of Kolha- 
pur, with 13 Hill-forts ; (4) Prant South Konkan— corresponding 
with Ratnagiri, with 58 Hill':forts and sea-fortresses ; (5) Prant 
Thana — corresponding with North Konkan district, with 12 forts; 
(6, 7) Prants Trimbak and Baglan — corresponding with the Western 
parts of Nasik, with 62 Hill-forts. The territories occupied by the 
military garrisons were, (8) Prant Wanagad — corresponding with the 
Southern parts of Dharwar district, with 22 forts ; (9, 10, 11) Prants 
Bednur, Kolhar, and Shrirangpatam — corresponding with the modern 
Mysore, with 18 forts ; (12) Prant Garnatic, being the ceded 
districts in the Madras Presidency south of the Krishna, with 
18 forts ; (13) Prant Vellor — (modern Arcat districts) with 25 forts ; 
and (14) Prant Tanjore, with 6 forts. The whole of the Sabyadri 
range was studded with forts, and the territories to the west as 
far as the sea, and to the east of these forts, varied in breadth from 
50 to 100 miles at the most. 

The chronicles make mention of some 280 forts in Shivaji's 
occupation. In one sense it might be said that the HilKfort, with 
the territory commanded by it, was the unit of Shivaji's civil 
government. He spared no money in building new, and repairing 
old forts, and his arrangements about the garrisoning and provision- 
ing of these forts were of the most elaborate kind. The military 
exploits which made these forts so famous, as points of resistance 
against attack, or centres of aggression, formed the chief interest oi 
these early Marhatta wars« The Empire was knit together by the 
chain of these Hill-forts, and they were its saviours in days of adver- 
sity. In the Satara district, Satara itself stood a siege for many 
months against Aurangzebe*s whole power, and though it was storm- 



204 THE TRBE BLOSSOMED. 

ed at last, it was the first fort which was taken back from tba 
Moguls under Rajarsm's leadership by the ancestors of the present 
chief of Aundh. Torana and Rajagurh are associated with the 
first conquests of Shivaji, Shiran eri was his birth-place^ Pnrandar 
was made memorable by Baji Parbhu's defence, and Rohida and 
Sinhggad will always be associated with the memory of the brave 
Tanaji Malusare : Panhala stood the famous siege by Shiddijohar^ 
while Rsngann was famous for the defence by another Baji Parbfan 
of the defile which led to it at the sacrifice of his life. The Malwan 
fort and Kolaba were the places where the Marhatta navy was fitted 
out for its expeditions by sea. Pratapgad was made famous as the 
place of Afzulkhan's tragedy, while Mahuli and Saleri were scenes of 
great battles in which the Marhatta Mawalis defeated the Mogul 
commanders. The extreme limits on the east side of these Hill-forts 
of Shiyaji's possessions were marked by the fortresses of Kaljan, 
Bhiwadi, Wai, Karad, Supe, Khataw Baramati, Chakan, Shinawalt 
Miraj, Tasgaon, and Kolhapur. The important part played by 
these forts justified the care Shiyaji bestowed on them. Each fort 
was under a MarhattA Havaldar, who had under him other assistants, 
in charge of each circular wall of defence, from the same class, and 
he was assisted by a Brahman Subhedar, or Subni9, chosen from the 
three great divisions of Brahmans, and a Karkhanis who was a 
Parbhu. The Havaldar with his assistants had the military chaige 
of the garrison. The Brahman Subhedar had the civil and revenne 
charge, and this charge included the villages within the command of 
the fort, while the Parbhu officer was in charge of the grain and 
fodder and military stores and of the repairs The three classes 
were thus joined together in a divison of work, which ensured fidelity 
and prevented jealousy. The hill-sides were carefully protected by 
strict conservancy, and the charge of the forests below the forts was 
entrusted to the Bamoshis and other lower classes of the population. 
Minute directions were given as to the way watch and ward duties 
were to be per formed by day and night. The garrison varied in 
numbers according to the size and importance of the forts. There 
was a Naik for every 9 Sepoys, and the arms were guns, short swords, 
javelins, spears and pattas (long thin swords). Each man received in 
cash and kind fixed amounts as wages for service according to hit 
rank. 

Coming down from the Hill-forts to the plains, the country 



THE TREK BLOSSOMKD. 205 

divided into Mahals, and Prants very much on the plan now in force, 
in our Taluka system. The average revenue of a Mahal ranged 
from three-fourths of a lack to alack and a quarter, and two or three 
Mahals made a Subha or a district. The average pay of a Subhe- 
dar was 400 hons per year, i. e., about Rs. 100 per month. Shivaji 
did not continue the old Mogul system of leaving the revenue 
management solely in the hands of the village patels or Kulkamis or 
of the Deshamukhas, and Deshapandes of the district. These village 
and district authorities received their dues as before, but the work 
of management was taken out of their hands, and carried on directly 
by the Subhedars or Mahalkaris for the Subha or the Mahal, while 
every group of two or three villages was managed by a Kumavisdar 
(Karkun) who made the direct collection of the revenue. The plan 
of farming out land-revenue, cither of villages or mahals, found no 
support under Shivaji's system. 

The gradations of officers and men in the garrisons of the Hill 

forts were only copied from the regulations which were enforced by 

Shivaji both in his infantry and in his cavalry. In each Infantry corps 

there was a Naik for every ten soldiers, one Havaldar had charge of 5 

such parties, 2 Hawalas made one Jumaledar, 10 Jumalas made a ful 

corps of ],000 men under a Plazari, and 7 Hazaris made up a Sarno* 

bat's charge for the Mawali infantry. In the cavalry, there were 2 

divisions Bargirs and Shilledars, and 25 Bargirs or Shilledars had a 

Havaldar over them, 5 Hawals made one Jumala, 10 Jumalas made a 

Hazards charge, and 5 Hazari charges made one Panch Jlazari. The 

Panch Hazari was under the Surnobat of the cavalry. Every batch 

of 25 horses had one water-carrier and farrier. Under each of the 

higher Marhatta officers, both in the infantry and cavalry, there was a 

Brahman Sabnis and a Parbliu Karkhanis or a Brahman Muzumdar 

and Prabhu Jaminia. The Bargir's horses were during the 

monsoons cantoned in camps where every provision was made for 

grass and grain supplies, and barracks were built for the men to live 

under shelter. All the officers and men received fixed pay, which in 

the case of the Paga Hazari was 1,000 hons^ and Paga Panch Hazari 

2,000 hons. In the case of the Infantry, the pay was 500 hons for 

the Hazari, and for the lower officers and men, the pay varied 

from Rs, 9 to 3 for the infantry, and Rs. 20 to 6 in the cavalry 

according to the higher or lower rank of the soldier or trooper. 

During 8 months in the year the armies were expected to maintain 

27 



206 THE TREE BLOSSOMED. 

themselves by mulJchagiri, i.e., by levying Chouth and Sardesbmukbi 
from the Mogul Districts. When engaged on such service, the men 
were strictly prohibited from taking their women and children with 
them. When a city was plundered, the loot had to be accounted for 
by each soldier and trooper. No soldier or trooper was enlisted 
without taking a security bond from his fellows to insure good 
conduct. The military commanders were paid in advance, and they 
had to account for the Chouth and Sardcshmukhi collected by 
them. No assignments of revenue or land were allowed for the 
service of the army in Shivaji's time. Notwithstanding these strict 
restraints there was no ditiictilty found about the enlistment of 
recruits in tho army, and no service was more popular than that 
which led the Mawalees of the Gliautmatlia and the Hatekaries of 
the Konkan, and the Shilledars and Bargirs of Maharastrn proper 
to flock in numbers to the national standard on each Dasara day, when 
a call was made for their services. 

This system of cash payment and direct revenue management was 
introduced and extended by Shivaji tlirougliout his dominions. 
Native chroniclers notice this departure from old traditions in these 
two points more prominently because Shivaji appears to have laid 
great stress on it. It was his conviction that much of the disorder 
in old times was due to the entrusting of revenue duties to Zamindars 
of districts and villages. They collected more from the llayats, and 
paid less into the treasury than was strictly due, and used their 
opportunities to create disturbances and to resist tho commands of 
the central power. Shivaji engaged the services of paid men — 
Kumavisdars, Mahalkaris and Subhedai's, for the duties till then 
performed by Zamindars. It was the Kumavisdars' duty to levy tho 
grain and cash payments while the crops were standing. The fields 
were carefully measured out, and entered in blocks in the name of the 
holders thereof, and annual Kabulayats were taken from them for 
the payments due. In tho case of grain payments, the Government 
assessment never exceeded two-flfths of the actual vield. The re- 
maining three-fifths were left to the cultivator as his shnre of the 
crops. In times of distress, or in case of accident, Tagai advances 
were made liberally, and their recovery provided for by instalments 
spread over 4 or 5 years. The Subhedars performed both revenue 
and criminal duties. The work of Civil Courts was not then of much 
importance, and when disputes arose, parties were referred by the 



THE TREE BLOSSOMED. 207 

Subhedar to the Panch of the villages, or to those of other villages 
in important cases, and eaforced their decisions. - 

The civil organization of the District was of course subordinate to 
the authorities at head-quaters, two of whom — the Pant Amdtya 
and the Pant Sachiva, had respectively the charge of what in our 
time would be called the office of Finance Minister and the General 
Accountant and Auditor. The districts accounts had to be sent to 
these officers, and were there collated together, and irregularities 
detected and punished. These officers had power to depute men on 
their establishments to supervise the working of the district officers. 
The Pant Amdtya and the Sachiva were, next to the Peshwa, the 
highest civil officers, and they had, besides these revenue duties 
military commands. They were both important members of the 
Board of Administration, called the Asta Pradhan or Cabinet of eight 
heads of departments. The Peshwa was Prime-minister, next to the 
king, and was at the head of both the civil and military adminis- 
tration, and sat first on the right hand below the throne. The 
Senapati was in charge of the military administration, and sat first 
on the leftside. Amatya and Sachiva sat next to the Peshwa 
while the Mantri sat next below the Sachiva, and was in charge of 
the king's private affairs. The Sumant was foreign Secretary, and 
sat below the Senapati on the left. Next came Panditrao who had 
charge of the ecclesiastical department, and below him on the left 
side sftt the Chief Justice. It will be seen from these dfetails that the 
Asta Pradhan system has its counter-part in the present constitution 
of the Government of India. The Governor- General and Viceroy 
occupies the place of the Peshwa ; next comes the Commander-in- 
chief of the army. The Finance and Foreign Ministers come next. 
In the Government of India, the Executive Council makes no room 
for the head of the ecclesiastical department, or for the Chief Justice 
on one side, and the Private Secretary on the other, and in their place 
sit the Member in charge of the Home Department, the Legal 
Member, and the Public Works Minister. These variations are due 
to the difference of circumstances^ but the conception which lies at 
the bottom of both systems is the same, of having a council of the 
highest officers of the state, sitting together to assist the king in the 
proper discharge of his duties. If this system could have been 
loyally worked out by the successors of Shivaji, as it was originally 
conceived and worked by Shivaji himself, many of the dangers which 



208 TriE TREE BLOSSOMED. 

ulttmntely destroyed the Marhatta confederacy, even before it came in 
conflict with the stiperior discipline and resources of the British 
power, niip^ht have Ix^on uvoided. The seeds of dissolution lay in 
the fact that the necessities of the times rcqaired all the eight Pra- 
dhans or ministers, except P]>iiditrao and Nyayadhisha, to be military 
commanders, and these military commands necessarily placed power 
in the hands of the most successful leaders of the army. Shivaji 
himself carefully guarded against this danger by providing that none 
of those oHices Miould ho hereditary. In his own time he had four 
different rominanders-in-Chief, vi::,, Maukoji Dahatonde» Netaji 
ralkar, Prataju-ao Itujar, and llamhirnxo Mohite. He deprived the 
first IVshwa of his otlice, and gave it to Moi-opant Pingle. The 
Pant Amatya*s t>tUei' sinnliirly changed liaiids, and in fact the other 
otUoors wore not allowed to bo hereditary in particular familiei. 
This oautiiui was, to some extent, observed in the early years of 
Shahu*s reign, but toward"* its end the talents and power of the first 
thrtH^ Peshawas, Halaji Vishwnnath. the tirst Bajirao,* and Balaji 
Hajirao. uiade the IVshwaship hereditary, in their family, whilst the 
representatives ot' the vnhor uiiuisterswere mostly incapable men, and 
their import a uee dwiadlod in eoaseijuenoe, and the equal distribution 
and ba I .\i»ee v» I' p v> w o r wa > d ;■ s t :\>y e d . Th rough out t he Peshwa's rule, 
the As:aprtulhaiis or the eigh: hereaitary miuisters of state, bad no 
funeiiv^MS* or vMily iu>:::i:i.il :a;je::.'»iis to disehar^ce, and instead of being 
lhov»ri:Auisi*d iiOversr'.uT.:, wiiich -Siava*: di'si^ued it to be we find an 
u : K* r :; aui se I p * w <• r o t" t V. o o 1 .1 A <i .i : :e t \ p e , dep en .1 ins solel v for its 
V I : a! ' V y u i » v> . t t ; ; e o. i i'a e : : y v : t >. o v- 1 ; i i- . eo u i r^^ o f power . Shiva ji*s 
s\>;.'vi eAiiiK^j Lv tKAtiu'd .er s'.:.':i a v-.ni^i|ieiKV. It was the depar- 
tLi:o I'fv^v: lii>s\>:ova I'.i.i: was iv>:>.* -.s.b.v' tor iho fa dure of his plana* 
l'\ aiu^iiwr re>»ivet al> », Sliiva*; wa* tar in advance of bis times. 
lis* >et ''iv.^'iel >i.v*aai!y .;^.'..'.-.<r a:t\ S'-j^ijC-mo'Us ol land as jahagir 
i.» h"< *Uv'vv^>r-,\! viv:'. o: »;:.'..:..: \ v,v:;:::M::,ier^. Fiery one from ihe 
re*h>^a h-nI S^rtH^M'.". Jo\x:: '.x* tlu* \ttt5C s<f[W or karknn wa% 
u-.v.io. >".i \ I .'s ai A":j;i' -,.'».>, ^hrtcsed .o sirt'.v his salary in kind or 
vi,»«/\ .v*v-i I he p'.iol:^- tiva*u:\ ai^d ,: n varies* The salaries were 
••\oa a id i\4ul v\ .;=.:;.<'.■'.* a", ^:au^l ;>er:s\U. Vhe a^:^U3:e2C svstem 
wa* ^\i: Uv!iu\'. l'xva:^>e c >«:t>i '..a.vo :o S: abused u;^ier the best 
e . e u * '. ^ s . a • s\- >, .^ Uv I w v. 1 1 : ' le i k'> : m .» i ; * e^ . T he J aha^irdar naturally 
■.ciu;s ..* ly\\» r'v* i t^-n :',e "ufcl v»r t'ei^va* iHi»d'.erv\ a*id when his 
li t* a." : : -.'e : > >'. ■ cj * a; t ' u* iuxl '. • "k 1 iv ; v%i . ; ar^* iV i» uvvc icu*, ac caanoc be 



THE TBEE BLOSSOMED. 209 

remoTed except by force. The centrifugal tendencies towards 
separation and disunion are always naturally very strong in India, 
and the system of Eissigning jahagirs, and permitting tlie jahagirdar 
to maintain a force of his own out of the revenue of the land assign- 
ed to him, aggravates this tendency to a degree which makes well 
ordered rule almost impossible. Shivaji would not even allow 
Zamindars of the District to build forts for their protection, but re- 
quired them to live in houses unprotected like those of the rayats. 
None of the great men, who distinguished themselves in Shivaji^s 
time, wore able to hand over to their descendants large landed estates. 
Neither Moropant Pingley aor Abaji Sondeo, nor Ragho Ballal or 
Datto Annaji or Neeraji Raoji, among the Brahmans, nor the 
Malonsres or Kanks, or Prataprao Gujar, Netaji Palkar, Hambirrao 
Mohite of the Maratha Sardars, were able to found ancient families 
such as those which Shahu's ministers in the early part of the l8th 
century succeeded in doing. 

The only assignments of land which Shivaji sanctioned in his time 
were intended for the endowment of temples and charities. These 
were public trusts, and the holders thereof had no military duties 
to discharge and could not in the ordinary course of things, become 
dangerous to the State. Among the charities, the Dakshina system 
of encouraging learning found strong support with Shivaji. It was 
an old edition of our modern system of payment by results. Brahmans 
received Dakshina according to a scale which was carefully graduat- 
ed so as to provide both for the extent and quality of learning acquired. 
There were no public schools in those days, but private teachers 
taught pupils in their own homes, and both teacher and pupil were 
placed above want by means of a judicious distribution of annual 
rewards. Sanskrit learning was at its lowest ebb in these parts when 
Shivaji rose to power, but by the methods of encouragement adopted 
by him, the Deccan soon became known for the proficiency of her 
scholars who proceeded to Benares for purposes of study, and return- 
ed back to their country laden with honors, and rewarded by their 
sovereign. The Dakshina system of encouraging learning was, after 
Sambhaji's capture by the Moguls, kept up by the Dabhades of 
Talegaon, and when the Dabhades lost their importance, the Peshwas 
took up the trust, and greatly enlarged its scope, and it flourished 
down to the times of the British conquest, when the amount dis- 
bursed each year is said to have exceeded five lakhs. 



210 THR TREE BLOSSOMED. 

It will be seen from the details given above that ShivAJi's system 
of civil government was distinguished from those which preceded it 
or succeeded it in several important respects : — 

Istly. In the great importance he attached to the EUIl-forts, 
which were virtually the starting unit of his system of Govermnent. 

2ndly . In his discouragement of the hereditary system of transmit- 
ting high offices in one and the same family. 

3rdly. In his refusal to grant jahagir assignments of land for 
the support of Civil or Military officers. 

4thly. In the establishment of a direct system of revemie manage* 
mont, without the intervention of district or village Zamindars. 

5thly. In the disallowance of the farming system. 

6thly. In the establishment of a Council of Ministers with their 
proper work allotted to them, and each directly responsiUe to the- 
King in Council, 

7thly. In the subordination of the Military to the Civil elemenir 
in the administration. 

8ihly. In the intermixture of Brahmans, Parbhus and Marhattas^ 
in all offices, high and low, so as to keep check upon one another. 

Of course some of these distinctive features could not be continued 
intact when the Marhatta power, instead of being confined to the 
small area of the Swarajya district, was extended in all directions so 
as to embrace provinces so distant as Cuttack on the east, and 
Kathiawar on the west, and Delhi in the north and Tanjore in the 
south. In the Marhatta country proper, the nation, the army, the 
officers, and the kings were all of the same race, and a common 
bond of loyalty knit them together in a way which it was impossible 
to secure in distant parts of India, where the conquered population 
differed essentially from the army of occupation, and too often the 
army of occupation consisted of mercenaries who had no bond of union 
with their commanding officers, or with the representatives of the 
central power. It is therefore not to be wondered at that Shivaji's 
iustitutions, as described above, were not found elastic enough to be 
snitable for all parts of India. The connection of the Hill-forts 
with the plains commanded by them, for instance, was a feature so 
entirely local that it could not be accepted as a practical basis of 
government in the plains of Gujarata or Malwa or in the Eastern 
Districts of Maharastra itself. For a similar reason, the strict 
system of direct revenue management and the total supersession of 



THE TREE BLOSSOMED. 211 

farmers and zamindars was also not equally suited for distant provinces 
where the traditions of Government had been all along opposed to 
such direct collection. While therefore allowance maybe made for these 
and other consider ntions, there can be no doubt that, in other res- 
pects, the departure from Shivaji*s system was a distinctly retrograde 
step, for which no similar excuse can be pleaded, except that the 
men who came after did not realise the wisdom of his plans, and 
yielded to the temptation of present convenience, only to find that 
they had thereby lowered the organised union he had established 
into an unorganised mass held together by the very loosest ties, and 
threatening dissolution at the first great crisis in its history. 

The system of Government by a Council of eight Ministers, for 
instance, was retained in the early years of Shahu's reign, but 
gradually fell into disuse when the Peshwa's power increased so 
as to overshadow the other Ministers, and it actually ceased to 
exist when the Peshwas made Poena their capital. The Pant 
Amatya and Pant Sachiva, the most powerful civil functionaries 
next to the Peshwa, occupy no place in the Marhatta history after 
Shahu's death, and sank into the position of mere jehagirdars. The 
Peshwas did not venture or care to set up any substitutes in their 
place, and presumed to manage all affairs on their own responsibility. 
They were their own generals, and their own finance ministers, and 
foreign ministers also. No wonder that the personal system oi rule 
thus established had not the stability which it would have derived, 
if Shivaji's institutions had ^been faithfully respected by his suc- 
cessors. 

The system of filling up high oflfices as though they were here- 
ditary Watans was another retrograde departure from the instructions 
iaid down by Shivaji, and systematically carried out by him. When 
the Peshwaship itself became hereditary, it was not to be wondered 
at that every other office became hereditary also. But as natural 
capacity and virtues are not hereditary endowments, the office soon 
came to be filled up by incapable persons, and brought on, sooner or 
later, the expected disaster. Four generations of Peshwas retained 
power by natural right; but the other officers had not even this claim 
to urge for the continuance of office in their families. New men rose 
from the ranks to the top-most positions, but there was no room for 
them in the general Councils of the Empire. Nana Faranavis, for 
instance, from being a Fadnis, aspired to be Prime Minister, Mahadji 



212 THE TRKE 1JL0S80MED. 

Shinde, from being a Sirdar of secondary importance, became the 
most powerful military commander of his time. There was no room 
for both of them, and the like of them, in the central council, and 
each tried to suj)plant the other by force or craft, and each dragged 
the other down. More frequently still, the ereat military commanders 
became kings in (heir own territory, and made peace or war at their 
own will. This danger might have been, to a great extent, obviated, 
if the system of government by a council, with the necessary enlarge- 
ments dictated by altered circumstance?, had been continued, and the 
hereditary principle not allowed to t«ke Fuch deep root, as it did in 
the course of two generations from Shivaji's death. 

The greatest departure, however, was in the abandonment of the 
principle of not giving extensive territories as Jahafjir to those who 
could conquer them by the strenjrtli of their military prowess. To 
some extent this departure was forced upon the Government of Shahu 
by the events that had preceded his accession to power. The whole 
country of Maharastra had been conquered by the Moguls after 
Sambhaji*8 death, and Sambhaji's brother, llajaram, and his Council- 
lors had been driven far to the South. The whole work had to be 
commenced again, and the new leaders who came to power had to be 
allowed much their own way. No fault therefore can be laid at the 
door of Rajaram*s advisers, and the stress of adverse circumstances 
continued to be in considerable strength in the early years of Shahu. 
AVhen, however, Shahu'a Government was established in Maharastra, 
and plans of extendinj^ the Empire in all directions were entertained, 
the temptation of present convenience was not bo strong, and might 
have been resisted. It was just at this time that the mistake was 
committed of allowint? evcrv soldier of fortune to carve out his 
own jaha^jir. Pillaji and Uamaji Gaikawad settled themselves as 
sovereigns of Gujarat. The Bhosales of Nagpur became supreme 
in those parts, while Shiude and llolkar and the Powars established 
themselves in Malwa and North India, under a very loose system of 
allegiance to the central power, represented by their agreement 
to pay a portion of tho revenue^ to the Peshwa as wielding the 
chief authority in Maharastra. When these jahagir assignments 
were continued hereditary, the transformation from organized to 
unorganized power was complete. Those who first acquired these 
large domains retained some sense of loyalty to tho common cause. 
Their successors, however, resented all interference with what they 



THE TREE BL0S80MBD. 213 

if tnie to regard as their own private possessions. It was in this way 
that the more important departures from the policy laid down by 
€hivaji proved ruinous to the general interests. 

Shivaji^s arrangements about the direct management of land 
'revenue, without the intervention of the District and village 
Zamidars, were on the whole faithfully carried out by his successors^ 
and during the best period of the Peshwa's rule, almost down to the 
death of Nana Fardanavis, the system of farming revenue found no 
favowr. It was only under the rule of the last Peshwa that Districts 
began to be farmed out in the Marhatta country proper. In the 
outlying conquests of Mulwa, Gujarat and other parts of North 
India, the farming system was more in vogue, as being more suited 
to the unsettled condition of those parts. While in this matter, 
therefore, Shivaji's traditions were on the whole respected, the pre- 
cautions he had taken about the distribution of offices amongst 
Marhattas, Brahmans and Parbhus, do not appear to have com- 
mended themselves to his successors. The Parbhus, who had 
played such an important part in the early history of Shivaji, ceased 
to occupy any prominent place in the latter history of the 
Peshwas from Balaji Bajirso's times. Only one great name, that of 
'Sakharam Hari, who was a favourite commander under Raghanath- 
rao Peshwa, appears in this later period, though in the Courts at 
Baroda and Nagpur representatives of this class continued to play an 
important part as civil ministers and military commanders. As regards 
the Brahmans, there is an impression that the Konkanastha section 
had no employment under the great Shivaji. The native chronicles, 
however, clearlv' show that Brahmans of all the three sections of that 
community were employed as Siibhedars and Commanders of Hill 
forts. The Deshastha Brahmans naturally took the lead in the times 
of Shivaji and his two sons. With the accession to power of the 
Peshwaq in Shahu's time, the balance was turned in favour of the 
Eonkanasthas, and the disproportion became more manifest, because 
the leading Deshastha Jahagirdars had taken the side of Raghu- 
nathmo in his wars with his nephews. 

The military profession had not been monopolised by the 
Marhattas in Shivaji's time, but they constituted the chief strength of 
the army, both in the ranks and, file. The Brahman commanders ' 
under Shivaji were as brave in generalship as any Mnrhatta com- 
mander. This continued to be the case under the early Peshwas. 

28 



212 IHR TKEE itl.oKft)*'' 

Shiiide, from Ijciiis a Sirilar of wconiliT 

most powerful military poitimsiidf ■ • ' 

for both of iliem, nnil the like of ili. 

each tried la supplaat the Olber b; i 

ttie other down. More treijiifiitlj' M' 

became kinE;s in their own twrilitn , 

own will. This dniigef mijilit l';i' 

if the system of governm''iit 1". ■• ■ 

ments dictated by altcrrtl <■■.,■ ■ i 

hereditary principle imt jiH' > _i 

ibe course of two gcner*' i i ■ 

The grcBtMt dppartiif r 
principle of not ginuc • \ 
could conquer t hi- m liv il 
someestotit tbij dpfiariui 
by the e»ont« that liad , ., 

country of Mnhwwsiro I , ^^ 

Sambbpji'a death. tivA >.r , 

low Imd been dtlPrn far ^.^ 





.. .h. ■.rbonl 




, iV^tHiho. wfaB 




:t ["r.-t-irwriM 




1 ihc r«£fty trf 




L tl r-pt.n«trt 




■ mlb. ud ll» 




liDWUiOm, rvM 


hl.ui I 


L-it dim ngntaM 


rivaln 


tlMis Mt nf, 


l«i..au 


loihBgvwnl 



allowed n 

door of Rsjnmi i 

cunliniwd lo 'i- 

Whlii. howoi' r, 

niul plant) of f.; 




'^ - 'in »birli the ptioeiflm 

ilrpn-icJ from fcy !>• 
< rLbir-^:> *ni) (Indtne atlh» 
■^rinitli liridtb Kutbonly 
■..ii.c! ffTiprcaiMy, g«»e it* 
1 .1 ) di'wn by flhinji eror 
' -^rs. BiiiiMh rnt« lit India 
i.'H.i 3 It complelt (eparaiwuof the 
.•<! ami a doe ■nbetJiuiitiin) of llir 
' a|><in cub f»jmtu\» tof ttrvtca 
itiu of knite by wr a( tunignamM 
h n(vwe» hi tvrofmm tMj tiwr- 
Mfiti ur low. The govL-mitiral it 
. il«, »ihI not by tlio HnfpMeroil ilif 
I'Cta its laait reieniie by ils uata 
,tui tu the uld ZuEiiiilan ar faiiuen. 
.Ijiitiott lit uftictt aiiioii); all clawMC 
..^iteaet nf the nbeitrvamx o( tliUM 
, lul of KngtiKbmen have birn nble t» 
n.it thittvtrikrsbuth nntirraui) t'onign 
..ji lu a marvflloue fcfti of et&teanuiD* 
, . piinciph-s hiu bfOD thus vlDdicalvd. 
hv binueli ncbievvd, but by the buccms 
' .-[• lit thuw who built th«T power upiid 
_ . Mtfh ho hail trird Iq kiiit tngctbcr, 
,b_*t wc'UM Sbiniji'» xuoci-MDnt dcpatud 
, ^J iuHU by Ilun (ur tlieii ijaidancc. 



St5 



Act. XlU.^TJt£ Teleology of the Fahlad ShTcand Gumanik Vijar 
aiul Cicer6*8 De Natura Deorum. By R. P, Karkarii, Eso. 



[Read 15th October 1895.] 



The Parsis bave been well called the ruins of a greilt people, and 
their existing sacred books the ruin» of a great religion. How great 
that nation and that religion once were b known to ail who have read 
ancient history and care for the power and thought of bygone ages. 
Under the great Xerxes the ancient Persian nation was on the point 
of triamphing over Greece, Europe would have been subdued by Asia, 
and the faith of Zoroaster would have taken the place of the gross 
Paganism then existing and anticipated Christianity, But that 
^as not destined to be. The battle uf Marathan turned the scale 
against it and decided the fate of Europe and of the Persian monarchy. 
The powev of Xerxes rapidly waned from that point till the Greeks 
. in their turn in the next century invaded and conquered Persia under 
Alexander the Great wiio put » stop to the long and glorious line 
•f the Persian Monavchs. Their faith fell along with them, and 
what with the deliberate and wanton destruction imputed to Alex- 
ander, and the apathy and neglect of the Partiiian Kings, the ancient 
Zoroastrian religion lost its* sacred books. There seems to be a 
peculiar fatality about it in this matter. Having lost its* sacred 
literature and restored k again, it has once again lost it and now 
possesses only straggling fragments. After the losses under the 
Greeks and the Parthians it recovered under the Sassanides and 
Bscceeded in recovering neavly all its lost books. But when that 
last line oi Zoroastrian menarchs fell at the hands of the newly risen 
Arab power, their ancient faith* lost ground rapidly and suffered 
terribly under the persecution of the new faitk' of Islam. The 
literature recovered under the Sassanides was again lost, now irre- 
coverably. Not only are the aneient books or Nasks themselves lost 
but also works upon them and connected with them bave disappeared. 
The treatise whioh Hermippos of Smyrna is said to have written on 
that religion and based on his direct knowledge of the Nasks has 
also not escaped the ravages of time. 

The great revival of Zoroastrianism which took place when Ardeshir 
Babigan- mounted the throne of Persia after destroying the rule of 



n.AVi, 



\ trnislnting the A>c«ta texU. Tliere 
niUDiip ibtmi. Their faith citntv 
I thkt lutl nthea in Pulefitine amI 
I Wtat and £o8t. Christianity faut 
•PBS Ibrrp in spite of pvrw>cutiuB. 
I, Nuo-plalauieni, nnuiftimniaiul 
f the earl/ «fuiuries of the ChritiiM 
« ttnte religion of the Bmpire that 
m Xtit^ had strncic terror into thv 
) EnpJTo* mi the one hniiii, and India 
All thoec inthirnced it in mnu) wii*A. 
I «rvi>niro( "^ ihc tTvotd wn«. it thimI be 
I MBJoAt ChrMiimiHy nnJ uvtay hrrvtiml 
wMnrrutogy and Iii*)pnlo|[y hear letiiman,? 
M h/ the QKHit untightrnnl mniinrchs uf tho 
L^k Bttli^lrtenmeTit it seeme nai, in lhi>«c 
A« .■*••• »1 1**** ^'*" enncomilar.t of {lenecutinR 
L M» *^ *" ^"^t'^- '^'^^ p»ra Trojnn nnil tfar 
rt^ <anHuf wfi'u niwing the moet hittBr 
.^^^^r: tnd it is 8 RtaiKlini! tnaTTcl h(ii* iho 
g^^ltvn», wliu tiboHi such a IfMidiTuea* ami 
vMi. *l^* P"'^ bvfure liiniiteil' bdcIi a lofty 
uM|4 ctKild have ixiUL'd brdcrt I'ur niaSBRerilig 



M 



SHIKAND AND CICEnO^S DE NATURA DE6BUM. ^l 7 

tlionsauds of obscure and unoffending human beings, unless we' 
assume such a cynical and complete divorce of practice irom opinion 
as is not warranted bv the story of his life. 

But the argumentum ad baculum was not the only instrument. 
Less tangible though more convincing arguments were brought 
forward, and a whole class of polemical literature arose in 
the language of the day. This was the Pahlavi language, 
about the origin and antiquity of which there has been a 
good deal of controversy. Some have held that it is a frontier 
langunge of the second century A. D., and that it grew inta import- 
ance only in the times of the Sassanian revival. But the authority 
of Haug is against them. In his ** Essay on Pahlavi '* he proves 
the great antiquity of the lanofunge and shows that it? Semitic dialect 
e&n be traced as far back as the seventh century B. C, and its 
Assyrian dialect several centuries earlier still. ** The origin of 
Pahlavi," says he, ** can be sought for only during the period 
of the Assyrian rule, which lasted over Iran for 250 years' 
and was established as early as the twelfth century B, C, if 
not earlier. In the whole history of Iran from Assyrian down to 
Arsacidan times there is no other period during which its rise and 
spread could be explained in any reasonable way."^ In this opinion 
Le is confirmed by another scholar who thinks th^j; '*the Pahlavi 
language obtained currency in ancient Persia during the dynasty of 
the Kyanian Kings," and that ** as maintained by some authorities it 
does not owe its origin to the time of the Sassanian dynasty."' 
Whatever view may be held about the origin and age of the language, 
the literature written in* that language and extant to-day dates only 
from the third century A. D., whilst the greatest bulk of it is as recent 
as the seventh and eighth centuries. Most of the theological and' 
polemical treatises written in the heyday of the old faith under the 
Sassanides were lost along with books of a more sacred character. 

The Zoroastrian faith fell again from power, and with Yeadigard 
III., the la3t of the royal race of Sassan and his followers, it was forced 
into an exile from which it has never since returned to its home and 
renown. The new conquerors of Persia, the Arab followers of the 
new faith of Islam, submitted it to a long and terrible persecution 

almost amounting to extermination. In the great welter into which 

- ■ *. ' — ■ ■ . — 

1 Herodotus^ I., 95. 

* Pahlavi -Pazand Olo9$ary, 1870, by Hoshang and Hang, p. 141. 

" Dastor Peshotan Sanjaua's Pahlavi Grammar, 1871^ ppw 7, 10. t 



218 THE TELEOLOGY OF THE PAHLATI, 

things were thrown, the religious literature recovered after so much 
trouble was again greatly lost sight of, though it maj hf suspected 
not so much through active destruction as through the neglect of a 
persecuted and down-trodden people. Even this persecution mast 
not have been so very severe. There was a gveat change; but 
that change was not rapid, as is popularly supposed. For nearly 
three or four centuries after the Arab conq^uest the old religioD» 
though fallen, was floarishing in the country, M. Mohl has 
investigated this obscure period successfully, and the introduc- 
tions and other essays in his mngnificent edition of the Shah 
Nameh of Firdousi contain escellent materials for a history of 
that period. From these it appears that the Persian religion, cus- 
toms, traditions and songs survived in the hands of the Persian 
nobility and landed gentry — the Dikhans as they were called — who 
lived among the people^, particularly m the Eastern Provinces, remote 
from the capital and the seats of foreign dominion, Baghdad, Kufah 
and Mosul.^ And the poet Firdousi must have gathered the mate- 
rials for his great epic from these sources. Religious materials, too^ 
were then existing and even added to. That the old faith was 
surviving in the country for a long time is seen from the notices of 
Zoroastrian families that occur in the annals of the first four centuries 
after the conquest, and from the many fire-temples that still remained 
to be destroyed under the later Caliphs. The story of Afshin, the 
Commander-in-Chief and favourite of Caliph Motassim shewa* as 
Sir William Muir notes, the strong hold which Magian or Zoroastrian 
doctrines and worship still retained in the ninth century, and the 
toleration accorded to them in the country.^ 

The old books eiisted during these eenturits-of supposed rigorous 
persecution ; and not only that, but many new theological works were 
produced during that period. Most of the Pahlavi treatises we now 
possess were written during those centuries. It was only afterwards 
that most of the theological literature disappeared, and that not so 
much through deliberate destruction by the Arabs, as through the 
neglect of the Parsis themselves. As Dr. £. W. West says, '' the 
survival of so much of the sacred Zoroastrian literature during these 
centuries of Mahomedan rule, indicates that the final loss of nearly 
all this literature was not so directly attributable to the Arabs as the 
Parsis suppose. So long as a considerable number of the Persians 

*~0/rMM^Muiler, Chips, Vol. I., p. W, ed. 1887. 
• * Earljf Caliphate^ p. 514. 



8HIKANP AND CIOERO's DS KATUKA DEORUM. 219 

adhered to their ancient religion, they were ahle to preserve its 
literature almost intact, even for centuries, but when through 
conyersion and extermination* ^the Mazda-worshippers had become 
A mere remnant and then fell under the more barbarous rule of the 
Tartars, they mpidly lost all their old literature that was not in 
daily religious use. And the loss may have been as much due to 
their neglecting the necessary crying of manuscript as ,to any 
destructiveness on the part of their conquerors ; because the dura- 
bility of a manuscript written on paper seldom exceeds five or six 
centuries,"* 

The Pahlsrvi treatises written nnder the Sassanides and in the 
three centuries after the Arab conquest treat of several subjects con- 
nected with religion. Some are dogmatic and expository, expounding 
the views of the true fwith in various matters, as for instance* the 
famous Bundahiih, which gives the account of the origin of creation 
according to the Eoroastrian faith and tradition. Some are com- 
mentaries on the ancient sacred books and usages. Some are in the 
form of general epistles indited by learned Dastnrs to the lower clergy 
and the laity *on certain points of dogma and ritual which seem to have 
puzzled thein, as tihe epistles of Mannschehf and others. While some 
again are polemical and apologetic works refuting other religions and 
sects and upholding their own« The work which we are to consider 
presently is of this last class. 

It is called •*Shikand Gumanik Vijar," which means "doubt- 
dispelling explanations," and was written with the chief object of 
showing that good and evil arise from two independent sources as 
taught by the Mazda-worshipping religion. To show this the author 
naturally considers the arguments of the opposing creeds. He tries to 
show that while professing to believe in the unity of creation, they can 
only account for the origin of evil either by degrading the character of 
the sacred being, or by attributing evil to a corrupting influence, which 
is really a second being. In the general course of his great argument, 
he considers and refutes the doctrines of Atheists, Jews, Christians, 
Manichseans and Mahomedans. A great knowledge is shown of 
their side of the case and great dialectical skill is apparent in many 
parts of the argument. Quotations are given from the Old and New 
Testament, as well as other works, including the Koran, and the 
writer seems to have been a scholar of no mean abilities. 

• Pahlari Texts, Part IV. ; Sacred Books of the Bast, Vol. XXXVII., 
p. zxxix.. Cf, also E. W. West a^ud Geiger and Kahn, QruadrUs der Irania- 
chsn Philolofjiie, XI. 1., p. 60. 



220 THE TELEOLOGY OF THE IWULkVJ, 

This writer appears to be Mardan-farukh, flon of AhurmfiKdad, us ha 
gives his own name in the body of the hook. This autobiographical 
passage is interesting, as it gives tho-anthor*s qualifications for his 
task, and mny be quoted : '* The many kinds of falsehood, which must 
become confused and mutually afflicting to many, are, in the aggi^gstcb 
from one source of deceitfulness. As to that, this composition is 
provided by me, who am Mardan-farukh, son of Ahurmasdad* as I 
saw in the age much religiousness and much good consideration of 
sects of many species ; and I have been fervently minded, at all 
times in my whole youthful career, an enquirer and investigator of 
the truth of them. For the same reason I have wandered forth 
also to many realms and the sea-shore. And of these compendioiu 
statements which owing thereto are an enquiry of those desiring the 
truth, and a collection and selection of it for these memoranda, from 
the writings and memoranda of the ancient sages and high-priests of 
the just, and espcciHlly those of the glorified Atur Padhtyavandt 
the name Shikand Qunianik Vijar is appointed by me. As it is very 
suiiable for explaining away the doubts of new learners about the 
thorough understanding of the truth, the blessedness and truth of 
tho good religion, and the inward dignity of these free from strife."^ 
His age has been fixed by his scholarly translator, Mr. £. W. West, 
in the latter half of the ninth century.^ The original Pahlavi text 
of the treatise is not extant, but thero are some copies of a Paiand 
version of the earlier part of the work. Our existing text is derived 
from the Pazand and Sanskrit version of the famous medieval Parsi 
scholar Neryosnng. This Pazand-Sanskrit text has been lately 
edited in a scholarly publication by Dastur Hoshang Jamasp of 
Poena and Mr. E. W. West. 

We havo said that Mardan-farukh refutes the arguments of the 
Atheists, and it is to that portion of his treatise that I am going to 
draw your attention to-day. His refutation of Atheism is contained in 
the fifth and sixth Chapters. In them he points out (§§ 1 — 9) the 
necessity of understanding the nature of the sacred being as well as of 
admitting his existence. He then details (§§ 10 — 45) in a general 
manner the various modes of acquiring such knowledge, and Ihese 
modes are (§§ 4G — 91) applied to provo the existence of a wise and 
benevolent Creator, from the evident existence of design in tho 

t Chap. I., 34—39, WcHt, p. 120. 

8 Vahlari TexU, PL. II!.j5. H, A\, Vol. XXIV., p. xxviL; ami West and 
Ilobbaug b ratatui and Santkrit Tox^ of the Shikand^ p. xvii., 1887. 



8HIKAND AND CICEBO's DE NATUBA DEOBUM. 221 

creatures, and their various organs and appliances. In the sixth 
chapter, the argument from design is continued with a special rebuke 
at its close to the Sophists who argue that there can be no certainty 
about spiritual matters because our knowledge of them is merely 
subjective illusion.^ 

Now, what I wish to point out to you this evening is that the 
argument, of which this is a bare outline, presents a very close 
resemblance to the argument of M. Lncilius Balbus, the spokesman of 
the Stoics in the famous dialogue of Cicero, called the De Natura 
Deorum. This treatise is so well known to all who pay attention 
either to classical literature or to philosophy that I shall not pause 
here to describe it. Suffice it to say, that in it Cicero presents the 
theories of the great ancient philosophical sects, the Stoics, the 
Epicureans, and the Academics, about the existence, nature, and 
government of the gods. In the first book the representative of the 
Epicureans, C. Velleius, gives their views ; he believes in the 
existence of the gods, but denies the government of the world by 
them. C. Aurelius Cotta, on behalf of the Academics, says, that it is 
impossible to arrive at any certainty with regard to the divine nature. 
The second book is entirely taken up with the Stoic argument of 
Balbus. He gives, (1) proof of the divine existence, (2) of the divine 
nature, (3) oF the providential government of the universe, and (4) 
of the providential care for man. Of the third part of his argument, 
the providential government of the Universe, I shall give an outline from 
the elaborate and excellent critical Cambridge edition of this treatise by 
Prof. Joseph Mayor. Providential government is inferred from the 
consideration of the Universe itself, as embodying an intelligent principle 
first imported into it by a creative energy. A detailed review is given 
of the wonders of Nature, viz., the earth, the sun, moon, stars and 
planets ; also wonders of vegetable and animal life. Then the hand 
of Providence is shewh to be most plainly visible in man, in the 
provision made for supporting his life by food and air ; in the frame- 
work of his body and his erect position ; in the organs of sense ; in the 
gift of reason ; in the gift of speech through the wondrous mechanism 
of the vocal organs ; in the capacity for action through the mechanism 
of the hand ; and finally in the capacity for meditation and 
worship. ^^ 

• West and Hoshang, p. xi, 
1® II., §§ 81—153, De Natura Deorum, ed. Joseph Mayor, Vol. IL, pp. xiii. 

XV. 

29 



222 THE TBLKOLOOT OF THE PAHLAVI, 

This entire section of Cicero presents a resemblance to the two 
chapters of the Pahlavi treatise noted above ; and this can be clearly 
seen by reading the two side by side. I shall here give one instance. 
Both Cicero and Mardan-farakh take the instance of the human eye 
to show the adaptation of means to ends in the human body as well 
as the Universe. 

" What artificer bat Nature/* says Balbus, ** whose dbection is in- 
comparable, could havo exhibited so much ingenuity in the formations 
of the senses? In the first place, she has covered and invested the 
eyes with the finest membranes, which she has made transparent^ 
that we may see through them, and firm in their textnre to preserve 
the eyes. She hRS made them slippery and moveable that they might 
avoid what would offend them and easily direct the sight wherever 
they will. The actual organ of sight, which is called the pupil, is so 
small that it can easily shun whatever might be hurtful to it. The 
eyelids which are their coverings, are soft and smooth, that they may 
not injure the eyes; and are made to shut at the apprehension of any 
accident, or to o]5en at pleasure ; and these movements Nature has 
ordained to be made in an instant ; thev are fortified with a sort of 
pnlisade of hairs, to sweep off what may be noxious to them when 
open, and to be a fence to their repose when sleep closes them, and 
allows them to rest as if they were wrapped up in a caso. Besides 
they are commodiously hidden and defended by eminences on every 
side ; for on tlie upper part the eyebrows turn aside the perspiration 
-which falls from the head and forehead ; the cheeks beneath rises little^ 
50 as to protect them on the lower side; and the nose is placed 
between as a wall of separation.^^ 

Mai dan-f arukh handles the same subject of the eye. " When only 
the construction of one of the organs of the body is examined into — 
that is, how it is — it is wonderfully sagaciously constructed. Such 
is the eye which is of many natures of different names and different 
purposes, as the eyelash, the eyelid, the white, the eyeball, the trio^ 
and the pupil, in such way that the white is fat, the iris is water 
which has so stood in the prism of fat, that the turning of the eye, 
from side to side, occurs through it, and the pupil, itself the sight, is 
like a view into the water. The iris stands in the prism of white 
like the standing of water in a prism of fat and the pupil is within 
the iris, like the view of a thing within clear water, or the form of a 
column in a sliming manner. And the arrangement of the white in 



SBIKAND AND ClCERO'S DE NATURA DEOEUM. 223 

the orbit is for the reason that the dnst whirling from the atmosphere, 
when it arrives at the eye, shall not be concealed in it, but shall turn 
to the lid of the eye/'^ And both Cicero and Mardan-farukh then 
proceed from the eye to the ear. 

This resemblance between the two treatises has not, so far as I am 
aware, been pointed out by any one. This may be chiefly owing to 
general ignorance of Oriental works and especially old Persian 
religious books shewn by Western scholars. But now that Prof. 
Max Muller has rendered many of those old works accessible in 
English, the work of comparison may be carried on with profit. 
It was whilst engaged in a pretty close study of Cicero's treatise ten 
years ago, that I was struck with the similarity in the arguments of 
the Pahlavi writer even whilst cutting open the volume of Max 
Mailer's Series containing the Shikand. I do not say anything 
about the later writer borrowing from the earlier. We have no 
means of arriving at any conclusions as to Mardan's knowledge of 
Cicero either in the original Latin or through a translation. 
Cicero's philosophical works are, as is well known, not original. He 
is indebted to Greek writers. And the De Natura Deorutn, as is 
shewn by Prof. Mayor, can be traced to the lost work of the philosopher 
Posidonius " On the gods." Mardan says explicitly that he got these 
arguments from the Dinkard of Adirfrobag. The date of this 
IHnkard is bard to fix, as it took a long time^ to compose, and as it 
was added to so much by later editors. Probably the editors of the 
Dinkard might have seen Qreek philosophical works. 

»« Chap, v., 65—76. 



224 



Art. XIV. Firdoust oii the Indian Origin of the Game of Chestm 
By Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, B.A. 



[Roml 21st NovemlHjr 1895.] 



India is ibo original home of the game of chess. From India H 
wfiH introduced into Persia in the time of the great Noushiravan or 
(IhoHi'oeB I. The Arabs ivho subsequently conquered Persia intro- 
duced it into Spain on their conquest of the country. Spain spread it 
into other parts of Europe. Though some seem to be of opinion that 
it was the Crusaders who brought it from the East, many are of opinion 
that it was known in Europe long before the Cmsades, and that it 
was known in England before the Norman conquest. 

Ah to its Indian origin, Sir William Jones in his paper^ "On the 
Indian Game of (Uiess,*' says, ** If evidence be required to prove that 
chess was invented by the Hindus, we may be satisfied with the 
tPHtiniony of the Persians, who, though as much inclined as other 
iiatiouH to appropriate the ingenious invention of a foreign people^ 
unanimously agree that the game was imported from the west of 
I udia, together with the charming fables of Vishnusarma, in the fifth 
century of our era " 

The object of this paper is to adduce the testimony of one of the 
greatest, if not the greatest, Persian writers, as to the Indian origin of 
tlie game. Sir W. Jones makes a passing allusion to Firdousi, but does 
not givo his version of the origin. Further on, Sir William Jones 
says, *' Of this simple game, so exquisitely contrived and so certainly 
invented in India, I cannot find any acconnt in the classical writings 
of the Brahmans. It is indeed conBdently asserted that Sanskrit books 
on chess exist in this country, and if they can be produced at Benares, 
they will assuredly be sent to us." 

1 do not know if since Sir W. Jones wrote the above, any Sanskrit 
writing has been brought to light which would g^ive in detail a descrip- 
tion of the origin of the game, and an account as to why this game 
was invented. If a Sanskrit work of the kind has been brought to 
light, it will be of some use to see, how far the following version of 
Firdousi, about the circumstances which led to the invention of this 
game, was right. 



^ i\iu:itic Busearchetj, Vol. II. 



PIRDOUSI ON THE INDIAN ORIGIM OF THK GAME OF CHESS. 225 

Firdousi gives this versioD on the authority of one Shahui ( ^^ (^ ) 
a wise old man : — 

••There lived a king in India, Jamhour (jtn^ ) ^7 Dame, who was 
more valiant than Four {jjiy He was an intelligent and wise 
monarch, whose territory extended from Kashmir in the west to China 
in the east. He had his capital at a place called Sandali ( ^J dJu*), 
The king had a wife who was equally intelligent and wise. The 
queen gave birth to a prince as beautiful as the moon. The king gave 
the child the name of Qau {j^). A short time after the birth of the 
prince, king Jamhour died, conveying his last wishes to his queen. 
The civil and military authorities of the State met together and after 
some consultation resolved, that as the prince was a minor, and, as 
such, was not capable of carrying on the affairs of the State, the 
crown be bequeathed upon Mai ( (^ t« ), a brother of the late king, 
who lived in Dambar (^«> )• Mai accepted the throne and came to 
Sandali from Dambar. After ascending the throne, he married the 
wife of his deceased brother^ and a son was born, whom he named 
Talhend ( «xiaB^). When the child grew two years old and (3au seven 
years old, king M&i fell ill and died within fifteen days of his illness. 
The nobles of the State met together and resolved, that up to the time 
when the two princes came to age, the throne be entrusted to the queen 
who had all along shown herself to be virtuous and wise. The queen 
ascended the throne and entrusted the two princes to the care of two 
learned men to be properly educated. When the princes grew up, 
they separately went to their mother and asked her, which of her two 
sons she found to be nobler and worthier than the other. She evaded 
the question, saying in a general way, that in order to deserye her 
approbation they must be as temperate, courteous and wise as befitted 
the sons of a king. And again they went separately to her and asked 
her, to which of the two sons she would entrust the throne. She said 
to each of them in turn, that he was entitled to the throne on account 
of his wisdom. Thus both the princes came to age with their minds 
filled up with the ambition of being the future rulers of the country. 
Their respective teachers fanned the fire of this ambition. They 
looked with jealousy at each other. The noble men of the Court 
and the people divided themselves into two factions, one supporting 

* Poms, who was defeated by Alexander. 

s This allnsiozi shows that widow marriage was not prohibited in Northern 
India in the time of Nouahirav&n in the sixth oentnry after Christ. 



226 PTBDOUSI ON THE INMAN 

» 

the cause of Gau and the other that of Talhend. One day both the 
brothers went together to their royal mother and asked her, -whicli of 
the two sons she found to be worthy of tlie throne. In reply she 
asked them to be patient and to submit the question to the leading 
men of the State for a peaceful settlement. Gau, who was the elder 
of the two, did not like this reply and asked her to decide that question 
herself. He said, **if you do not find me worthy of ihe throne of my 
father, say so, and give the throne to Talhend, and I will submit 
myself to him. Jhit if you find me better qualified by my age and 
wisdom, ask Talhend to give up his claim to tl)e throne." The mother 
said in reply, that though he (Gau), being older than the other brother, 
had a better right to the throne, it was better for him to settle the 
question of succession peacefully with his younger brother, Talhend, 
however, did not like even this qualified expression of opinion by his 
royal mother in favour of Gau on account of his being elder of the 
two and said that age did not always carry with it any kind of 
su{)eriority, and that in civil and military appointments it was not 
always the aged who occupied high positions. He said that bb his 
father Mai was the last occupant of the throne he had every right to 
the throne as his heir and successor. The royal mother thereupon 
called upon him not to lose his temper and to take what she had said 
in the spirit in which she had uttered. She said that she treated 
both the brothers impartially and fairly, and thereupon, distributed 
equally among them, all the royal treasures that she had under her 
control. 

The two brothers then resolved to submit the question of aucces* 
sioD to the arbitration of their tutors. ' But the tutors, being interested 
in the elevation to power, of their respective pupils, did not come to 
any decision. Then the princes got two thrones placed in the 
audience hall and sent for the nobles of the Stato and asked them to 
settle the question, but as the Court was equally divided it was difficult 
to do so. Then the last resort was to submit the question to war. 
Before making any preparations for war, Gau requested his brother 
to withdraw from the contest, saying that the throne of Jamhour 
passed to Mai only during his minority and that Mai was no more 
than a regent and that therefore he (Gau) was entitled to the throne. 
Talhend did not attend to this and prepared for war. Both the 
brothers collected their armies, and before the commencement of the 
battle, Gau once more requested his younger brother, through a 
messenger, to give up the contest. He also suggested the alternative 



ORIGIN OF THE ^AME OF CHESS. 227 

of dividing the kingdom into tifvo parts. Bat all this was of nQ 
avail, asTalhend was bent upon fighting. Gaa sent for his preceptor 
and asked his advice over the state of affairs at this crisis. The 
preceptor advised his royal pupil to once more try his best, to win 
over his brother, by offering him all the royal treasures, except the 
throne and the royal seal. Gau sent a special messenger to Talhend, 
offering all these, but it was of no avail. 

Before givmg the final orders to commence fighting, Gau said a 
few words of encouragement to his soldiers and asked them to take 
Talhend prisoner, but not to kill him or wound him. On the other 
side, Talhend also gave a similar order to his soldiers. A bloody 
battle was fought, in which the army of Talhend received a crushing 
defeat. At the end of the battle Gau once more asked his brother 
to give up the hopeless contest, but Talhend paid no attention to his 
request and retired from the battle-field to a place called Marg and 
collected another large army, paying the men very liberally for their 
services. He then sent an insulting message to his elder brother 
Gau, and said that he was iirilling to fight again. At the instance 
of his preceptor, Gau sent a peaceful reply, offering terms of peace to 
liis brother. Talhend called a council of war and submitted the 
terms offered by h'i$ brother for consideration. In the end they 
resolved to fight again. A second bloody and fierce battle was 
fought, wherein Talhend was found dead, over his elephant, through 
great exhaustion, consequent upon hard work and want of food and 
water for a long time. Gau, not seeing his brother in the midst of the 
army, sent his men to inquire, and they found him dead upon the 
back of his elefibant. Gau lamented long for the death of his brother. 
When the Qneen heard of the death of her younger son, she lost 
herself in profound grief. She went to Talhend's palace and burnt his 
crown and throne as signs of mourning, and then burnt his body 
according to the customs of the Hindus. 

Gau, when he heard of the grief of his mother, went to her and 
consoled her, saying that he had no hand in the death of his brother, 
that he had done his best to dissuade him from fighting, that he had 
given all possible instructions to his army not to kill or wound him, 
and that he was found dead on the elephant, without in the least 
being wounded by anybody. The mother could not believe the fact 
that Talhend was found dead on the back of his elephant and that he 
died of exhaustion without being killed or wounded by any one in the 
tuTKoil of the battle* She thought that a case like that was 



228 FIBDOUSI ON THE INDIAN 

impossible and suspected some foul play, Gan thereupon asked his 
mother to be patient for some time, in order that he may prove to hrr 
satisfaction, that a death like that of Talhend was possible in a battle- 
field, and that neither he nor anybody else had any hand i& his death. 
He said that by some contrivance he would prove to her satisfaction 
that the death of a king, on the back of his elephant, in the midst of 
a battle, on being shut up on all sides and without being either killed 
or wounded by anybody, was quite possible. He added that if he 
could not prove that, he was ready to burn himself. The mother 
thereupon desired to be shown how such a death was possible, and 
said that if that could not be shown to her satisfaction, she wonld 
prefer burning herself rather than that her son Gau should burn 
himself. Gau thereupon returned to his palace and told his 
preceptor all that had passed between him and his mother. The 
preceptor advised the king to call a council of learned men from 
differcut parts of the country, suoh as Caslimere, Dambar, Marg and 
Mai, and to ask them to devise some means or contrivance by which 
the queen can be consoled for the death of her younger aon, and it 
should be shown to her that the death of a king, without either being 
wounded or killed in a battle, was quite possible, and that it might be 
brought about by being shut up on all sides and consequently through 
exhaustion and want of food and water. 

Gau accordingly sent messengers all round and called a council of 
the learned men of the country. The preceptor of the king explained 
to them the whole state of affairs and then described the battle-field 
on which the battle between the two brothers was fought and the 
position of the different armies and generals. On learning all the 
particulars, the learned men, and especially two among them, invented 
the game of chess, wherein one could see how one of the two kings, 
without being slain, was shut up on all sides, by the army of his 
opponent and lost the battle or the game. 

I give below Firdousi's description of the game to enable the 
players of the modern game to see how far their method of play 
resembled that described by Firdousi as the Indian method. In giving 
my translation I follow the text of Mohl (Vol. VI.) "Two great 
and good-natured men prepared a square board of ebony wood. It 
represented ditches and a battle-field on which two armies had met 
face to face. They painted 100 squares on that board for the 
movement of the army and the king. Then they prepared two 
armies out of teak wood and ivory and two exalted kings with dignity 



ORIGIN OP THE GAME OP CHESS, 229 

and crown. Over it the footmen and the horsemen were drawn in two 
lines prepared for the battle. Horses and elephants, the Dastur of 
the king and the warriors who ride their horses in the midst of an 
amny, all presented the picture of warfare, some marching fast and 
at a gallop and others going at a slow pace. The king led the centre 
t)f the army, having his well-wishing minister on one hand. On the 
two sides of the hand of the king were two elephants. The movements 
of the elephant raised the dust of the colour of the water of the river 
Kile. On the sides of the two elephants were standing two camels 
liaving two intelligent persons for their riders. On the sides of the 
camels were two horses and two riders, who could fight on the day 
of battle. On the sides of the two lines of the army were two 
warlike rooks, with all foam over the lips, being excited for the battle. 
The foot soldier moved here and there, because in the midst of the 
battle it was he, who provided help. When one of these (foot 
soldiers) succeeded in going to the other end of the battle field, it 
had the right of sitting by the side of the king as his adviser. 

''The adviser (or the vazir) cannot move in the midst of the battle 
more than one square away from the king. The exalted elephant 
moved three squares and he looked across the whole battle field up to 
a distance of two miles ; similarly the camel also moved three squares^ 
moving pompously and majestically over the battle field. The horse 
also moved three squares, one of which was out of the way. Nobody 
dared to go before the rook which ran over the whole of the battle 
field, looking for revenge. Everybody moved within the sphere of his 
own plain ; none moved more or less. When somebody saw the king 
within his reach, he called out "Hold ofi', oh king! " The king then 
moved away and away from his square, until he had no more room 
to move. Then the rook, the horse, the minister, the elephant and 
the foot-soldiers all shut up the way of the king. He looked round 
in all the four directions and found his army defeated with their eye- 
brows dejected. He found his way shut up by water and ditches. 
On his left and right, in front of him and behind him, were the 
soldiers of the enemy. Out of fatigue and thirst, the king perished 
This was the lot that he had obtained from the revolving heavens." 

We find from these details of Firdousi that among the ancient 
Hindoos, the chess beard was made up of 100 squares instead of 84 as 
we have at present. In the modern method the following pieces 
make up the first line of eight squares : — • 

1 2846^7 8 

Book or castld, knight, bishop, queen, king, bishop, knight, rook or castle. 
80 



230 Fiunoirsi on the Indian 

■ 

But in the old Indian method, as there were 100 squares, ten pieces 
formed the first line in the following order. To use Firdonsi's 

•words : — 

Rooky hars.'y cameU elephant, Bastur^ ling^ elejphant,camei,hor8c,rooh. 

To use modern words : — 
Rook, "knight, bishop, castle, queen, king, castle, bishop, knight, rook* 

We thus find that while in the ancient game tho rook and the 
castle formed two different sets of pieces, in the modern game^ they 
are combined into one. The very fact that, while all the different 
kinds of pieces in the modern game have one name, the piece 
representing the rook or castle has two alternative names, shows that 
in the ancient Indian game rook and castle represented two different 
pieces, but latterly they were made to represent one and the same 
piece. It appears that it was in Persia, that the amalgamation was 
first made because the Pehelvi Madigcini-chatrHng, of which we will 
speak Liter on, speaks of 16 pieces on each side of the board and not 
of 20 as suggested by the description of Firdousi, 

We give below the English names of the dilTerent pieces and their 
Persian equivalents as given by Firdousi: — 



English 
King 

Queen 



•• • 



Bishop 

Knight 

Castle 

Kook 

Pawn 



Firdousi' s. 
i^ (/. e., king). 

^\^)j^^ ('^'j vazir) or »Lijy-«^ (i.e., the 
bishop or adviser of the king). 

y^ (camel). 

Y-**»' (horse). 

ci^j (elephant). 

^j (rook). 

jj^Iaj (foot soldier). 
In the modern game the cjueen, »s the adviser of the king, occupies 
tho Rcoond place of honour, which in the old game was occupied by 
the Uastnr, ?'. r., the minister or the bishop of tho king. The name 
bishop, for one of the pieces in the modern English game, seems to me 
to have been taken from the old Persian game, where, according to 
Firdousi, his eqtiivalent was Dastur. But these two pieces have 
changed their places in their respective games. 

Again, Sir William Jones ref^Ts to a description of the game of 
chess iu the Bhavishya Puran, " in which Yudhisht'har is represented 



* Vazir iu modern Persian, 



ORIGIN OF THE GAME OF CHESS. 231 

conversing with Vyasa, who explains at the king's request, the form 
of a fictitious warfare and the principal rules of it." In that description 
a boat forms one of the pieces of the game. Sir William Jones refers 
to that and says : *' A ship or boat is substituted, we see, in this 
complex game for the rat'h, or armed chariot, which the Bengalese 
pronounce rot'h, and which the Persians changed into rokh, whence 
came the rook of some European nations ; as the vierge and fol of 
the French are supposed to be corruptions of ferz and fil, the prime 
minister and elephant of the Persians and Arabs. ... I cannot agree 
with my friend Radhdcant, that a ship is properly introduced in this 
imaginary warfare, instead of a chariot, in which the old Indian 
■warriors constantly fought; for though the king might be supposed 
to sit in a car, so that the four angas would be complete, and though 
it may often be necessary in a real campaign to pass rivers or lakes, yet 
no rive? is marked on the Indian as it is in the Chinese chess-board." 
But Firdousi's version throws some light on this subject, because we 
find from his description of the Indian game given above, that ditches 
and water were represented on the ancient-Indian chess-board. 

The game of chess thus showed that it was possible for a king to 
be shut up on all sides in a battle-field and to die out of mere 
exhaustion and through thirst and hunger without being killed or 
wounded by anybody, Gau showed the game to his royal mother and 
explained how it was possible for Talhend lo have died on the battle- 
field through exhaustion, thirst and hunger, without being killed 
or wounded by any of his soldiers. Thereafter, the queen, whenever 
she remembered the death of her departed son, Talhend, sought to 
drown her grief in this game of chess. '^ She always liked the game 
of chess because she was always sorry for the death of Talhend. She 
often shed tears of grief and in that case the game of chess was the 
only remedy for her grief." 

Thus we learn from Firdousi that it was to console a royal mother 
that an Indian prince had invented the game of chess. We will now 
briefly see how, according to Firdousi, the game was introduced into 
Persia from India. 

One day there came to Noushiravan (Chosroes I.) of Persia 
a messenger^ from India carrying with him Indian elephants, Sindhi 

'• We have an older authority which, though it does not say how the game 
of chess was invented, supports Firdousi in his description as to how the game 
was introduced in Persia. It is the Pehelvi treatise known as the Madigan-i- 
Chatrang, for the text and translation of which we arc indebted to Dastur 



232 FIRDOUSI ON THE INDIAN 

horses and various Indian curiosities a.s presents for the Persian king 
from an Indian Raja.^ He also carried a very handsome and costly 
chess-board and a letter from the Raja to the Shah of Persia. The 
messenger presented all these on behalf of bis royal master to 
Noushiravan and communicated an oral message which said : '* May 
you live as long as the heaven lasts. Order those who are very wise 
in your Majesty's Court to place this chess-board before them and to 
find out the method of playing this game. Let them determine the 
names of the difEerent pieces and the way how to move them in the 
different squares and how to regulate the courses of the elephant, the 
horse, the rook, the Vizier and the king. If your Majesty's courtiers 
will succeed in discovering the method of playing this game, we will 
acknowledge your suzerainty and give you the tribute which your 
Majesty demands. But if the wise men of Iran are not able to discover 
the method of playing this game, then as they are not able tb stand 
with us in point of wisdom, they should cease asking from us any 
tribute. Not only that, but in that case Iran should undertake 

to pay tribute to India, because of all things, knowledge is the 

be8t."7 

The message having ended, the chess-board was arranged before 
king Noushiravun who began to look at it very eagerly. The mes- 
senger then, on being asked by the king, said that the game portrayed 
the scene of a battle, and that the king, if he was able to discover the 
method of playing it, would find therefrom, the details of a battle. 



Dr. Pcahotan Byrainjee. Though the Pehelvi account is much shorter than 
Finlousi's, and though there are several points of difference, the two accounts 
agree in their main features. This Pehelvi treatise gives the name of the mes- 
Bcnger as Takhtaritus. I give the name as it is read by Dastur Dr. Peshotan 

but the wonl <O)!0^(C^ ^^^^ ^ ^"^^ ^^ varioxis other ways. 

« The Madigan-i-Chatrang gives the name of the Indian RAjA as DevsAram. 

Tuc word ^-lO^Ci) can be read in various other ways, and I choose to read it as 

Dipislim which is the same ai Dabislim the well-known king of the book of 
Kalileh and Damneh or the story of BidpAe otherwise known under its later 
name of Anviir^e-Sohili. 

^ The message as given in the Pehelvi treatise runs thus : — 
" As you deem yourself to be the king of all the rest of us kings and hold the 
title of Emperor (over us) the wise men of your court ought also to surpass t|io6C 
of ours, nuncc you should send us an exposition of this game of chess (that is 
sent herewith), and if you fail to do so, you should give us tribute and the 
fourth littrt of your revenues." — Dr. Pcshotan. 



ORIGIN OV THE OAHS OF CHK8S. 233 

KoushiravaD asked for a period of seven days,^ by the end of which 
time, he said he would discover the method of playing the game. 

The noblemen and the officers of the king's court then tried their 
best to discover the method, but they all failed. The king was very 
«orry, lest it would throw a slur upon his royal court, that it possessed 
not a single clever soul who could solve the mysteries of an Indian 
^ame. But then Buzarjameher, the chief adviser of the king, rose to 
the occasion and undertook to solve the mystery of the game. He 
studied it for one day and night and then discovered the method of 
|)laying it. Having communicated his [Success to his royal master, 
the ktter called an assembly wherein he invited the Indian messenger 
to be present. Buzarjameher made the Indian messenger repeat the 
conditions of the treaty offered by the Indian Raja, vit,, that in case 
an Iranian discovered the method of playing the game, the king of 
Persia had the right of suzerainty upon the Indian Raja, and then he 
arranged the game and showed to the messenger the method of 
plaj^ing it.® The whole of the assembly and the messenger were struck 
wiidi astonishment at the intelligence displayed by the minister of the 
king. The king was much pleased with him and rewarded him very 
liberally. 

Firdousi thereafter adds that this Buzarjameher, in his turn, 
invented another game called the game of Nard^^ i*^^)* & game like 
that of draughts or backgammon and carried it to India to test the 
intelligence of the Indian Brahmans, if they could solve its mysteries 
and discover the meaning and the mystery of the game. The Indian 
lUya asked a period of seven day s^^ to try to discover the method. 
But the Hindoo sages in the end failed to discover the mystery of 
the game. 

The modern Indian name of the game of chess is "Shatranj," which 
Sir William Jones derives as follows from its original Sanskrit word : — 

^It seems to have been immemorially known in Hindustan 
by <the name of Chatur-anga, that is the four *angas ' or members of 



* The Pehelvi treatise gives three days. 

* The Pehelvi treatise says that he played twelve games with the Indian 
€nvoy and won all of them. 

^* Acoording to the Kadigan-i-Chatrang, the name of the game was Vin-i- 

Artashir JiJ^) m^Jm yi « It was so called in honour of Ardeshir Babegan, the 

founder of the Saasanian Dynasty. 

^^ According to the Pehelvi account 40 days* 



234 FIRD0U8I ON THE INDIAN 

an nrmj, vie,, elephants, horses, chariots and foot soldiers. . . By a 
natural corruption of the pure Sanscrit word it was changed by the old 
Persians into Chatrang^^ but the Arabs who soon after took possession 
of the country, had neither the initial nor the final letter of that word 
in their alphabet, and consequently altered it further into ' Shtranflr,* 
which found its way presently into the modern Persian and at length 
into the dialects of India where the true derivation of the word m 
known only to the learned. Thus has a very significant word in the 
sacred langnage of the Brahmans been transformed by successiTs 
changes into axedrez, scacchi, echecs, chess, and by a whimsical 
occurrence of circumstances, given birth to the English word cheeky 
and even a name to the Exchequer of Great Britain.^^ " 

Several modern dictionaries derive the word chess from Persian 
* Shah/ i. 6„ king. This mistaken etymology seems to have begun from 
the time the Arabs introduced the play into Europe, because having 
corrupted in their pronunciaticm the original word Chatrang into 
Shatrang, they derived the word from Persian *Shah' (king) and * ranj* 
(trouble), and gave it the meaning of ** the trouble or the difficulty of 
the king/' because the chief point in the play rests upon shutting np 
the moves of the king. 

Before concluding this paper, we will briefly speak of two other 
versions about the origin and discovery of the game of chess. One of 
these versions is gicen by Caxton, the first English printer in his book 
" The game of chess," which was the second book printed in England 
(1474).!* 

According to Gaxton's work which was the translation of a French 
book, which in its turn was taken from the Latin, the game of chess 
was discovered in the time of " a kyng in I^abilon that was named 
cnylmerodach a jolye man without justyse and so cruel that he did 
do hewe his faders body in thre hondred pieces and gaf hit to ete 
and deuouro to thre hondred byrdes that men cftlle voultres/^ 
(Part I. ch. I.) 

It was discovered by a philosopher of the East named Excerses in 
('haldaic and Philometer in Greek. Philometer in Greek meant 
** lover of justice or measure/* The philosopher, true to his name, was 
no flatterer, and hated the evil and vicious life of king enylmerodach 
(evil Merodach). Thekinij; put to death all those who dared to adviso 

^* It is so named in the Pchelvi work Ma<ligan-i -Chatrang. 

^3 Asiatic Researches, Vol. II., p. 159. 

^* Caxton's game of Clicsse. Facsimile 1863. 



ORIGIN OF THE GAME OF CHESS. 235 

him and to remonstrate with him for his injustice and cruelty. So 
when the people requested^^ this philosopher to approach the king and 
advise him, he found himself in a difficulty. On being pressed to 
undertake even at the risk of his life that important task which would 
immortalise his name, the philosopher consented. '* And thenne, he 
began to thynke hym in what maner he mjght escape the deth and 
kepeto the peplehis promesse and thenne thus he maad in thys maner 
and ordeygned the eschequer of 64 poyntes.*' 

Having thus discovered the game, the philosopher began to play it 
with the barons, knights and gentlemen of the Court of the king, who 
all liked it very much. The king once saw the philosopher playing 
the game. He liked it and wanted to play with the philosopher. 
The latter said that the king must first learn it thoroughly from him. 
The king consented. The philosopher began to teach it to him and 
in so doing dwelt at some length upon the duties of the different 
officers of the State that were represented on the chess-board. He 
dwelt at great length upon the duties and responsibilities of a good 
king and at length advised the king to " amende hymself and become 
vertuous." The king thereupon demanded '* upon payn of deth to telle 
hym wherefore he had founden and maad this playe and he answerd 
* my right dere lord and kyng, the grettest and most thyng that I 
desire is that thou have in thyself a glorious and vertuous lyf , . . . 
Thus than I desire that thou have other gouernement thene thou hast 
had, and that thou have upon thyself first seignourie and maistriesuche 
as thou hast upon other by force and not by right. Certeynly hit is 
not right that a man be maister over other and comandour whe 
he cannot rewle nor may rewle hymself and that his vertues domyne 
above his vyces, for seignourie by force and wylle may not longe 
endure. Thenne thus may thou see oon of the causes why and 
wherefore I have founden and maad this playe, whiche is for to 
correcte and repreve the of thy tyrannye and vicious lyuying."^^ 

Having thus described at some length the first cause why he had 
discovered the game to improve the king, the philosopher said that 
** the second cause wherfore this playe was founden and maad was for 
to kepe him from ydlenesse, wherof Seneque sayth unto Lucy He 
ydlenes without any ocupacion is sepulture of a man lyuyng." The 
philosopher made a few remarks as to idleness leading a man to an evil 
and sinful life, and said that the third cause why he had discovered 

1* Caxton, Part JV., Chap. VIII. 
i«i Caxton, Part I., Chap. IlL 



236 PIRDOUSI ON THE INDIAN 

the game was to remove ''pensifnes and thoughtes "from the mind of 
the player. 

The king having heard all these causes, thought '* that the 
philosopher had founds a good maner of correccion and than he 
thankjd hjm gretelj and thus hy the signement and lenrnjing of the 
philosopher, he chaunged his lif, his maners and alle his eujll 
condicions/' Part IV. ch. 8. 

Now though the two versions ahout the cause, which led to the 
discovery of the game are different, I think that ihe Ghreek Philometor 
referred to hy Caxton is the same as Persian Buzarjameher. The 
Greek name according to Caxton means 'Mover of justice" and the 
Persian word means " great in justice." The Greek matron is the 
same as Persian meher. 

Now, before giving this version of the cause why the game of 
chess was discovered, Caxton's work, though it does not believe the 
statement, alludes to one other version. It says that some men say 
*' that this play was founden in the tyme of the Vatnylles and siege of 
Troye,"^^ This reminds us of what Sir William Jones^® says of h]» 
being told '* that this game is mentioned in the oldest law books« and 
that it was invented by the wife of Rdvan, king of Lanca in order to* 
amuse him with an image df war, while his metropolis was closely 
beseiged by Rama in the second age of the world." 

These two latter versions, the European version and the Indian 
version, which give to the seige of Troy and to the seige of Lanca 
respectively, the credit of having originated the discovery of the game 
of chess, are very striking, because they add one more link to the 
number of facts which have been advanced to show that there is a 
striking resemblance between the Indian episode of Sita and lUvau 
in the Ramayan and the Greek episode of Helen and Paris in the 
Hliad.i9 

" Part I., Chap. I. 

»» Asiatic Researches, Vol. II., p. 160. 

^H MW51S "^s^-a hh \CCC~Ck ii ^WMil W^l W^l «l^. A lecture by Mr. 
Pallonjee Burjorjee Desai. 
A Lecture by Prof. Macmilhm. 



237 



Art. XV. — Oashmere and the Ancient Persians. By Jivanji 

Jamshbdji Modi, B. A. 



[Read 9th December 1895.] 



M. Troyer in his Rajatarangini* says that " In all the geographical 
notices of the ancients, Kachmir appears to hare been joined to India." 
This is, to a very great extent, true of the geographical notices of 
Cashmere in the ancient Iranian literature. 

In the times of the Avesta, the modern regions of Cashn^ere, Punjaub 
and Scinde which are watered by the great Indus and its tributaries, 
were included in the region known by the name of Hapta Hindu 

(^JJ^'O* ••■ro-O') the Septa Sindhu {^^ fts^) of the Vedas. 

As the Avestic and Yedic names Hapta-Hindu and Sapta-Sindhu 
signify, the Indus then had seven tributaries. The ancient Greeks 
and the ancient Hipdus had given the following names to the seven 
tributaries : — 



Vedic-names. 


Greek. 


Modem. 


In the MaMbharata.' 


Sindhu 


••• 


Indus 




Sindhu 




Yitasta 


••• 


Hydaspes 




Jhelum 


Vitasta. 


Asikani 


... 


Akesines 




Chenaub 


Tchandrabliaga, 


Parushani 


••• 


Hydraortes 




Ravi 


Airavati. 


Vipfts... 


... 


Hyphasis 




Biya 


Vipasa. 


^t&dhru 


■ . • 


Hesydrus 




Sutlej 


Satadru. 


Eubhi 


. •• 


Kophen 









By the time when the Pehelvi wribern wrote their commentaries of 
the Avesta Yendidad, which mentions the name of this bountry as 
flapta ELindu, some of the tributaries were united and their number 
was reduced to five, which has given the countiy its comparatively 
modern name of Panjnaddy or Panjaub, i.e., the country of five rivers. 

1 Bajatarangini. Histoiro des Rois du Kachmir, Vol. II., p. 308, 
« Ibid., II., p; 317. 

31 



242 CASUMERE AND THE ANCIENT PERSIANS. 

for this statement Wilson says, " It does not appear from what source 
they have derived this story, as it is not found in the Hindu 

records, nor in the historical romance of Firdousi • 

Had there been any foundation for the tradition, it might have 
been of some chronological utility." I think the source of this 
tradition is Bahman-nnmeh, i. 6., the book of Bahman, written 
according to M. Mohl. in the end of the eleventh or in the 
common cemefUt of the twelfth century. It appears from the 
Bahman-nameh that the fame of the beauty of the women of 
Cashmere had spread even in Persia. When the different advisers of 
the king advised him to marry the princesses of the different 
countries which they liked best, Rastam pointed to Cashmere and 
advised his kin^ to marry the princess of that country. Firdousi says 
that Bah man had died a natural death^^ but according to Badi*ud-diD, 
whose authority Wilson follows, he was murdered by the attendants 
of his Cashmiri queen, his marriage with whom had proved very 
unhappy. 

Again, it appears from the Bahman-nameh that Cashmere was a 
place of refuge for the family of Rustam from the cruel hand of 
Bahman. His sisters and other relations ran away to Cashmere when 
pursued by the followers of Bahman. ^^ 

According to Badi-ud-din, Janaka, the third ruling prince of 
Cashmere after the above named Surendra, had sent a Cashmiri army 
under his son to invade Persia then ruled over by Homai, the 
daughter of Bahman, but the army was repelled by Darab, the son of 
Bahman. 

Jaloka, the third ruling prince after Janaka, had, according to 
Badi-ud-din, subjugated a part of the north of Persia then ruled over 
by Darub. 

In the long list of rulers who succeeded Jaloka, we have nothing 
special to record about the relations of the ancient Persians wiih 
Cashmere, until we come to the reign of Mihircule, the Mirkhol of 

17 On the other side of Takht-i-Solomon near Shrinagar there 'is a place 
called Rustamgari. A pundit at the temple of Bagoonath Mandir told me that 
according to some it ia bclicvcfl to have derive«l its name from Bustam. I waa 
told by my syce at Islfim^bnd that at Giljit, in Cashmere, a place was pointed 
out to him as that at which, accortling to tradition, Kostam was killed by the 
treachery of hu in'olhcr Shag^id, 



CASHMERE AND THE ANCIENT PERSIANS. 243 

Ayin-i-Akbari. The author of the Rajatarangini depicts this king as 
a wicked monarch in whose reign the Mleclihas had an ascendency. 
He founded the temple of Mihireswara and the city of Mihirapur, 
"in which the Gandhar Brahmans, a low race, were permitted to 
seize upon the endowments of the more respectable orders of the 
priesthood." 

Now who were these iTF>Trrr ^TT^^TT of the ^r^-d^^^ i. e., the 
Gandharva Brahmans of the Malechha dynasties ? 

A learned Pundit of Cashmere told me fliat this is an allusion to the 
Persian priests of Zoroastrian faith. The king Mihirakula having 
fovoured these Zoroastrian priests, he is run down by tho Brahman 
writer of the Rajatarangini and the Persian priests are abused. The 
very names, of the king, his temple and his city as Mihirakula, Mihiresh- 
wara and Mihirapura point to a tendency to lean towards the 
Persian worship of Meher or Mithras. 

The references to the Gandarii by the classical writers, as collected 
both by Wilson and Troyer, point to two different races of the 
Gandarii. It appears that the Gaud haras referred to by the author 
of the Bftjataringini were not the same as those referred to in the 
Mah4bh&ratta, but they were the same as those referred to by 
Herodotus, as a people of one of the twenty Satrapies, in which Darius 
Hystaspes had divided his Persian Empire.^® They were the same 
who, with the Sogdians ''having the same accoutrements as the 
Bactrians," formed a part of the army of Xerxes.^® They are the same 
as those referred to by Pliny as being a tribe of Sogdiana, theSogdha 
of the Vendidad. 

Thus the Gandhara Brahmins referred to by Rajatarangini, as being 
preferred to the Brahmins of the country and as having won the 
favour of Mihirakula, were some foreigners from the further west. 
That they were Zoroastrian Mobeds appears from the description 
given in the Rajatarangini.^ The writer alludes tauntingly to the 
oft-repeated charge of the custom of marriage among the nearest kins 
among the ancient Persians, a charge that has been rebutted as one 
carelessly made by a few Greek writers on the authority of a few 
doubtfal recorded instances of one or two unreasonable Persian 
monarchs. 

18 Bk.in.,91. 
i» Bk. Vn., 66. 
«o Bk. I., Slokas 306— 309. 



242 CASHMERE AND THE ANCIENT PERSIANS. 

for this statement Wilson says, " It does not appear from what source 
thej have derived this story, as it is not found in the Hindu 

records, nor in the historical romance of Firdousi • 

Had there heen any foundation for the tradition, it might have 
heen of some chronological utility.*' I think the source of this 
tradition is Bahman-nnmeh, t. e,, the book of Bahman, written 
according to M. Mohl. in the end of the eleventh or in the 
commencemefUt of the twelfth century. It appears from the 
Bahman-nameh that the fame of the beauty of the women of 
Cashmere had spread even in Persia. When the different advisers of 
the king advised him to marry the princesses of the different 
countries whirh they liked best, Rastam pointed to Cashmere and 
advised his kin^ to marry the princess of that country. Firdousi says 
that Bahman had died a natural death^^ but according to Badi*ud-din, 
whose authority Wilson follows, he was murdered by the attendants 
of his Caslimiri queen, his marriage with whom had proved very 
unhappy. 

Again, it appears from the Bahman-nameh that Cashmere was a 
place of refuge for the family of Rustam from the cruel hand of 
Bahman. His sisters and other relations ran away to Cashmere when 
pursued by the followers of Bahman .^^ 

According to Badi-ud-din, Janaka, the third ruling prince of 
Cashmere after the above named Surendra, had sent a Cashmiri army 
under his son to invade Persia then ruled over by Homai, the 
daughter of Bahman, but the army was repelled by Darab, the son of 
Bahman. 

Jaloka, the third ruling prince after Janaka, had, according to 
Badi-ud-din, subjugated a part of the north of Persia then ruled over 
by Darab. 

In the long list of rulers who succeeded Jaloka, we have nothing 
special to record about the relations of the ancient Persians with 
Cashmere, until we come to the reign of Mihircule^ the Mirkhol of 

17 On the other side of Takht-i-Solomon nejir Shrinagar there 'is a plaoo 
called Rustamgari. A pundit at the temple of Bagoouath Mandir told me that 
according to some it is believed to have dorivcfl its name from Bustam. I was 
told by my syce at Islfim^bad that at Oil jit, in Cashmere, a place was pointed 
out to him as that at which, according to tradition, Kostam was killed by the 
treachery uf his brother ShagAd. 



CASHMERE AND THE ANCIENT PERSIANS. 243 

Ayin-i-Akbari. The author of the Rajatarangini depicts this king as 
a wicked monarch in whose reign the Mleclihas had an ascendency. 
He founded the temple of Mihireswara and the city of Mihirapur, 
"in which the Gandhar Brahmans, a low race, were permitted to 
seize upon the endowments of the more respectahle orders of the 
priesthood." 

Now who were these iTF>srrrr ^TT^^TT of the Ji ft - dg^^ i. e., the 
Gandharva Brahmans of the Malechha dynasties ? 

A learned Pundit of Cashmere told me fliat this is an allusion to the 
Persian priests of Zoroastrian faith. The king Mihirakula having 
fovoured these Zoroastrian priests, he is run down by tho Brahman 
writer of the Rajatarangini and the Persian priests are abused. The 
very names, of the king, his temple and his city as Mihirakula, Mihiresh- 
wara and Mihirapura point to a tendency to lean towards the 
Persian worship of Meher or Mithras. 

The references to the Gandarii by the classical writers, as collected 
both by Wilson and Troyer, point to two different races of the 
Gandarii. It appears that the Gand haras referred to by the author 
of the Bftjataringini were not the same as those referred to in the 
MahabhSratta, bat they were the same as those referred to by 
Herodotus, as a people of one of the twenty Satrapies, in which Darius 
Hystaspes had divided his Persian Empire.^® They were the same 
who, with the Sogdians ''having the same accoutrements as the 
Bactrians," formed a part of the army of Xerxes.^® They are the same 
as those referred to by Pliny as being a tribe of Sogdiana, theSogdha 
of the Vendidad. 

Thus the Gandhara Brahmins referred to by Rajatarangini, as being 
preferred to the Brahmins of the country and as having won the 
favour of Mihirakula, were some foreigners from the further west. 
That they were Zoroastrian Mobeds appears from the description 
given in the Rajatarangini.^ The writer alludes tauntingly to the 
oft-repeated charge of the custom of marriage among the nearest kins 
among the ancient Persians, a charge that has been rebutted as one 
carelessly made by a few Greek writers on the authority of a few 
doabtfal recorded instances of one or two unreasonable Persian 
monarchs. 

18 Bk.in.,91. 

" Bk. Vn., 66. 

«o Bk. I., Slokas 306—309. 



242 CASHMERE AND THE ANCIENT PERSIANS. 

for this statement Wilson says, " It does not appear from what source 
they have derived this story, as it is not found in the Hindu 
records, nor in the historical romance of Firdousi ...••• 
Had there been any foundation for the tradition, it might have 
been of some chronological utility." I think the source of this 
tradition is Bahman-nameh, t. 6., the book of Bahman, written 
according to M. Mohl. in the end of the eleventh or in the 
commencemefUt of the twelfth century. It appears from the 
Bahman-nameh that the fame of the beauty of the women of 
Cashmere had spread even in Persia. When the different advisers of 
the king advised him to marry the princesses of the different 
countries which they liked best, Rnstam pointed to Cashmere and 
advised his kin^ to marry the princess of that country, Firdousi says 
that Bahman had died a natural death^^ but according to Badi-ud-din, 
whose authority Wilson follows, he was murdered by the attendants 
of his Cashmiri queen, his marriage with whom had proved very 
unhappy. 

Again, it appears from the Bahman-nameh that Cashmere was a 
place of refuge for the family of Rustam from the cruel hand of 
Bahman. His sisters and other relations ran away to Cashmere when 
pursued by the followers of Bahman.*^ 

According to Badi-ud-din, Janaka, the third ruling prince of 
Cashmere after the above named Surendra, had sent a Cashmiri army 
under his son to invade Persia then ruled over by Homai» the 
daughter of Bahman, but the army was repelled by Dar&b, the son of 
Bahman. 

Jaloka, the third ruling prince after Janaka, had, according to 
Badi-ud-din, subjugated a part of the north of Persia then ruled over 
by Darab. 

In the long list of rulers who succeeded Jaloka, we have nothing 
special to record about the relations of the ancient Persians with 
Cashmere, until we come to the reign of Mihircule^ the Mirkhol of 

^7 On the other side of Takht-i-Solomon near Shrinagar there 'is a plaee 
called Rustamgari. A pundit at the temple of Bagoouath Mandir told me that 
according to some it ia believed to have derivcfl its name from Bustam. I was 
tol<l by my syce at Islfim^bad that at Oiljit, in Cashmere, a place was pointed 
GUI. to him as that at which, accoKling to tradition, Kustam was killcii by the 
treaohory of his brother ShagAd. 



CASHMERE AKD THE ANCIENT PERSIANS. 243 

Ayin-i-Akbari. The author of the Rajntarftngini depicts this king as 
a wicked monarch in whose reign the Mlechhas had an ascendency. 
He founded the temple of Mihireswara and the city of Mihirapur, 
"in which the Gandhar Brahmans, a low race, were permitted to 
seize apon the endowments of the more respectahle orders of the 
priesthood." 

Now who were these vir^-v^Kr fTr^^TT of the ^Fj^STTO «. e., the 
Oandharva Brahmans of the Malechha dynasties? 

A learned Pundit of Cashmere told me fhat this is an allusion to the 
Persian priests of Zoroastrian faith. The king Mihirakula having 
favoured these Zoroastrian priests, he is run down by the Brahman 
writer of the Bajatarangini and the Persian priests are abused. The 
very names, of the king, his temple and his city as Mihirakula, Mihiresh- 
wara and Mihirapura point to a tendency to lean towards the 
Persian worship of Meher or Mithras. 

The references to the Gandarii by the classical writers, as collected 
both by Wilson and Troyer, point to two different races of the 
Gandarii. It appears that the Gandharas referred to by the author 
of the BfAjataringini were not the same as those referred to in the 
Mahabharatta, bat they were the sam« as those referred to by 
Herodotus, as a people of one of the twenty Satrapies, in which Darius 
Hystaspes had divided his Persian Empire.^^ They were the same 
who, with the Sogdians ''having the same accoutrements as the 
Bactrians," formed a part of the army of Xerxes.^® They are the same 
as those referred to by Pliny as being a tribe of Sogdiana, the^ogdha 
of the Vendidad. 

Thus the Gandhara Brahmins referred to by Bajatarangini, as being 
preferred to the Brahmins of the country and as having won the 
flavour of Mihirakula, were some foreigners from the further west. 
That they were Zoroastrian Mobeds appears from the description 
given in the Rajatarangini.^ The writer alludes tauntingly to the 
oft-repeated charge of the custom of marriage among the nearest kins 
among the ancient Persians, a charge that has been rebutted as one 
carelessly made by a few Greek writers on the authority of a few 
doabtfal recorded instances of one or two unreasonable Persian 
monarchs. 

18 Bk.in.,91. 
le Bk. VIL, 66. 
>o Bk. I., Slokas 306—309. 



244 CASHMERE ANT) THE ANCIENT rEKSlANS. 

The next reference by Badin-ud-din to n Cashmixi king who had 
any relations with Persia is that to Lalitaditya, who, according to 
Wilson's chronology, ruled in the commencement of the eighth century 
after Christ. When Yazdgird, the last of the Sassanian rulers, was hard 
pressed by the rising power of the Arabs, he was one of the neighbour- 
ing rulers who had marched to Persia to help the Persian niQnarch. 
But, on his vray, hearing of the great power of the Arabs, he withdrew 
and returned to Cashmere. 

According to Herodotus, Darius Hystaspcs was the first Persian 
monarch, who had sent to Cashmere an expedition for exploring the 
regions watered by the Indus. We know from the same anthority, 
and from several stone columns with cuneiform inscriptions recently 
discovered near Suez, that this enterprising monarch was the first to 
build a complete Suez canal about twenty-three centuries ago, for the 
purpose of developing the trade of his conquered countries.*^ It 
appears that it was with the same enterprising zeal that he had sent 
an expedition to the shores of the Indus. Herodotus says: — 

** A great part of Aaia was explored under the direction of DariuB. 
He being desirous to know in what part the Indus, which is the second 
river that produces crocodiles, discharges itself into the sea, sent in 
ships with others on whom he could rely to make a trne report and 
also Scylax of Caryanda. They accordingly setting out from the city 
of Caspatyrus and the country of Pactyice, sailed down the riyer 
towards the east and sunrise to the east. . . . After these 
persons had sailed round, Darius subdued the Indians and frequented 
this sea ."22 

Herodotus refers to the above Caspatyrus in another chapter as 
follows : — ''There are other Indians bordering on the city of Caspatyrus 
and the country of Pactyice settled northward of the other Indians,^ 
whose mode of life resembles that of the Bactrians. They anj the 
most warlike of the Indians." ^ 

Wilson has shown very cleverly that the Caspatyrus of Herodotal 
is the same as Cashmere.'^ According to the ancient tradition recorded 
in the Rajatarangini, the ancient history of Cashmere, the coontiy was 



■1 **L.i Stde d(i Chalouf par M. Joachim Meiiant. Vide my Gujazati 
Lucture Inifore the DiiyAn Prasarak Mandli on ** The Suez Canal." 
*» Uero<lotu8 IV., Ch. 44; translated l>y Cary. 
*3 Horo<lotu8 III., Cli. 102. 
«* Asiatic Ucsearchcs, Vol. XV., p. 115. 



CASHMERE AND THE ANCIENT PEHSIANS. 245 

at first A vast iake called Satisaras. Saint Eagyapay the son of 
Marichi, the son of Brahma (the Kashef of the Mahomedans), was 
the person who brought about the desecration of the conntry and 
emptied the lake. Hence the country was called Kacyapapura, t.e.f 
the country of Kagyapa, 

According to another legend about the drying of the valley of Kashmir 
referred to by 'Wilson, as given in the Wakiat-i-Kashmir, when this 
country was covered with water, there lived in it a demon, named 
Jaladeo (/. e., the demon of water) " who preyed upon mankind and 
seized on everything and person he could meet with in the neighbour* 
ing regions.'^ Kashef, the son of Marichi, prayed to Mahadeo to kill 
this demon. Mahadeo asked his servant Vishnu to do this, and he 
succeeded in killing this demon after a fight of 100 years. May I 
ask — Has not this story any connection with that in theShahnameh in 
which Sam, the son of Nariman, kills on the banks of the river Kashaf 
a demon dragon ''whose length extended from one city to another and 
whose breadth spread from one mountain to another. All the people 
were afraid of him and kept a watch for day and night against him."^ 
That Sam had visited Hindustan, appears from another part of the 
ISluLhnilmeh, wherein we find old Faridoon entrusting young Minocheher 
to the care of this geueral.2« 

£ven now the people of Cashmere read and hear with pleasure some 
of the touching episodes about the ancient Persians in the Shahnameh 
of Firdousi. During my visit to that country last May, I frequently 
beard the Pundits saying : 

%. €,f **The person who reads Shahnameh, even if he were a woman, 
acts like a hero/' The episodes are rendered into Cashmiri songs and 



ss 



ts 



u^^^ji J'^ ^y. Jj^ '>^t^ 
Vuller L, p. 194. ^^U ^jjj wji ^AM^I j ^^ 

Vuller I., p. 126. ^^IJ^iSU, (^jj a^ ^^ij^ 

32 



246 CASEIMEKK AMD THE ANCIENT PERSIANS. 

sung on special occasions by musicians and singers before large 
asHemblies at night. In the midst of a very touching episode, when, 
owing to the difficulty or the danger of the favourite hero of the 
episode, who has for the time become a favourite of the audience as 
welly the excitement of the hearers is raised to the highest pitch, tho 
singer suddenly stops and refuses to proceed further. The hearers get 
impatient to know the fate of their favourite hero and subscribe among 
themselves a small sum to be given to tfio singer as the price for 
releasing the favourite hero from what they call his •*Atfii?A" i, ^„ 
difficulty or danger. It is only when a sum is presented that the 
singer proceerls further. They say that even on marriage occasions 
some of the nuirriage songs treat of tho ancient Persians. For examplp, 
I was told that one of the marriage songs was a song sung by the mother 
of Rustam when her son went to Mazindcran to release king Kans. 

It was for the first timo that I hRd heard iu Kashmir the following 
story abnut Rustam and Aii. I do not know if it is common to other 
parts of India. 

They s;iy that Rustam was resuscitated about r>0() years after his 
death fur the lollowin«j; reason. Ali, the favourite of the holy Prophet, 
had fought very bravely in the war against the infidels. The Pi'ophet 
complimented him, saying: ** You have fought as bravely as Rustaxn.'* 
This remark excited the curiosity of Ali as to who and how strong 
this Rustam was. To satisfy the curiosity of Ali, but without 
letting him know about it, the Prophet prayed to God to resuscitate 
Rustam. God accepted tho prayer. Rustam re-appeared on this earth 
and met Ali once when he was passing throu;^'h a very narrow defile 
which could allow only one rider to pass. Rustam bade Ali Salam 

A A ' 

Alikum. Ali did not retnrn the Alikum SalAm. Having met in the 
midst of a narrow defile, it was difficult for any one of them tapaas 
by the side of the other unless one retraced his steps. To solve the 
difficulty RustRm lifted up the horse of Ali tofrethcr wi^h the rider by 
passmg his whip under his belly, and taking him over his head placed 
him on the other side of the defile behind him. This feat of extraordi« 
nary strength surprised Ali who on return spoke of it to the Prophet. 
After a few days Ali again met Rustam who was sitting on 
a plain with his horse Uakhash grazing by his side. On seeing Ali 
he bade him Salam Alikum but Ali did not return the salilm. Rustam 
then requested Ali to bring to him the grain bag of his horse which 
was lying at some distance. Ali found it immensely heavy to lift up, 
and it was after au amount of effort that he could carry it to Rustam. 



CASHMERE AND THE ANCIENT PEfiSIANS, 247 

Ali thought to himself what must he the strength of the horse and of 
the master of the horse if the grain-bag^ of the horse was so extraordi- 
narilj heavy. On going home he narrated to the Prophet what he 
had seen. The Prophet then explained the matter to him and said 
that it was Rustam whom he had seen during these two visits, and that 
God had brought him to life again at his special request. He then 
reprimanded Ali for his want of respect towards Rustam in not 
returning his salams and said that had Ali been sufficiently courteous 
to Rustam, he would have prayed to God to keep him alive some time 
longer, and in that case he (Rustam) wouid have rendered him great 
help in his battles. 

Most of the Cashmiri songs about the ancient Persians refer to 
Rustam and to King Kaus. I was told by a Pundit that the Sultan 
of Kathai nearMuzaiferabad iu Cashmere, traced his descent from King 
Kaus. We know from Avesta and Pehelvi books that King Kaus was 
known for his opposition to magicians, fairies, &c. In the Aban Yasht 
he is represented as praying before Ardvi9ura on Mount Ereziphya, 
identified by Bunsen with Mount Seraphi in the country of Holmius 
between Merv and Herat, for suppressing the power of these evil-minded 
people. The Pehelvi Beheman Yasht supports this statement. 
Again, from the Pehelvi manuscript Zarthoshi-nameh of Mr. Tehmuras 

Dinshaw Anklesaria, we learn that this monarch had sent one to^^ 

Sarita to an abode of the fairies known as ''Dair-i-Parikan (tr^^Jo *^i) 

with an order to destroy* that place. Santa,, instead of executing 
the order of his master, entered into a treaty of peace, whereupon 
Kaus sent him back with special orders to kill a fairy known as Kalba 
Karap. Now we still hear in Cashmere, Cashmiri songs and stories 
wherein Kaus and the fairies play a prominent part. The age of 
Kaus is even now spoken of as the golden age of Cashmere when 
boats could move on land. One can say that this is true even now in 
the case of the Dal Lake, where the movement of the boats in the 
beautiful waters of the lake, all covered with aquatic flower plants and 
boshes, gives an appearance of the boats moving as it were on land. 

Before concluding this paper, I will refer to a mistake committed by 
some Parsee writers in mixing up Cashmere (^♦^) with Kashmar 
^♦i^^ a place situated according to Oosley27 nearTarshiz in Khorasan. 
Firdousi speaks of the foundation of the new religion of Zoroaster in 

*T Ousley's travels in Persia, Vol. I,, p. 388. 



248 CASHMERE AND THE ANCIENT PERSIANS* 

the reign of Gushtasp as the planting of . a tree in the gronnd. He 
says : *' It was a tree with many roots and a large number of branches, 
spreading from the mansion of Qushtasp to the top of his palace. The 
leaves of that tree were good connsels and the frnit was wisdom. 
How can one who eats of such fruit (vis., wisdom) die ?" ^s 

Having thus spoken allegorically of Zoroaster and his new religiont 
Fiidousi says that I\ing Gushtasp, the then King of Persiai planted 
before the gate of his lire-temple, a noble cypress which Zoroaster had 
brought from paradise. He calls it the cypress of Kashmir (^jJmSj^)^ 
because it wns planted in a place called Kashmar. This tree *' reminds 
us," says Ousley^® ** of that extraordinary, triple tree, planted by the 
Patriarch Abraham and existing until the death of Christ." Mohsan 
Fani, a native of Cashmere, also speaks of this cypress tree in his 
Dabistun.^o and I think it is this Dabistan that has led Parsee 
writers, like the learned author of the Rehbar-i-Din-i-Zarthoshti*^ into 
the mistake of taking the Kashmar of Firdousi to be the same as 
Cashmere. It speaks of the locality at one place as Kashmir or 
Kashmar^^ and at another place as Kashmir. Again, it speaks of the 
locality as *'a place celebrated for female beauty,'' and we know that 
it is from very ancient times that modern Cashmere is celebrated for 
the beauty of its women. Then^ add to this the fact that the author 
of the Dabistan was himself a native of Cashmere. All these facts 
seem to have led later Parsee writers to believe that the modern 
Cashmere was the place N\hcrc King Gushtasp had planted lu the 
compound of a fire-temple the 'cypress of Zoroaster, which, from the 
straightness of its growth and the elegance of its form, was considered 
to be the symbol of straightforwardness, uprightness and truth. The 
author of the Dabistan tries to give some intellic^ent explanation of 
the tradition wliicii allegorically speaks of tiic cypress being brought 
from the paradise. As Firdousi says. King Gushtasp planted the 
cypress before the iire-temple as a symbol to impress upon the minds 
of the spectators that as the tree would grow straight and spread 
all round so he would endeavour to spread the doctrines of truth and 
straightforwardness tausrht by the new faith. 

«** Vullcr HI., p. 14H7. 
» " Travels in rersin, VoL T., p. 3s!>. 
30 The Dabistnn by Shoft mid Tr«»yer. Vol. I„ p. 300-9. 
«i Rehbari-l-in-i-Zarlhosliti, by Dasiur Krachjee Sornbjee Meherji Sbdis 
p. 40. 

3« 1>. 300. 



249 



Art. XVI,— We Portuguese in South Kanara. By J. Gerson 
DA CuNHA, M.R.C.S., fe.R.C.P,, K.O.J., &c. 



[Read, 2l8t January 1896.] 



Part I. 

A short professional visit to South Kanara, last Septemher, having 
fiflforded me an opportunity of studying the extant monument*) of the 
early Portuguese settlements in that interesting region, I have put 
together a few notes, which, I trust, will he acceptable to the memhers 
of this learned Society. 

This visit, hurried though it was, brought me into close contact 
with almost all the sections of its population, and thus enabled me to 
gather from local sources much valuable information. But as the 
element of exaggeration is rarely, if ever, absent from oral tradition, 
I have tested its accuracy by consulting the chronicles of the time. 

The Portuguese historians of the 16th and 17th centuries use the 
word Kanara in a somewhat vague sense. Like Italy, prior to the 
middle of this century, the kingdom of Kanara was but a geographical 
expression. Gaspar Correa, in his Lendas, speaks of it as a part of 
Malabar, while Barros, Couto, and other annalists of the period 
assign to it various boundaries. Sim^o Botelho, in his Tombo do 
Sstado da India^ mentions the river Cunbia as separating Kanara 
from Malabar, while Faria e Souza fixes new lines of demarcation 
approaching those of recent times. North and South Kanara 
once formed one great province, a coast line of about 250 miles, with 
its fourteen harbours, and was divided into 10 talukas, each talnka 
being sub-divided into Maganes or collection of villages ; these again 
into Monzas or Gramas, i.e., villages, and the latter into Magazas or 
hamlets, also called Upagramas. 

Kanara, although divided into North and South, belonged to the 
Madras Presidency until 1862, when the North portion w^s annexed 
to the Bombay Presidency. 

The general aspect of Kanara is charming. It presents a continu* 
ously varying panoratna of grand and picturesque scenery. The 
Eastern length is bounded by the Ghauts, which, in some places, as 
Honore and Ankola, approach near to the coast, whilst in the direction 



250 THE ponir'arKSE in soiirn kanaka. 

of Mangalore they are distant from 50 to 60 miles. Mr, Forbes, in 
bis JFlld Life in Canara, tj'c. (Lond., 1885, p. 8), writes : — "Nothing 
luore beautiful is to be seen anywhere in Europe or Asia than the coast 
ofCanara. Mountain-spurs from the main range of the Western 
Ghauts run down to the coast and sometimes extend far out to aei^ 
w'ooded to the water's edge, and mapping out broad bays or land- 
locked coves ; in other places they flank the estuaries of naTigable 
rivers which come winding among the hills from the east, bordered — 
as the valleys open out and admit of cultivation — by plains of 
brilliant green. All this wealth of picturesque outline is bathed in 
the soft brilliancy of tropicAl titmosphere ; and^ the effect, to ejei 
unfamiliar with the scene, is a happy stupor of admiration." 

Another writer in Fraser^s Matjazine (New Series, Vol. XT., p. 616) 
says: — **To the ship sailing past, the shore presents an cver-yarying 
outline — generally a dark serried belt of cocoa-trees, whose roots ftre 
washed by the waves, divided at frequent intervals by the gleaming 
mouths of broad rivers, llocky headlands, seldom uncrowned with 
old fort or white pagnda, jut out, forming a succession of winding 
liaya where the long narrow fishing-boatr4 are busy, and the awkward- 
looking pattimars or native vessels, with their titled sterns and 
sloping masts, are lying at anchor. Now and then large towns can 
be discerned embowered amongst cocoa groves and bananas ; further 
inland knolls and tree-clad eminences are dotted about, and beyond 
thfm long rolling upland plains, bright green during the rains^ 
whitening when the grass is ripe, extend (hi away.'* 

Dr. Buchanan, in his Mysore, etc, speaking of Kbundapar, 
writes: — ** 1 have not seen a more beautiful country than this; and 
an old fort, situated a little higher up than the town, commands one 
oi^ the finest prosjjects that I ever behold." 

Harkur is another pretty town of great antiquity, and the beauty of 
the women of this place deserves mention. There aresculptui'es npon 
temple walls representing warriors, who resemble the soldiers of old 
Greece. Perhaps, a colony of ancient Yavanas from Northern India was 
settled lioi'e, nnd the beautiful women may cUim descent from them. 

Karkal ^nd Mudabidri contain Jain temples, statues, and memorial 
pillars of exquisite ^vorkmanship. Udipi has a coast line^ which 
curves into a bay, protected to the seaward by three islets called 
St. Mary's Isles. Vasco da Gama, in 1408, on his return voyage from 
Calicut, set up a pathClo or landmark there, which he called Santa 
Maria, while the one left at Calicut was dedicated to St. Gabriel. 



THE PORTUGUESE IN SOUTH KANAKA. £51 

Bednnr, some\fhat iiorthwards.issitunte in themiJstof abas]n,the 
surrounding country being covered with luxuriant forests. Abd-er- 
Razzak, the Persian Ambassador, in 1444, on his way to Vijayanngar 
from Man galore, passed through Bednur, where the houses were 
like palaces, the women like celestial houris, and its temples and 
other buildings marvels of sculpture and painting. 

If one were to describe all the interesting features of these lovely 
Kanarese towns, it would carry him far a6eld. Besides, no descrip- 
tion could fully portray the natural charms of a country, whicii 
must be seen in order to be duly appreciated. 

What i-trikes one, however, as strange in the numerous chronicles 
and poems that have been written by the Portuguese on iheir dealings 
with this delightful region, is, with very rare exceptions, their absolute 
silence nbont the beauty and the fertility of its soil- Probably, in 
those troubled time?, the conquest, trade, wnd conversion absorbed 
men's thoughts, and left but little leisure to admire the charms of 
Nattire. Mi'. Herbert Spencer tells us that when mental faculties 
are largely applied to one purjwse, they become disabled for other 
purposes, as great expenditure in one direction leads to economy in 
other directions. The Portuguese, havin<^ their minds fully engrossed 
in warfare and arts of an aggressive and material character, the marvels 
of the universe, which demand a deep and sustained contemplation, 
did not appeal to their itsthetic sense. 

Albuquerque, the greatest Portuguese soldier that ever landed 
on the Indian shores, speaking of Honore, has only one remark to 
make, " Onor he cova de ladroes," " Honore is a den of thieves," 
in his letter to the King of the 1st December, 1513. And St. Francis 
Xavier, their most holy missionary, writing on the I8th September, 
1542. to the members of his Society in Rome, says :— " Tenemos 
grande esperanza que se ban de hacer muchissimos christianos,' 
*• We have great hope that a great many Christians will be made," 
a theme to which he returns often in his subsequent letters, ^ith 
^snal variations, still without even a passing allusion to the beauty 
of the Eastern countries the saint was privileged to visit and convert 
to the Roman Catholic Church. But the times were different, and men 
are much in the habit of reading other ages in the light of their own. 

When the fleet of Vasco da Gama arrived at Calicut on the 20th 
iCay, 1498, an important date whose quatercentenary the civilised 
world will soon celebrate, Vijayanagar, under the dominion of the 
RayA dynasty, was the most powerful yngdom of Southern India, 



252 THK PORTUGUESE IK SOUTH KAXARA. 

besides Malabar, and extended from one sea coast to the other. Its 
Western portion corresponded to the province of Kanara, and 
was subject either to their Viceroys or to Chieftains, who were 
tributary to their Kings. 

From Calicut to Gor, which in 1510 became the capital of their 
'Eastern Empire, the Portuguese called frequently at the fourteen 
harbours of varied depth and extent, which gave shelter to the boats 
of the native merchants. 

From the time of Vasco da Gama, the Portuguese felt the need of 
planting, like the ancient Phoenicians, factories or agencies in all 
lands where they traded, both to dispose of their cargoes and to 
collect the produce for shipment to Europe. I'hey did not choose 
new or comparatively unknown spots for their factories and eiitrei^^Uf 
but built on historic sites, some of which grew under their auspices 
to be commercial emporia and centres of political, social, and religious 
influence, which outlived the decline of the nation as a maritime power. 

Although their authority became supreme in the course of the 
following 20 years over more than 12,000 miles of coast, they never 
obtained possession of a sinsfle province on the continent of India. 
Thus their power was sustained by a fleet that was fitted out every 
year with an army corps exceedingly burdensome to a numerically small 
people, and by between thirty and forty factories, some of which were 
fortified. Aud the factory and the fort between them always required 
a church, which becanie the centre from which radiated the missionazy 
zeal in all directions. Thus the Kanara coast was in course of time 
not only studded with factories and forts, but also with churches and 
convent!^ of Franciscans, Dominicans, Jesuits, Augustins, Theatins, and 
other religious orders, with their seminaries, schools, orphSnages, and 
such civilising agencies of the modern times. 

Gaspar Correa tells us that during the second voyage of Vasco 
da Gama in 1502, the captain-major anchored at the ports of Onor 
and of Baticala, where there were many Moorish ships, which were 
captured and burned. He told the Moors that the King of PoTtugal« 
his sovereign, was " lord of the sea, of all the world, and also of al!. 
this coast ; for which reason all the rivers and ports which have got 
shipping have to obey him, and pay tribute for their people who go 
in their fleets : and this only as a sign of obedience, in order that there* 
by their ports may be free and that they may carry on in them theic 
trade and profits in security, neither trading in pepper, nor bringing 
Turks, nor going to the port of Calicut, because for any of these 



THB PORTUGUESE IN SOUTH KANAKA. 253 

three things the ships which shall he found to have done these shall be 
burned, with as many as may be captured in them." These words of 
Vasco da Gama sum up the policy pursued by the Portuguese in 
India. Thus they claimed dominion over the Indian Sea, and these 
petty kings, who said that they had the names of kings, but were mere 
tenants of the king of Bisnagar, were ready to acknowlege this new 
sovereijjnty, and pay the tribute demanded from them. 

But these attacks on Onor and Baticala or Honawar and Bhatkal, 
as they are called now, had hardly the shadow of a pretext for them, 
except that of punishing the pirates, which Defoe would describe 
as acting the murderers to punish robbers, according to a remark by 
Mr. Stanley, the translator of a part of the Lendas, 

The twelve years which had elapsed from the doubling of the Cape 
of Good Hope to the capture of Goa were spent mostly, save occasional 
akirmishes with the pirates, in establishing tolerably friendly relations 
with the rulers of the coast. These relations appear to have become 
more cordial and durable after the conquest of Goa, when Narasinha of 
Vijayanagar signed a treaty of alliance with Albuquerque. This treaty 
made his viceroys and tenants tributary to the King of Portugal. 

One cannot cease admiring Albuquerque's organizing power. As long 
as he was alive, this coast enjoyed perfect peace. The fame of the founder 
of the Portuguese Empire in the East is imperishable. Albuquerque 
is to be placed in the same category with Alexander and Csesar, who, 
by their splendid genius, masterful organisation, roady resource and 
decisive action in every occasion, laid the foundation of more or less 
lasting empires. What endeared his memory to the grateful hearts 
of the Indians was his love of justice, and what embittered his exist- 
ence in this country was that great flaw in the Iberic temperament 
of his own countrymen — envy. His life, singularly free from vulgar 
ambition, full of chivalry, devoted to the service of his country, pure, 
and delighting in dealing even-handed justice, offers some details of 
marked interest. Amongst these, his statesman-like firmness, even 
when wielding a divided authority, and waging unceasingly a calm 
combat against obstructions of all kinds, engendered by the vilest of 
human passions, is most conspicuous. 

But after Albuquerque's death, the friendly understanding with the 
native princes, which was, indeed, from the beginning, of a precarious 
character, although supported by the conciliating manner of the great 
captain, ceased, and then outbreaks and naval engagements became 
more frequent. 
33 



254 THE PORTUGUESE IN SOU'JH KANAIU. 

These periodical conflicts culminated one day in a Berious figbt. 
There was no actual casus belli, no provocation of any grave natnre, 
but mere wantonness and conceit which characterised the coaBtrymen 
of Viriato. 

Barkur, called Vukkanur in Malayalam and Bacanor by the 
Portuguese, gave shelter to a small fleet of paraos or native boats 
laiU.Li with nee, abouMo oail to Calicut, for exchanging it with pepper. 
This town was situated in the country of an allied prince. Never- 
theless, **^ fierco " Sampaio, as Camoes calls him, went there from 
Cannanore, burned thu boats, plundered the town and killed men, 
sparing neither women nor children, nor unarmed peasants. This 
took place in January 1528. 

Lopo Vaz de Sampaio was an able, bold, and brave soldier, but an 
unscrupulous character. He usurped the Governorship of India, was 
sent a prisoner to Lisbon, but through his great military talents 
obtained panl :i from the King. The Lusiads, which are the creation 
of their age, often pass over many a prowess and episode of the Portu- 
guese in silence, when they do not add to the glory of the nation. The 
exploit of Sampaio was, however, of too epic a character, and as the 
national poet had to refer to it, he appeased the qualms of his con- 
science by prefixing a stanza in praise of justice. Such lines ought 
to have been inscribed in golden letters, like the "know thyself on 
the Delphian temple of A|)ollo, on the main gates and portals of 
every factory and fort in India. 

Camoes writes : — 

** Mas iia India cobiga c nmbivao. 
Quo cLiramcDto ])uo aberto o rosto 
Coiitru Doos o jastif^a, te faruo 
Vituperio nonhuiii, mas so deagusto : 
Qucm faz iujilria vil o semrnziio, 
Com for(;n8 e poder em que eata posto, 
Niio veiice ; que a victoria ver(Lid(.'ira 
Ho ajiber tcr justiqa nua o iiitcira." — Oauto x., 58. 

Sir K. Burton translates it thus : — 

*'I3ut Inde's ambition, and hor Lncrc-lust, 
for uTcr flaunting bold and bnizcn f aoo 
in front of God and Justice, ahall disgust 
tliy heart, but do thiuc honour no disgrace. 
AVIio works rilo iuj'ury with unroas^oning trust 
in foroo, and footing lent by rank and place, 
couqnoreth nothing, the true Conq'ueror he 
who dares do oakod Jastice f'^ir and frou." 



THE PQETUGUBSE IN SaUTH KANAKA. 255 

Sampaio's victory is then recorded in these terms :— 

*' Mas com tado nSo nego que Sampaio 
Serd no esfdr^o illustre e assinaladb, 
Mostraodo-ae no mojt nm fero raio, ^ 

Qae de inimigos mil rerd eoalhada: 
Em Baoanor taxi, orael ensaio 
No Malabar, para que amedrontado 
Depois a ser vencido delle vonha 
Cutiale, com quanta armada tenha:'* 

Canto X., 59. 

This is translated by Barton as follows : — 

'^ Yet ta Sampaio will I not; gainsay ^ 

a noble Talour shown by shrewdest blows, 

that shall o*er Ocean flash like thunder-ray^ , 

corded with thousand corpses of his foes. 

He shall in Baoanor make fierce assay 

on Kalabar, till owns in terror-throes 
Cntiile, beaten with his battered Fleet 
the dreadful ruin of a roizt complete.'^ 

Like the soldier-poet, there are not a few who woald also like to 
forget their crimes and remember only their virtues, especially when 
one contemplates at this distance of time the heroic deeds of these 
Western adventurers, whom the Kanarese people, not knowing who 
they were, called both Yavanas and Franghis, Greeks and Franks. 

But whatever they were, they were a sturdy race of men. Even 
now the entrance of each of these creeks and rivers presents consi- 
derable ohstacles. How dangerous is the crossing of the bar, how 
difficult the landing. Still, this handful of men, defying all 
the perils of the sea and land, of Nature and man, amidst showers of 
arrows, bullets, and cannon balls from a host of the enemy^ rowed 
quite heedlessly across the unsafe gulfs, creeks, and rivers, armed 
as these were with palisades, fences, and stockades of all sorts, to 
the shore, captured the vessels, burned them, sacked, pillaged, devas- 
tated the town, and returned to their galleys and then sailed back to 
Goa, Cochin, or Cannanore, to be f6ted with chimes of bells, bbn- 
fires, triumphal arches, salutes, flourish of trumpets, and processions 
of the clergy singing Te Beums in the cathedrals of their towns. 
These modem Yavanas seem really as if they were either pirates or 
madmen. If piracy was their business, it was certainly attended with 
great heroism ; if madness, there was a method in it. 



25G Tfii: I'oKTT'orT::-^!-: ix south kakara. 

But to return to the nnrrative. Two years after this engflgctnent 
at Barkur, the terrible Diogo da Siheira, who had already sigoalised 
his passage along the northern coast from Bombay to Baasein, was 
keeping watch over the Kanara con,st. [laving heard that a rich 
merchant, who had dealings with Calicut, was fitting out a fleet of 
paraos to carry rice in exchange for pepper to the latter place, he set 
sail to Mangalore, burned both the 0eet and the town, plundered and 
laid waste the country around and returned to Qoa. This memor-^ 
able event in the annals of Mangalore took place in March 1530, 
Both this engagement and the one of Barkur are described at length 
by the chroniclers. 

Twenty-nine years since the havoc and devastation wrought by 
Silveira at Mans^alore had passed away, during which period the 
Coast principalities of the kingdom of Kanara had paid their pareas 
or tribute, in the form of bales of rico, from the Queen of Gapsopa to 
the Queen of Olnla or whoever reigned there, with the intervening 
viceroys often playing the ruleoi kings, to th(» King of Portugal, But 
the repeated extortions by the Portuguese hnd caused considerably 
discontent among them, and all the princes of the Coast were only too 
glad to get rid of them. 

In 1559, during the viceroyalty of D, Constantino dp Bragvnca, 
news was received from spies, mostly native Christians, who appear 
to have always had free access to the native Courts, that a conspiracy 
was being hatched against the Portuguese. The head-quarters of this 
plot were at Maucralore. No sooner was the Viceroy apprised of the 
fact than he lost no time in fitting out a fleet apparently to punish 
a rebellious Moor in tho port of that city, but in reality to nip in the 
bud the rising against tho Portuguese po^ver. The preparations for 
this expedition, which was placed under the command of D. Luiz 
de Mell(> da Silva, were on such a scale of prodigality as to become the 
topic of general amazement. .This naval combat, as the chroni- 
clers call it, reduced Mangalore to ashes. Tl r soldiers opened a series 
of butcheries, and much blood was thus shed. Several pages of Faria 
and Souxa's Asia Fortngueza are filled with it, as well of the Decada8» 
D. Luiz dc Mello took here a Turkish flajj, which he placed under a 
Cliristian standard, and thus adorned, some time after, with seven 
other v'essels, sailed from Pal meirinha, near Mangalore, to help D. Paio 
doNoronha against the Malabar princes, and gained a signal victory, 
Lafitau, describing this action, says : — ** Fut une des plus glorieuses 
pour les portugais, its fircnt des prodiges d*une cxtrSme valeur.*' 



THE PORTrcrESE IK SOUTH KANAKA. 257 

The Kanarese towns seem, indeed, to possess great vitality. Twice 
was Mangalore ravaged and destroyed by the Portuguese within 
thirty years, and each time it sprang up, like the Phoenix of old, 
from its own ashes. Still the misfortunes of the '^ prosperous city," 
for such is tbe meaning of its name, from the Sanskrit MangaUij 
** happiness, success," and * pur ' " city " were not over. 

Eight years had hardly gone by since the glorious action, as Lafitau 
calls it, in which D. Luiz de Mello laid waste Mangalore and the 
adjacent coast to the south, had evoked dismay mingled with admira- 
tion from the awe-struck people of Kanara, and Mangalore was again 
a flourishing town, and this time under the rule of a woman of lofty 
resolve and strength of purpose. 

The Portuguese had, from the day they visited Mangalore for the 
first time, made it tributary, like many other towns on the seaboard. 
It had regularly paid a certain number of bales of rice, which was . 
supposed to be of the.best quality. Barbosa, describing this place, as 
early as 1514, says : — " There many ships always load brown rice, which 
is much better and more healthy than the white, for Malabar, for the 
common people, and it is very cheap. They also ship there much rice 
in Moorish ships for Aden, also pepper, which henceforward the earth 
begins id produce, but iittle of it, and better than all the other which 
the Malabars bring to this place in small vessels. The banks of this 
river are very pretty, and very full of woods and palm trees, and are 
very thickly inhabited by Moors and Gentiles, and studded with fine 
buildings and houses of prayer of the Gentiles, which are very large, 
and enriched with large revenues. There are also many mosques, 
where they greatly honour Mahomed." (Hakluyt Edition, p. 83.) 

Every time the Portuguese sacked and burned a town the tribute was 
increased. Thus Mangalore was paying, according to Botelho's Tombo 
of 1554, three tributes for each of its small harbours. Banguo 
was paying a thousand bales of rice, the port near the pagoda seven 
hundred, and the port to the south, called Talnhe, an equal number. 

The Queen of Olala, who was the mistress of these ports, became 
eventually recalcitrant, and objected to pay so heavy a tribute. The 
Factor of the town used all possible persuasion, but failed. 

Some of the factories had not yet been fortified, and that of 
Mangalore was a structure of primitive type. The Factor could not 
enforce his claims to the payment of the tribute, there being no 
military force to support him. Moreover, the Queen of Olala was 
growing every day more refractory and overbearing. 



258 THE PORTUGUESE IN SOUTH KANAKA. 

The Vioeroy 1). Antuo de Noronha then applied to the Queen for 
the grant of a piece of ground for erecting a fort. The Queen not 
only denied permission, but treated the request with a flippancy and n 
want of the courtesy due to his high position. The Viceroy, then, to 
curb — por Ihe freio, as a chronicler expresses it — the insolence of the 
Queen, equipped a large fleet, which he placed under the command of 
D. Francisco Mascarenhns. To this he added a smaller one of seven 
ships, which he confided to the Second-in-command, Jolo Peizoto, 
and he followed the expedition himself with 7 galleys, 2 galleons, and 
5 fustas. The squadron consisted in all of 54 vessels, and there 
were 3,000 fighting men on board, besides the crews. 

They sailed on the 8th of December, 1567, and anchored off Manga- 
lore on the 4th of January. The landing was unopposed, and the 
troops meeting with no resistance, as they had expected, made light 
of the enemy. They lit bonfires in their camp and began to eat, driuk^ 
and play. The enemy, however, who was all the while lying in wait, 
taking advantage of the darkness of the hour, and of the distraction of 
the soldiers, rushed in the deud of night, and at the height of the 
festivities, into the encampment, and surprised them. The result was a 
great confusion, during which the Portuguese are said to have killed 
their own companions, believing them to be the enemy, and a terrible 
slaughter ensued. Among the dead vras Lopo Barros, a son of 
the great historian, the Portuguese Livy, and among the wounded 
many distinguished officers. Mathias de Albuquerque, who livfd 
to be a Viceroy of Philip II,, when Portugal became an appanage 
of the Spanish Crown, had a narrow escape. When wounded, he 
feigned death, but every Kanarese soldier who touched him, tried by 
kicking and other means to be sure that he was dead. This is called 
a miraculous escnpe, and so it apparently was. 

The following morning, however, the Portuguese, fully avenged the 
disaster. Mangalore was taken and razed to the ground, and the 
Queen fled to the mountains. The Viceroy, seeing himself master of 
the situation, commanded a fort to be built, the foundation of which 
was laid on the 20th of January, 1568, and named St. Sebastian, in 
honour of the saint of the day, and of the reigning sovereign of 
Portugal. The building was completed about the middle of March. 
The Viceroy nominated his brother-in-law, D. Antonio Pereira, its 
commander, and left with him a garrison of 300 men, and ammunition 
and provisions for six months. 



THB PORTUGUESE IN SOVTH KANAKA. 259 

Faria e Souza is severe upon the men who brought on the reverse 
of the night, previous to the final victory. He blames the vanity 
more than the self-reliance of his countrymen in despising the 
enemy. These are his virords : "Pues mis vanidad que confian9a es 
hazer bizarria de despreciar al enemigo," " It is indeed more vanity 
than confidence to arrogantly despise the enemy." 

The next Viceroy, D. Luis de Athaide, made a treaty of peace with 
the Queen of Olala, who, besides paying the war indemnity, was 
compelled to increase, as usual in such ca^es, the annual tribute 
of bales of rice, in proportion to the losses suffered by the Portuguese. 

The Fort of Mangalore, however, built so hurriedly, could not possi- 
bly possess much strength, nor last long. King Philip, in his 
correspondence with the Viceroy Mathias de Albuquerque, which has 
been published in the Archivo Portuguez Oriental, Vol. III., alludes 
to it frequently and urges the Viceroy to render it the best fortified 
town of the whole of South Kanara. Antonio Teixeira de Macedo 
was then i^e Captain of the fort. 

It appears that, notwithstanding the efforts of Mathias de Albu- 
querque to make Mangalore the entrepot and the best fortified town 
of South Kanara, it fell off in prosperity. While in the time of 
Barbosa and Varthema, fifty to sixty ships used to load rice here; 
sixty years Inter, according to C. Federici, it was a little place of 
small trade, exporting a little rice. 

Bat, as said before, Mangalore, although pursued by a strange 
fatality, seems to have been endowed with the power of quick 
revival. When Delia Valle visited the place in 1623, it was again 
fuU of life, although the Portuguese Fort was decaying. The Roman 
traveller describes it as follows: — '* Mangalore stands between Olala 
and Banghel, and in the middle of the bay, right against the mouth of 
the harbour, into which the Fort extends itself, being almost encom- 
passed with vrater on three sides. It is but small, the worst built of 
any I have seen in India, and, as the Captain told me one day when 
I visited him, may rather be termed the house of a gentleman than 
a fort." (Venice Edn. of 1667, Vol. II.. p. 272.) The Captain of 
the Fort was then Pero Gomes Pessanha. 

Delia Valle was a ket^n observer of the events that were passing in 
India in the first quarter of the 17th century. I shall have to refer 
to him again in Part II. of this paper, but, in the meantime, it may 
be worth while to quote his opinion of the Portuguese of those 
days. He writes : — *^ I have mentioned this occurrence at large • • • 



260 THE PORTUGUESE IN SOUTH KANAKA. 

to make known to all the world the demeanour of the noble 
Portuguese nation in these parts, who, indeed, bad they but M 
much order, discipline and good government as they have ▼alour, 
Ormuz and other sad losses would not be now lamented, but they 
would most certainly be capable of achieving great matters. But 
God gives not all things to all.*' lOid. p. 358. 

Evidently valour, without order, discipline, and good government, 
was of no avail against the host of the enemy in India, although 
bravery is the keynote of the national temperament, which, like 
the temperament of all the peoples of Southern Europe, is often more 
profoundly influenced by sentiment than by reason, the feeling being 
more acute than logic. A mighty spirit of valour seems, indeed, to 
move through all the pages of tiie national poem : — 
" Cesse tudo o que a Musa antigua canta, 
Que outro valor mais alto se alevanta." 

Canto i., 3. 
** Cease all that antique Muse hath sung, for now 
a better Brav'rv rears its bolder brow." 

* 

But bravery without discipline is a negative quality. Want of disci- 
pline neutralises the best display of courage and endurance. If the 
Portuguese had possessed the two combined, and also sentiment along 
with reason, their power in the East might still be an important factor 
in the civilization of the world. But, as Delia Valle says, **God 
gives not all things to all." Perb J)io noti a tutti dd, tutte le cose. 

To this internal enemy was now, about the middle of the 17th 
century, to be added an external and a more powerful one. The 
Dutch had crippled the Portuguese ])ower by first capturing Malaca 
in 1641, then Ceylon from 1G56 to 1G53, and latterly Cochin and 
some other settlements on the Malabar Coast in 1662. 

These continued losses encouraged the Kanarese princes to defy 
the Portuguese. Mangalore and other fortresses in Kanara were now 
reported to be in a weak and dangerous condition, both on account of 
their own feeble power of defence, and of a new aggressive power 
rising in their neighbourhood. Shivnppa Naik, a Bednur Chief, had 
grown into a potentate of no mean order from the decay of the king- 
dom of Vijayanagar, and between 1648 and 1670 held all the 
surrounding country, being called the king of Kanara. 

The Portuguese were now, according to their proverb, between the 
anvil and the hammer {entre o malho e a higorna). Having frittered 
away the best opportunities to befrioud the natives, and having then 



THE PdlTtrGUESE IN SOUTH KANAKA, 261 

alienated their sympathies, they were now placed between two 
enemies, the internal and the external, the Indian and the Dutch. 

In 1652 Shivappa invested Mangalore and some other towns still in 
the hands of the Portuguese, ba^ D. Vasco Mascarenhas patched 
up a hasty peace. The negotiations were again protracted for 
many years, and not brought to a conclusion until 1671, when the 
king of Kanara gave sites for the erction of new. factories at varioua 
places, among them Mangalore, but stipulated that they should 
be surrounded by only single walls, without embrasures or bastions. 

In 1678 there was another outbreak of hostilities, at the end of 
1«rhich one more treaty was signed, whereby Shivappa undertook to 
supply stone and timber for the factory at Mangalore. This factory 
yielded, in 1687, 4,G88 Xerafins and spent 1,831. 

We now come to the last act of the drama. It was a duel fought 
for a long time, at the end of which both the antagonists were left 
exhausted. The Naik dynasty of Bednur or Ikkeri, in spite of their 
repeated treaties of friendship with the Portuguese, was almost always 
at variance with the latter. In 1713 the Viceroy Vasco Fernandes 
Cezar de Menczes had a disagreement with Keladi Basappa Naik, 
King of Kanara. Not coming to terms a squadron was despatched on 
the 15th of January, 1713, which captured and burnt 'many ships all 
along the const as far as Mangalore, and destroyed much merchandise. 
These losses brought the Naik to submission, and a treaty was signed 
on the 19th of February, 1714. These few lines in which I have 
condensed the events of the whole year are given by Cardinal 
D. Francisco S. Luiz in his Os Portugnezes em Africa, Asia, 
America e Oceania, Vol. VI., in nearly twenty-five pages, 4to 
aiee, with copies of authentic documents. 

From this time to the conquest of South Kanara by Haidar 
AH in 1763, and its annexation to British ludia in 1799, the 
Portuguese Factory of Mangalore passed through further vicissitudes* 
A treaty was signed with Haidar Ali in 17G4, which agreed to the 
permanency of the Factory, but in 1776 he somehow took possession 
of it. In 1783 both the Fort and the Factory were destroyed. Nego- 
tiations were then opened with Tippu Sultan, and with the British 
Government at the end of the last century, in order to re-establish 
the Factory, but all in vain. And thus the last remnant of the 
Portuguese rule and trade in South Kanara was for ever extinguished. 

But these were not the only vestiges of the Portuguese influence in 
that beautiful country, A large section of its population, professing 

84 



52 THE PORTUGUESE III SOUTH KANAKA. 

dbt BoBum Catholic religion, more than twenty-five diiirdiet^ some i 
Ibem ktfgtr and more handsome boildinga than the diorchea i 
BMitin or Salaettet and other moouments, which I shall resenre fc 
Part U* of this paper, testify to the civilising action of that ama 
wtdioQf in times past. Mangalore, the capital of South Kanara, whei 
tbe largest number of the converts of the Portugpese reside, is now 
y roip ero ns town. With the bright prospects of a rapidly advancin 
eiMmntuiityy with all the elements, moral and material, that help 1 
mafca a people happy, and the abundant resources of a rich eon 
mmslal city, it is eipected that, if the port can be improved and 
fatlway built, it will soon become the emporium of the Weatei 
dmii at Southern India* 




263 



Art. XVII. — The Antiquity of the Avesta: By JivANn 

Jamshedji Modi, fi.A. 



[Baad a6th Jane 1896.] 



The general opmion about the extaut Avesta literatare is that it 
is a faithf al remnant of the *' Grand Avesta'' of the Achemenian times. 
Sat as Prof. Max-Muller says, the late lamented Dr. Darmesteter, 
"whose untimely death has caused a great gap in the foremost rank 
of Avesta scholars, has, by what he calls the historical solution of 
the question, ** thrown a bomb-shell in the peaceful camp of the 
Orientalists.'XO He as8erts(3) that the Avesta, as it has come down 
to us, is not a faithful reproduction from the ''Grand Avesta" of the 
Achemenian times, but that it has undergone several changes while 
passing through the hands of the different monarchs of Persia, who 
undertook to collect them. 

m 

To support his theory he dwells upon what he calls two kinds 
of evidence. Firstly, the historical evidence as collected from the 
Dinkard and the letter of Tansar, the Dastur of Ardeshir Babcg&n 
(Artaxerxes I.) to the king of Tabaristan \ secondly, the internal 
evidence as presented by the Avesta itself. 

On the supposed strength of these two kinds of evidence, he says, 
that a great part of the Avesta had been re- written in the period 
of the political and religious fermentation, which preceded the advent 
of the Sassanians ; that the greatest and the most important touch and 
finish were given to it in the reign of Ardeshir Babeg&n (A. B. 211- 
241), and that even in the reign of Shapur I. (A. D. 241-272) some 
final changes were made in it. Thus Dr. Darmesteter brings down the 
antiquity of the Avesta, which scholars like Haug and his Vedic school 
had placed in a remote period, preceding even the Achemenian times, 
to as late as the third century after Christ. The object of this paper 
is to examine some of the points, which Darmesteter dwells upon, to 
support his theory* This paper does not pretend to examine in 



(1) Prof. Max.-Mallcr in the Contemporary Review^ Deo. 1893. 
(•) Le Zend Avesta UI. The Yendidad, 2nd £d. 






^ 






263 



Art. XVII. — The Antiquity of the Avesta: By JivANn 

Jamshedji Modi, fi.A. 



[Baad a6th Jane 1896.] 



The general opinion about the extant Avesta literatare is that it 
is a faithful remnant of the *' Grand Avesta'' of the Achemenian times. 
But as Prof. Max-Mnller says, the late lamented Dr. Darmesteter, 
whose untimely death has caused a great gap in the foremost rank 
of Avesta scholars, has, by what he calls the historical solution of 
the question, ** thrown a bomb-shell in the peaceful camp of the 
Orientalists.'XO He asserts(3) that the Avesta, as it has come down 
to us, is not a faithful reproduction from the '' Grand Avesta" of the 
Achemenian times, but that it has undergone several changes while 
passing through the hands of the different monarchs of Persia, who 
undertook to collect them. 

To support his theory he dwells upon what he calls two kinds 
of evidence. Firstly, the historical evidence as collected from the 
Dinkard and the letter of Tansar, the Dastur of Ardeshir Babcgan 
(Artaxerxes I.) to the king of Tabaristan ; secondly, the internal 
evidence as presented by the Avesta itself. 

On the supposed strength of these two kinds of evidence, he says, 
that a great part of the Avesta had been re- written in the period 
of the political and religious fermentation, which preceded the advent 
of the Sassanians ; that the greatest and the most important touch and 
finish were given to it in the reign of Ardeshir Babeg^n (A. B. 211- 
241), and that even in the reign of Shapur I. (A. D. 241-272) some 
final changes were made in it. Thus Dr. Darmesteter brings down the 
antiquity of the Avesta, which scholars like Haug and his Vedic school 
had placed in a remote period, preceding even the Achemenian times, 
to as late as the third century after Christ. The object of this paper 
is to examine some of the points, which Darmesteter dwells upon, to 
support his theory. This paper does not pretend to examine in 



(1) Prof. Max.-Maller in the Contemporary Review^ Dec. 1893. 
(•) Le Zend Avesta HI. The Yendidad, 2nd £d. 



264 THE ANTIQUITY OF THE AVESTA. 

detail the great question of the Antiquity of the Avesta from all 
standpoints, but aims to examine it from a few standpoints 
suggested by Darmesteter as facts of historicnl and internal evidence. 

Firstly, we will enter into the subject of the historical evidence 
about the later origin of the Avesta. The history of the collection 
of the Avesta, as given in the Dinkard(3) is as follows : — 

In the times of the Achemenian emperors one copy of the "Grand 
Avesta " was deposited in the royal archives of Istakhar (Persepolis) 
and another in the royal treaHury of Shapig^ln. The one in the royal 
archives was destroyed by Alexander the Great(^) during his conquest 
of Persia. The literature ho destroyed was written, according to 
Tansar(^) upon 12,000 ox-hides. It consisted of 1,000 chapters. The 
other copy in the royal treasury was taken possession of by the 
Greeks, who carried it away and got it translated into their language. 
Perhaps it is this translntion that Pliny refers to, when he says that 
Hermippos of Alexandria (3rd century B. C.) had, with the asjistance 
of Azonax, translated into Greek 20,000 verses of the writings of 
Zoroaster. During the times of the Parthian dynasty when there 
was a religious anarchy in Persia, Valkhaah (Vologeses I.), with a view 
to restore the religion, tried to collect the Avesta literature destroyed 
by Alexander. 

But the most successful attempt was made by Ardeshir BabegAn, 
the found^T of the Sassiinian dynasty. The services rendered by 
Ardeshir to the cause of the Zoroastrian reli{;ion are therefore thni 
commemoi-ated in the Afrin i Rapithavan : Uamazor Farohar-i- 
Ar dasher BabogHn bad, ava hama Farohar-i-arasturan va vinastftran 
va vinartaran-i-din khudue bad, t. e„ *' !May the gniding spirit of 
Ardeshir Babegan be one with us together with the guiding spirits 
of those who restore, arrange and look into the religion of God." 
Ardeshir was helped in this noble cause by a learned Dastur named 
Taosar or Tansar. Although, as said above, one attempt was 
made by Vologeses I. before Ardeshir, and although two more 
attempts were made afler Ardeshir by Shapur I. and Shapur IL 
to restore the ancient literature aud religion, it is only Ardeshir 'a 
more important attempts that are commemorated in the above 
Afrin. Now Darmesteter lays great stress upon the abovementioned 

(») West's Dinkard, p. xxxi., 413-14. 

(*) Viraf, 1-8. 

(^) Journal ABlatique Tpme III. (1894), p. 516. 



THE ANTIQUITY OP THE AVESTA. 265 

account of the Dinkard and upon a letter by Tansar to the Mng of 
Tabaristan, wherein he explained to a certain extent how he wished 
to proceed in the work of helping his royal master Ardeshir in the 
Cause of uniting the ancient Persian empire, of reviving the ancient 
literature, and of restoring the ancient religion. On the strength of 
these two documents, he says that the Avesta literature, as it has now 
come down to us, is, to a certain extent, meddled with by Tansar. It 
appears from Macoudi that Tansar belonged to the Platonic sect, 
and so according to Darmesteter, Tansar had introduced into the 
Avesta his Platonic views. Working upon that speculation he tries 
to show that there are several Greek elements in the Avesta. 
Not only that, but there are several other elements — Budhistic, 
Brahaminical, Jewish, etc., which show, he says, that the Avesta 
now extent are not Yerj old. 

Firstly, we will examine the evidence produced by Darmesteter 
from the historical documents, and see how far his conclusion is based 
on solid ground. 

He takes his stand upon the general statements of the Dinkard 
and of the letter of Tansar, and boldly draws inferences which would 
not be justified by a detail examination of the passages. Let ni 
examine the statements about the different sovereigns of Persia who 
collected the Avesta, and who worked, so to speak, to bring about 
Iranian renaissance. Firstly comes Valkhash. The Dinkard says of 
him that ** Valkhash, descendant of Askan in each district, jqst as he 
had come forth, ordered the careful preservation and making of 
memoranda for the royal city, of the Avesta and 2^nd, as it had 
purely come unto them, and also of whatever instruction, due to it, 
had remained written about, as well as deliverable by the tongue 
through a high priest, in a scattered state in the country of Iran, 
owing to the ravages and devastation of Alexander and the cavalry 
and infantry of the Ariimans." (•) 

Darmesteter refers from this passage that as Valkhash had a hand 
in the collection of the Avesta, the modern Avesta had some inter- 
polations of his time, and that some post-Alexandrian elements had 
crept into it. But the passage does not admit of this inference* 
It very clearly says that he had ordered the careful preserva- 
tion of the Avesta and Zand, as it had purely come into them. 

(«} West, p. 413. 



266 THS AKTTQUITT OF THE A VESTA. 

(itepti^i'* irniex) (^ -hx^^oo* X39y Hoshangji and Haug's Pebelfi 

Pazend Glossary, Haugs's essay, p. 150.) Valkhaah was so zealooa 
to preserve the religious scruples of his creed, that he once refused to 
go to Rome at the invitation of Nero, lest by going by the sea-roate 
he polluted the water and thus broke one of the commandments of the 
Vendidadv which forbade the pollution of water. His brother Tiridates 
was a priest. Now how can a king like him, who was so closelj 
connected with a priestly family and who himself so earnestly observed 
all religious scruples, allow any interpolations in the collection of the 
old Avesta ? How can he tolerate the smallest addition of any 
foreign element 7 

After Valkhash oomes Ardeshir Babegan. He is spoken of by 
the Dinkard as the next collector of the Avesta. Tansar's letter to 
the king of Tnbaristan also refers to this matter. The Dinkard says:^ 

"And that Artakhshatar, king of kings, who was son of Pfipak, 
came for the restoration of the monarchy of IrAn, and the same 
scripture was brought from a scattered state to one place. The 
righteous Tosar of the primitive faith, who was the priest 
of priests, appeared with an exposition recovered from the AveBta^ 
and was ordered to complete the scripture from that exposition. He 
did so accordingly, to preserve a similitude of the splendour of the 
original enlightenment, in the treasury of Shapigan, and was ordered 
to dbtribute copies of the information provided." 

From the above passage of the Dinkard, Darmesteter infers that ** it 
appears that the Ardeshir compilation contained two classes of texts — 
texts that were incorporated as they were and other texts that were 
conjecturally restored by Tansar, the Pdryfitkes, so as to make a 
collection that should be an exact reproduction of the Vist&sp Avesta, 
the lost treatise of Shapigan, which is as much as saying that 
the Ardeshir Avesta is a compound of texts anterior to Tansar and texts 
emanating from Tansar, the whole being an ideal restoration of the 
primitive Avesta.** We beg to submit that the above passage of the 
Dinkard does not at all allow of such an inference. How can an 
unprejudiced reader come to that inference when the passage very 
clearly says that Tosar. . . appeared with an exposition recovered 
from the Avesta and was ordered to complete the scripture from that 
exposition ? " 

(7) West's Dinkard, p. xxxi. 



THB ANTIQUITY OF THE ATESTA, 267 

Agaiiif we msst take into consideration the character of the two 
chief actors of this second period of Iranian renaissance, the charac- 
ter of both, the king and his Dastur, of Ardeshir and Tansar. Ardeshir 
through his grandfather Sassan, belonged to the sacerdotal race. 
According to Agatbias he '* was initiated in the doctrine of the Magi, 
and conld himself celebrate the mysteries.'*(^) How can such a 
kingy himself versed in the learned lore of his religion, giye a free 
band to his Dastnr to introduce into the religious scriptures any 
foreign element that he liked. It could do in the case of a king not 
Tcrsed in religious lore, but not in the case of a king like Ardeshir 
who, by birth and education, belonged to the sacerdotal class versed 
in their religious books. If Tansar had taken any liberty, Ardeshir 
could have at once stopped him. 

Bat now let us examine the character of Tansar himself. According 
to the Dinkard he was a *^ Paoiryo-tkaesha/' i.e., one of the old order 
of faith, and so naturally averse to any innovations and to the intro- 
duction of any new elements in the old religion and in the old 
scriptures. This is confirmed by the tone he adopts in bis letter to 
the king of Tabaristan. He expresses his displeasure at the new 
order of things subsequent upon the religious anarchy in the reign 
of the preceding dynasty. He says : (®) — 

'* At last, hj^ the corruption of the men of those times, by the dis- 
appearance of the law, the love of novelties and apocrypha, and the 
wish for notoriety, even those legends and traditions passed away from 
the memory of the people." How then can we expect a Paoiryo- 
tkaSsha of Tansar's type and views to introduce into the religion 
and religious scriptures notions foreign to the old faith ? While 
speaking about the characters of the two principal actors of the 
second period of Iranian renaissance, it will not be out of place to 
examine briefly a few important parts of Tansar's letter on which 
Darmesteter rests so much. 

Firstly, Darmesteter attaches great importance to that part of the 
letter wherein Tansar writes to the king of Tabaristan that king 
Ardeshir does away with those customs which do not suit the 
necessities of his time. Now this does not show that Ardeshir, 
through his Dastur Tansar meddled with the old religious scriptures. 
It simply means that he modified several customs which, looking 
to the circumstances of the changed times, acted harshly and unjustly. 
(«) Dftnn. Vend., 2 fid. XLL (») Ibid, p. XLUI. ^ 



262 THE PORTUGUESE IN SOUTH KANAKA. 

the Roman Catholic religion, more than twenty-five churches, some of 
them larger and more handsome buildings than the churches in 
Bassein or Sal8ette« and other monuments, which I shall reserve for 
Part n. of this paper, testify to the civilising action of that small 
nation, in times past. Mangalore, the capital of South ELanara, where 
the largest number of the converts of the Portugjiese reside, is now a 
prosperous town. With the bright prospects of a rapidly advancing 
community, with all the elements, moral and material, that help to 
make a people happy, and the abundant resources of a rich com- 
mercial city, it is expected that, if the port can be improved and a 
railway built, it will soon become the emporium of the Westeni 
Coast of Southern India. 



263 



Art. XVII. — The Antiquity of the Avesta: By JivANn 

Jamshedji Modi, fi.A. 



[B6ad aeth Jane 1896.] 



The general opinion about the extant Avesta literatare is that it 
is ai faithful remnant of the *' Grand Avesta" of the Achemenian times. 
But as Prof. Max-Muller says, the late lamented Dr. Darmesteter, 
whose antimelj death has caused a great gap in the foremost rank 
of Avesta scholars, has, by what he calls the historical solution of 
the question, '* thrown a bomb-shell in the peaceful camp of the 
Orientalists.'XO ^^ asserts(3) that the Avesta, as it has come down 
to us, is not a faithful reproduction from the ''Grand Avesta'* of the 
Achemenian times, but that it has undergone several changes while 
passing through the hands of the different monarchs of Persia, who 
undertook to collect them. 

To support his theory he dwells upon what he calls two kinds 
of evidence. Firstly, the historical evidence as collected from the 
Dinkard and the letter of Tansar, the Dastur of Ardeshir Babegan 
(Artaxerxes I.) to the king of Tabaristan ; secondly, the internal 
evidence as presented by the Avesta itself. 

On the supposed strength of these two kinds of evidence, he says, 
that a great part of the Avesta had been re- written in the period 
of the political and religious fermentation, which preceded the advent 
of the Sassanians ; that the greatest and the most important touch and 
finish were given to it in the reign of Ardeshir Babeg4n (A. B. 211- 
241), and that even in the reign of Shapur I. (A. D. 241-272) some 
final changes were made in it. Thus Dr. Darmesteter brings down the 
antiquity of the Avesta, which scholars like Haug and his Vedic school 
had placed in a remote period, preceding even the Achemenian times, 
to as late as the third century after Christ. The object of this paper 
is to examine some of the points, which Darmesteter dwells upon, to 
support his theory. This paper does not pretend to examine in 



(}) Prof. Max.-Maller in the Oontemporary Review^ Dec. 1893. 
(') Le Zend Avesta III. The Yendidad, 2nd £d. 



270 THE A5TIQUITT OF THl ATE8TA. 

here referred to is not at all in accord with the panishment referred 
to hj Timsar in hia letter as that *^ ordered bj him to be inserted in 
the Book of Laws.** On the other hand it is more in accord with 
that spoken of bv Tanaar. as preralent io the ancient times. This shows 
that Tansar had nothing to do with the ATesta. Not only that, but he 
had nothing to do eren with the PehelTi commentaries written much 
Uter than the original Arestm. If he had no free hand in the later 
PeheM commentaries, how can he haTc a free hand in the original 
Arcsta itself. 

Again we find in the PeheWi Tersion of the Yendidad a 
number of names of eminent DastorSyWhohad made comments, such as 
Gogoshasp, IHd-farrokh, Adar-pad, ELhoshtanbujid. Vakhshapnr, but 
we do not find anywhere the name of Tansar. This is a tctj strong 
proof that Tansar had no hand at all, not onlj in the original Aresta 
but even in the much later Peheln rersions. 

Lastlj take the case of Taosar*s reference to the social custom of 
marriage. He sajs« that Ardeshir ^* prohibited that a man of high 
family should marry a girl of a lower family, with a Tiew to preserve 
the purity of blood.** Now^ we find no prohibition of this kind 
in the present Aresta. If Tansar had taken liberty with it as alleged, 
he would haTe put in this prohibition in the Vendidad. The only 
prohibition referred to in the Yendidad is that a Mazdaya9nan 
should not join in marriage with a Daeya-ya^nan. 

In examining the so-called historical eTidenceol Darmesteter on the 
later origin of the Avesta, we now come to Shapur, the third import- 
ant actor of the period of renaissance, after whose time he thinks 
the Avesta canon was closed. Darmesteter is of opinion that foreign 
elements crept into the Aresta even after Ardesir's time, and so he 
attaches great importance to the following passage in the Dinkard 
about Shapur. 

** Shahpuhar, king of kings, and son of Artakhshaiar, again brought 
together also the writings which were distinct from leligiony 
about the inrestigation o! medicine and astronomy, time, places and 
quality, creation, existence, and destruction .... that were scattered 
among the Hindus and in Arum and other lands ; and he ordered 
their collection again with the Ayesta, and the presentation of a 
correct copy of each to the treasury of Shapigan. (West's Dinkard 
P. Texts lY. p. 414 ; Dtrm. Le Zend Avesta HI., p. XXXII). 

Darmesteter says that <" This is a confession that part of the Avesta 



THE AHTIQUITT OP THB ATE8TA. 265 

account of the Dinkard and upon a letter by Tansar to the king of 
Tabaristan, wherein he explained to a certain extent how he wished 
to proceed in the work of helping his royal master Ardeshir in the 
CRQse of uniting the ancient Persian empire, of reviving the ancient 
literature, and of restoring the ancient religion. On the strength of 
these two documents, he says that the Avesta literature, as it has now 
come down to us, is, to a certain extent, meddled with by Tansar. It 
appears from Macoudi that Tansar belonged to the Platonic sect, 
and so according to Darmestetor, Tansar had introduced into the 
Avesta his Platonic views. Working upon that speculation he tries 
to show that there are several Greek elements in the Avesta. 
Not only that, but there are several other elements — Budhistic, 
Brahaminical, Jewish, etc., which show, he says, that the Avesta 
now extant are not very old. 

Firstly, we will examine the evidence produced by Darmesteter 
from the historical documents, and see how far his conclusion is based 
on solid ground. 

He takes his stand upon the general statements of the Dinkard 
and of the letter of Tansar, and boldly draws inferences which would 
not be justified by a detail examination of the passages. Let us 
examine the statements about the different sovereigns of Persia who 
collected the Avesta, and who worked, so to speak, to bring about 
Iranian renaissance. Firstly comes Valkbash. The Dinkard says of 
him that ** Valkbash, descendant of Askan in each district, jqst as he 
had come forth, ordered the careful preservation and making of 
memoranda for the royal city, of the Avesta and Zand, as it had 
purely come unto them, and also of whatever instruction, due to it, 
had remained written about, as well as deliverable by the tongue 
through a high priest, in a scattered state in the country of Iran, 
owing to the ravages and devastation of Alexander and the cavalry 
and infantry of the Ar^mans." (®) 

Darmesteter refers from this passage that as Valkbash had a hand 
in the collection of the Avesta, the modern Avesta had some inter- 
polations of his time, and that some post- Alexandrian elements had 
crept into it. But the passage does not admit of this inference. 
It very clearly says that he had ordered the careful preserva- 
tion of the Avesta and Zand, as it had purely come into them. 



(«} West, p. 413. 



266 THE ANTIQUITY OP THB A VESTA. 

(ffef))^)'* ^^))^lO(i t^ •HX>)00' X)aiy Hoshangji and Haug's Febel?i 

Pazesd Glossary, Haugs's essay, p. 150.) Valkhasb was so zealous 
to preserve the religious scruples of his creed, that he once refused to 
go to Rome at the invitation of Nero, lest hy going by the sea-route 
he polluted the water and thus broke one of the commandments of the 
Vendidad, which forbade the pollution of water. His brother Tiridates 
was a priest. Now how can a king like him, who was so closely 
connected with a priestly family and who himself so earnestly observed 
all religions scruples, allow any interpolations in the collection of the 
old Avesta ? How can he tolerate the smallest addition of any 
foreign element ? 

After Yalkbash oomes Ardeshir Babegan. He is spoken of by 
the Dinkard as the next collector of the Avesta. Tansar's letter to 
the king of Tabaristan also refers to this matter. The Dinkard say8:(7) 

'*And that Artakhshatar, king of kings, who was son of Papak, 
came for the restoration of the monarchy of Iran, and the same 
scripture was brought from a scattered state to one place. The 
righteous Tosar of the primitive faith, who was the priest 
of priests, appeared with an exposition recovered from the jive^iaj 
and was ordered to complete the scripture from that exposition. He 
did so accordingly, to preserve a similitude of the splendour of the 
original enlightenment, in the treasury of Shapigan, and was ordered 
to dbtribute copies of the information provided." 

From the above passage of the Dinkard, Darmesteter infers that ** it 
appears that the Ardeshir compilation contained two classes of texts — 
texts that were incorporated as they were and other texts that were 
conjecturally restored by Tansar, the P6ry6tk8s, so as to make a 
collection that should be an exact reproduction of the Vista&p Avesta, 
the lost treatise of Shapigan, which is as much as saying that 
the Ardeshir Avesta is a compound of texts anterior to Tansar and texts 
emanating from Tansar, the whole being an ideal restoration of the 
primitive Avesta.'* We beg to submit that the above passage of the 
Dinkard does not at all allow of such an inference. How can an. 
unprejudiced reader come to that inference when the passage very 
clearly says that Tosar. • . appeared with an exposition recovered 
from the Avesta and was ordered to complete the scripture from that 
exposition 1 " 

(7 ) West's Dinkard, p. xxxi. 



k 



THl ANTIQUITY OF THI ATESTA, 267 

Again, we mnst take into consideration the character of the two 
cluef actors of this second period of Iranian renaissance, the charac- 
ter of both, the king and his Dastur, of Ardeshir and Tansar* Ardeshir 
through his grandfather Sassan, belonged to the sacerdotal race. 
According to Agathias he '* was initiated in the doctrine of the Magi, 
and could himself celebrate the mjsteries."(^) How can such a 
king, himself versed in the learned lore of his religion, give a free 
hand to his Dastur to introduce into the religious scriptures any 
foreign element that he liked. It could do in the case of a king not 
versed in religious lore, but not in the case of a king like Ardeshir 
who, by birth and education, belonged to the sacerdotal class versed 
in (heir religious books. If Tansar had taken any liberty, Ardeshir 
oonld have at once stopped him. 

But now let us examine the character of Tansar himself. According 
to the Dinkard he was a '^ Paoiryo-tkaesha," t.e., one of the old order 
of faith, and so naturally averse to any innovations and to the intro- 
duction of any new elements in the old religion and in the old 
scriptures. This is confirmed by the tone he adopts in his letter to 
the king of Tabaristan. He expresses his displeasure at the new 
order of things subsequent upon the religious anarchy in the reign 
of the preceding dynasty. He says : (®) — 

'* At last, hj the corruption of the men of those times, by the dis- 
appearance of the law, the love of novelties and apocrypha, and the 
wish for notoriety, even those legends and traditions passed away from 
the memory of the people." How then can we expect a Paoiry6- 
ikafisha of Tansar's type and views to introduce into the religion 
and reh'gious scriptures notions foreign to the old faith ? While 
speaking about the characters of the two principal actors of the 
second period of Iranian renaissance, it will not be out of place to 
examine briefly a few important parts of Tansar's letter on which 
Darmesteter rests so much. 

Firstly, Darmesteter attaches great importance to that part of the 
letter wherein Tansar writes to the king of Tabaristan that king 
Ardeshir does away with those customs which do not suit the 
necessities of his time. Now this does not show that Ardeshir, 
through his Dastur Tansar meddled with the old religious scriptures. 
It simply means that he modified several customs which, looking 
to the circumstances of the changed times, acted harshly and unjustly. 



(8) Darm. Vend., 2 fid. XU. (») Ibid, p. XLIU. 



-r 



Strx iSTaiUrTT '? ^33 iTlHCV 



"f^mris ^; i£:^'i^r '''^■*" ^ '* * **^ *^ aaean that 
He kn^ ^ iic ■ nti*^ iFcr ztx aaiiEraii."' ^,. "im iiiii? i» sopenor 
IE :TBigrfni ir m 7» iiad if ae 'Zhmra. Wa«t Taoaar 
jEurc "v^ft "ZSB BiictaaL mii 'zmparal neaii of 
*fc ^ Miug" - jt ^■p— w* mar -3115 -nnnaoEiua z!^T:a iv- DsnnesCeter, 
^KtiixianKi iaff imwrt r»5er ^*» :»ii*Eon ** » bsywid 
jz nxpsasi^ "ac nesmiir "mi niicn. Wjen Smry VXII. 
Jt Znsrand the aiiw»ir w ^ic w »*■""*' lesuL ir 3ie 'riiixreh* 

i:^'^ "nwHf TiaK 

* jz :tie 3^1tc*iiL ft juc iess^tiesc ir saijiinetZ! ly TsaBoii. m oas na 

.' I?Mai mu& ! i !i ! ± nsuiiarriiic it -»»i^ ^-^ i^ '^'^u^cened'* 

-sitt .fiex "lisi: 'Lwrwr :iieaiii: lauunni ic stnumnuiain* biEC the 

jKOSsr nm. "^ ieacriDiaiiii.^ T!te iicc time this paisgoe? of 

i jossar fas^ itic sset h 'm: iinndiii ic hiv new oticitiiDi or 

E Jinv!^ iv BiiitiiiiT puc^ if YuuBT^ M^sstus^ (|^iioo»i ^ibove^ 

Esa le TimMBl^ ^^-i^ip^ir^ ]iis n?fpreiwqjR Bpinisc ^e -iirr*j«iiii:t:u>fi 

%^ui. "ine JKT "aor Tio^sc'^ 'jsssr iuis 311c ^isfisr '21 luij changes 
tr tfuinoiui Ji ^k i^jsa. «rrntiiPBF > mnri 'iuui 3rj\re»i 17 ;i <:iij:3*>ry 
^s^tasamoBSL if «iiiie tt "iie: rwes: jni£ jk.v$ r**&rmit ^i :▼ Taiuiar. 
5^^ iftflif 7 sihr if lie itiiiits renr:??! ^j 15 Tiossiu* ir<f 5jixa«I in 

"vniL vauLO. iiis ^ singin^rti tx au.?!: :sikeii ^rvmt 




iim^ if i^icDicsan finmuinis ir jume aiiiii«3iduiu <iii u&e port 

B. tie Jt^asii: .. nnv i» 1. sncsrr :r ibX. inj xxs luc imi tih^nu 
Jir *ra—mr iic inns n: YjinarBcm. iQie«& tt JLrfeiur** tfi-TBabo 
1^ lie iiifesRn: iiTiii'^imii jnzi intr vrjKsesv J^ Tib; JL«esci iiYinoa 

n TuBar $ jsarc. is *s iriluws : — 




i 



n* inrrri ^■iirfffiiiL 




THE ANTIQUITY OF THE AVESTA, . 269 

3 Kuttab, i.e^ the writers. This class includes clerks, medical 
men, literary men and scientific men. 

4 MuhanS, *>,, the men of the ordinary class of work. 
This class inclades merchants, agriculturists, workmen, &c. 

A superficial examination of these two divisions, the one of the 
vesta and the other of Tansar, shows that they widely differ. 
bw if Tansar took liberty with the Avesta, why did he not replace 
e Ayesta division which '' did not suit the necessities of the pre- 
^nt " by the new division ? If Tansar's object was to establish the 
nitj of the throne by the unity of the Church, instead of meddling 
til philosophic subjects like those of the Logos and the Ideas 
hich the generality of the people did not care for, and which could 
o way strengthen the power of Ardeshir, he ought to have first of 
11 handled subjects like this and the following which had drawn 
general attention, and which had, according to the king of 
abaristan, displeased the people. He ought to have introduced them 
:xito the Avesta, to give them the stamp of religion. The fact that 
ansar did not do so and that the extant A vesta gives quite another 
i vision shows that Tansar had not taken any liberty with the Avesta. 
Then the next important subject, referred to by Tansar in his letter, 
3 the subject of punishments for scepticism and for criminal faults, 
uch as theft and adultory. For example, Ardeshir ordered that the 
dulterer must be punished by having his nose cut, that the brigand 
nd the thief must be punished by bcirg made to pay large fines, &c, 
bw, if Tansar had taken libci ty with the Avesta, and, if, as he says, 
rdeshir had *' ordered these precepts to be inserted in the Book of 
aws " (ketab-i-sunun), we should find them in the present Avesta, 
%t least in the Vendidad. But we do not find anything of the kind 
31 the Avesta, which shows that Tansar had not meddled with the 

L vesta. 

In thePeheWi commentary of the Vendidad (VIII.-236 (74) Spiegel, 

. 122), we find an allusion to the punishment of a brigand (ra^dar 

i\ It is t'lere said on the authority of a commciiLator Go^osh- 

tl^at a brigand, if he conUnivG in his evil profo;isioii, may be at once 

ut to death without waiting for a formal order from the DiUo-bar. 

^in^V^ ■•tO^'V The same punishment is ordered on the autho- 
ity of one Vakhshapur. Now it appears from tliis, that the punishment 
33 




270 THE ANTJQUITT OP THE AVESTA. 

here referred to is not at all in accord with the punishment referred 
to by Tansar in his letter as that ** ordered by him to be inserted in 
the Book of Laws. ** On the other hand it is more in accord with 
that spoken of by Tansar, as prevalent in the ancient times. This shows 
that Tansar had nothing to do with the Avesta. Not only that, but he 
had nothing to do even with the Pehelvi commentaries written much 
later than the original Avesta. If he had no free hand in the later 
Pehelvi commentaries, how can he have a free hand in the original 
Avesta itself. 

Again we find in the Pehelvi version of the Vendidad a 
number of names of eminent Dasturs, who had made comments, snchas 
Gogoshasp, Dud-farrokh, Adar-pud, Khoshtanbujid, VakhshApur, but 
we do not find anywhere the name of Tansar. This is a very strong 
proof that Tansar had no hand at all, not only in the original Avesta 
but even in the much later Pehelvi versions. 

Lastly take the case of Tansar's reference to the social custom of 
marriage. He says, that Ardeshir ^* prohibited that a man of high 
family should marry a girl of a lower family, with a view to preserve 
tl)e purity of blood." Now, \^-e find no prohibition of this kind 
in the present Avesta. If Tansar had taken liberty with it as alleged, 
he would have put in this prohibition in the Vendidad. The only 
prohibition referred to in the Vendidad is that a Mazdaya^nan 
should not join in marriage with a Da6va-ya9nan. 

In examining the so-called historical evidence of Darmesteter on the 
later origin of the Avesta, we now come to Shapur, the third import- 
ant actor of the period of renaissance, after whose time he thinks 
the Avesta canon was closed. Darmesteter is of opinion that foreign 
elements crept into the Avesta even after Ardesir's time, and so he 
attaches great importance to the following passage in the Diokard 
about Shapur. 

**Shahpuhar, king of kings, and son of Artakhshatar, again broaght 
together also the writings which were distinct from religion, 
about the investigation of medicine and astronomy, time, place, and 
quality, creation, existence, and destruction .... that were scattered 
among the Hindus and in Arum and other lands ; and he ordered 
their collection again with the Avesta, and the presentation of a 
correct copy of each to the treasury of Shapigan. (West's Dinkard 
P. Texts IV. p. 414 ; Derm. Le Zend Avesta HI., p. XXXII). 

Darmesteter says that " This is a confession that part of the Avesta 



THE ANTIQOITT OV THE AVKSTA. 271 

was translated or imitated from foreign sources." Nothing of the 
kind. It appears to he clear from this passage that here the question 
is ahoat the collection of medical and other scientific works other than 

those of religion (m)j dq ^ *9^oo'^ty) How can they have been em- 
bodied in the extant Avesta which, according to Darmesteter himself is 
" only a liturgical collection, and it bears more likeness to a Prayer Book 
than to the Bible." What the Dinknrd says is merely this, that Shapur 
got collected, both from the East and from the West, works on scientific 
subjects. They were not all embodied in the Avesta, but as the last 
sentence of the above quoted passage says ''the presentation of a 
correct copy of each to the treasury of Shapigan " was ordered by 

the king. The words in the text isr^O fffePOOT W^ ^'^o* (^^ 

(t. 0., he ordered their collection again together with the Avesta-Peh. 
Paz. glossary, p. 150) mean that Shapur ordered the collection again 
of this scientific literature together with that of the Avesta, and ordered 
a copy of each to be preserved in the royal library of Shapigan. The 
words do not admit of the intierpretation of " reunir et incorporer 
dans r A vesta les fragments d'un int^ret scientifique " as Darmesteter 
understands them. 

If, as Darmesteter says, the above passage is an allusion 
to his theory that additions were made to the Avesta even in later 
times, then, as a matter of fact, we must find these writings on 
medicine, astronomy, and such other scientific subjects in our 
present Avesta. But we do not find them at all. Therefore, the 
only inference we can draw is this, that the passage in the 
Dinkard does not at all allude to any subsequent additions to the 
Avesta itself, but to the Pehelvi works. 

In closing this short survey of Darmesteter's conclusion based 
on the historical evidence of the Dinkard and of Tansar's letter, we 
must bear in mind that in the very passages where the Dinkard 
speaks of the restoration of religion, and of the religious scriptures, 
and on which Darmesteter lays great stress in support of his theory, 
Alexander, the Greek of Greeks, is spoken of as " the evil-destined 
TiUain Alexander" and allusions are made to his ravages and 
devastations. Again, the very document on which Darmesteter hases 
his theory, rt«., Ibn al MuqafPa's letter of Tansar speaks of 
the harsh conduct of Alexander towards the Persians. He thought 
of killing the princes and nobles of Iran so that during his march 



272 TUE ANTIQUITY OV THE AVE3TA. 

towards India they may not rise against him. But tbe good 
udvicc of his tutor Aristotle prevailed, and he divided Iran into 
petty principalities, so that the ruler*' may fight among themselves 
and not join into an open rebellion against his rule. Again in tbe 
body of the letter itself, 'J'ansar alludes to the fact of Alexander's 
burning the sacred books. (^^) 

Now Darmestetcr represents Tansar as borrovring foreign elements 
for his A vesta from the.se very Groeks, whose hero Alexander he (Tansar) 
himself runs down, and so do the Diukard and other Pehelvi works. 
How improbable to think that a reli^^ious and sacerdotal monarch 
like Ardeshir, and a Pauiryo-TkaOsha Dastur like Tansar should 
think of inlroclucing into their scriptures the notions and beliefs of 
those Tcry Greeks who had brought about the ruin of their country 
and religion, a ruin, the paiuiul memory of which was fresh in their 
minds, and which continued to remain fresh for some time longer. 
Nothing can be more improbable than this. 

13ut look to this (juestion from another point of view. What did 
Valkhasli and Ardeshir and JShnpur aim at ? What wag the 
religious renjiissuiice for ? The Greeks had possibly left the 
mark of their invasion on the politics, as well as on the social and 
religious lito of Iran. It was this mark of the Greeks 
that had brought about the political, social, and religions 
anarchy. It was to obliterate tht'se marks that Yalkhash, Ardeshir, 
and tlie Shapuri* worked. It was to obliterate those marks that was the 
aim of the renaissance of Arde^hir's time. Now what can be more 
improbable than to think that those who worked hard in that work of 
renaissance should, instead of ol/literating these marks of Greek 
influence, perpetuate them, by bodily introducing Greek elements 
into their very scriptures. 

-Vgain, if there be any country, whose religious ideas the Persiani 
would not liko to have incorporated into their religious books, it would 
be ('fcceo or India. Ajrain, if there be anybody who could be said to 
have introduced into Zoroastrianism these so-called Greek and Indian 
elements, Tansar should be the last person, because from his very letter 
to the king of Tabaristan, to which .1 >ariuesteter attaches so much 
importance, we learn that a? a true Zoroastrian, he found the 



(13) lifu aais qu' Alexandre luilla d Istakhar nos livros sacr^s cents aV 
douzv) uiUle peaux de ba-uf," Journal Asia<(iuo T. lU, p.. 516, 



THE ASXIOiZTr or 19£ ^TESTA. 27S 

CrreekB, IsdinB, and utkin niuiiii^ m ««ioc TfhsifiiB moBPisaBc 
customi (^iftwtdT^ Efffrrnnc tt* ilircpniigy n: me TFans. tflreeet. 
and India. Tannr ktc O. etvc I^amiennerV xnuDBM&oii .. (^ ijiiir 
anx bonnes moeniB i rTigifnw& e: as sprria xin £ik. ct aim: ds iam B Mit 
qu'il (Le Diea) noiH a oGrcytss et anil iejor a TsiamsgL' Ik^gOL 
further on he nn : ** Jtmitt ki scmies de jk xe-s amc notn- ioL.*' 
Thus we see tbat Tanaar bdievec aba: km iaziierJBiin oc Jnbk. 
poaseased all ibe aocnoef of t^ -worko, mat lais lac lis jitnanc^ 
was fitTonred by God ^visb all ^ead irligiiwff eDflunBa^minfc ^it iraur 
conntriea were depxivBd aC Ko«^« ^a«r on jaH cspaR a aaaE wtt& 
SQch a belief to bomnr Amem» igite aii fffini '5mm 
and from other co^nt^ie^ ? 

Again, what ia vom probable ! IVai, 2. s aricc 62- sc^ 
cfrcumstiinceB, he was alkrved tbe Sbucj cj> aiici&£]«( ^Fotk ^!« 
( Avesta, he should take Hbertj with tb:iofr paits wh;je& ttrcafi of 
philosophic snbjects, or with those that treat olf the soesal mamcis 
and customs, with which the gcneralitf of pcoplie llart to do r 
As a religious reformer, it would be his datj not to aid acw 
philosophic ideas with which the people on the whoic had 
little concern, but to change some of the old social usages which 
required a change under the new circumstances. If allowed a free 
hand Tansar would hare at first changed some of the customs 
mentioned in the Vendidad, which clearly point that thej belonged 
to very old times. 

For example, it appears from the Vendidad that during the olden 
times when it was written, the use of metal as money was very little 
known* Animals were the medium of exchange or barter. 
A medical practitioner is required to be paid not in coins, but in 
animals. (^^) If he cured the head of a family he is to be given a 
small ox as his professional fee; if he cored the ruler of a rillsge, 
a large ox ; if he cured the lady of the house, a she-ass snd so on. 

This scale of medical fees must ha?e existed a long time hffore the 
Achemenian rulers, some of whom had Oreek doctors on their stsfF. 
Now then, if Taoaar had a carte blanche from bis soverpi^n to tske 
h'bcrty with the Aresta, and to add, omit, or modify, r^f cfynf^^, 
the first thing he would have^done would have he^n fo «f rik** ofP 
from the Vendidad the above system of payment and to intfoHiK"^ a 

(»♦) JoarnAl A^iatiqod, Tome iff.^p. 5*7. 
(") VcDdidad rn., 41-43. 



274 THE ANTIQUITY OF THE AVKSTA. 

new system of payment by coins. There are several other old 
customs in the Yendidad which suited the times when it was written, 
but in the times of Velkhash or Taasar, were more honoured in 
their breach than in their observance. So, had Tansar taken liberty 
with the A vesta, instead of meddling with some philosophic ideas, 
he would have at once changed some of the customs mentiooed in 
the Yendidad. But the very fact that the Yendidad has come 
down to us, as it was written in some pre-Achemeuian times, 
shows that Tansar could not have taken any liberty with the sacred 
writings of the Oathas ascribed to Zoroaster himself. 

The chief point which should determine the age when the different 
writings of Zoroastrian literature were written, is the mention made 
therein of the names of historical personages. * The Farvardin Tasht 
contains a long list of the departed worthies of ancient Iran. It 
contains the names of .eminent men, who lived upto two centa- 
ries after Zoroaster, and who did yeoman's service to their country. 
For example, the name of Sacna Ahum Stuto (Sacna Ahum Stndnn 
of Afrin i Rapithavan) who, according to the Pehelvi Zarthosht. 
Nameh, died about two hundred years after Zoroaster, is commemo- 
rated there (Y. XIII., 97). Now, if according to Darmesteter, the 
Zoroastrian canon was not closed up to the time of Shapur, why is it 
that we do not find in the Farvardin Yasht any names of the Acheme- 
nian, Parthian or Sassanian dynasties. Those dynasties have prodoced 
a number of men worthy of being commemorated for their services 
to the cause of their country and religion. Take the case of Yalk* 
hash (Yologeses I.), whose services to the cause of Zoroastrian religion 
were highly spoken of by the Dinkard together with those of Ardeshir. 
Now if liberty was taken, as alleged, by Tansar, and his predecesaoni 
with the A vesta, surely the name of Yalkhash would most assuredly 
have been added to the long list of the worthies of Iran in the Far- 
vardin Yasht. Ardeshir's services to the cause of Zoroastrian 
religion were really very great, and so they were commemorated in 
the later Pazend prayer known as the Afrin i Rapithavan, together 
with those of Zoroaster, King Ooshtasp, Asfandiar, and others. 
Now if the Sassanian princes took liberty with the Avesta, why 
is it that the name of Ardeshir Babegan is not included in the list 
of Farvardin Yasht. Ardeshir's son Shapur I., who also is spoken of 
in the Dinkard as having had a part in the revival of the religion, could 
have added the name of his illustrious father in the list of Farvardin 



in cbekcer 

x: 




A^otft m Ifloer noL ^fi-'mi ±3i meatL r ^mmK.:M-mLL 



la ike 5am Tjatt. -iarr mr it Him. 

HOC Kcae- ainp^ic ' jt* 



penecvtiaa ii flTintwi m. -bui "iisi bciM'iirv*:. r t 
aDnsiaK ta Ajcsoadsr's rangnnr if ?mis, Ik ^wiwrr -t j« 
he feiti TO» ^iie PeietTi julr.iii^ tt -W ^nnt ^fiush. « 
as KilisTic .'ILbisvif.. Ik die ?^n^Ti ^tnrrn 
is 9pigkem. «f m Alrxaniiffr ^iu^ 2ai»yTik. * IL»n«« 
that die Kereaad ^ok^ <if in dv^ ^hxl Tsmbt j. 
tfaeieiore thk text a pmr^ K<^TantfruB> 

Hev die &Z1K fneginn Ji iur ji -iut 
is Qsed a;a aeaouBoii simii. I^ :« uest at 
Mnmwirr vasaOisvik. wace^icrpin samar -ii 
that terau In d^ aaoe vrnf^ :iie P^iis'r: •:, 
giYing a PefaelTi rendcia^ of die paaMes jl wsiixa. -iSkn^ i;i^ wyrt 
Elerecmin or KIQisjak to be a eaaiBiaa aoni. 

The Avesta pa^^sage mm dins 

The Pehelvi rendering of diis pa«gag(? Ls as SiiL-.'v? 

3<r »^^^ \( ffOD^ ^ 



This Peheln rendering clearly showa that die oomsMBtator Lat 
taken the word Kere^ani in the sense of a eommoQ noun. He has 
rendered it in the plural number. If, acoording to Darmetteter the 



276 THE ANTIQUITY OP THE AVESTA. 

Pehelvi translator meant by Kilisyak, Alexander, why should he 
have used the plural number. 

There is another consideration ^rhich shows that by Kere9ani the 
Horn Yasht did not mean Alexander. In the Pehelvi books, wherever, 
Alexander is spoken of, he is always spoken of, as Alexeidar, Akandgiir, 
Alasandnr, or in some other similar form (Viraf-Nameh I., 4 ; West's 
Dinkard, Bk. VIII., ch. I., 21 ; Bahman Yasht II.,. 19; III., 34; 
Bundehesh XXXIV., 8 Minokherad ; VIII., 29). He is never 
spoken of as Kilisyak. In the Bahman Yasht the word Kilisyak is 
once used, but mind, there it is used with his original name Akandgar. 
As we have said above there the word is not used alone but simply 
as an appellation. Just as in some books (for example the Viraf- 
Nameh I., 4) he is spoken of as Arumayak, i.e., the Roman, so in the 
Bahman Yasht he is spoken of as AkandgAr,-i-Kilisyakih, t>., Alex- 
ander the Kilisyak. In all other books he is spoken of by his own 
name written in differenf ways. Now, if in all these Pehelvi writings 
Alexander was spoken of by his own proper name, why should he 
not have been spoken of by that name by the Pehelvi commentator 
of the Ilom Yasht, if, at all, he meant to express that Kere9ani was 
Alexander. 

One fact more. In most of the above Pehelvi works, wherever 
the harm done by Alexander to the Zoroastrian religion is spoken 

of, he is always spoken of as Alexander the Qazasht^ ()l03o) 

i,€,, the cursed, an epithet generally applied to Ahriman or the devil. 
Some such other epithet is often applied to him (Viraf-Nameh I., 4 ; 
Bahman Yasht. 0«) II., 19 ; Dinkard VII., ch. I., 21). Now if we 
take that, as Darmestetcr says, the passage in the Hom Yasht refers 
to the religious persecution by Alexander, why is it that we do not 
find either in the Avesta passage itself or its Pehelvi rendering any 
usual expression of hatred with the mention of Alexander's name. 

Again, M the Avesta writer wished to make an allusion to the 
religious persecution by Alexander, why should he have chosen 
the Haoma Yasht for it ? We know nothing of Alexander's special 
hostility to Haoma. In his invasion the Greeks generally destroyed 
some of the Persian fire temples ; so if there was any part of the 
Avesta where an appropriate allusion to Alexander's persecution coald 
have been made with propriety, it was the sacred pieces in hononr 

(10) West, Pehelvi Scries I. and VL 



THB ANTIQUITY OF THE AVE8TA. 277 

t>f fire and not the Tasht in honour of Haoma. All these considera- 
tioiiB lead to show that it is a mistake to take Kere^ani to be 
Alexander. 

Darmesteter points to another name in the Avesta and connects 
it with a historical event, and thereby tries to show that the Avesta, 
«s they have come down to os, have a later origin* 

It is the name of Axi Dfth&ka (Zohak of Firdousi). From the 
fact that the Pehelvi Bundehesh draws his descent from one Tuz, a 
brother of Hoshang and from the fact that the Shah-Nameh calls him 
R Taxi, t,e,, an Arab (isj^^ •^-r*)» and from the fact that Bawri, 
identified with tlie Inter Babylon, is spoken of in the Avesta as the 
place of Azi-DaUaka, Darmesteter infers that it is a reference to the 
settleoaeiit of the Arabs along the banks of the Euphrates and the 
Tigris, an event which took place in the second half of the Arsacide 
period. Hence he infers that the Avesta which refers to this historic 
event must have been written along time after Alexander. But from 
the mere fact that Zohak was descended from one Tiiz who was the 
founder of the tribe of Tiiziks, latterly known as the Arabs^ and 
from the mention of the name of Bawri identified with the later 
Babylon, we have no safificient grounds to infer that it is an allusion 
to the historical event of the occupation of Chaldea by the Arabs in 
later times. Neither the Avesta nor the Pehelvi Budehesh say that 
Zohak was an Arab. The Bundehesh, did not take Zohak to be an 
Arab. It simply says that he was descended from one Taz. It is 
only Firdousi that calls him an Arab ; and it is perhaps from the fact 
that Zohak was descended from Taz and that the Taziks, latterly 
known as the Arabs, were also descended from Taz. Thus then, if the 
Bundehesh, did not recognize Zohak as an Arab, how can Tansar 
or some of his predecessors recognize him as such ? 

Again, even taking it for granted that Tansar or the people of 
his time knew Azi-dahak to be an Arab, how could Tansar or some 
one else in the latter half of the Arsacide period (whom Darmesteter 
supposes to have taken some liberty with the Avesta) have connected 
the historical event of the occupation of Chaldea by the Arabs with 
Azi-dahak. The event having happened only about one or two centuries 
before their time must be fresh in their minds through oral traditions. 
So how can either Tansar, an intelligent man, who is represented 
as having studied the philosophy of adjoining countries, or any other 
man of his stamp, be supposed to connect a recent historical event 
3G 



278 THE ANTIQUITY OF THE AVE8TA. 

with a mfin of the times of the Peshdndyan dynasty, a contemponrf 
of Faridun, who lived several hundred years before the event. To 
suppose that Tansar or men of his stamp mixed up a historical event 
that had recently occurred and connected it with a man who lived 
several hundred years before the event is paying; a very poor compli- 
ment to men of Tansar*8 intelligence, who are otherwise credited 
With a knowledge of the philosophies of adjoining countries* 

Again Bawri, the name used in the Avcsta for Babylon, snggests 
another consideration. Wo find from tho cuneiform inscriptioni 
that Babylon was ono of the countries conquered by Darius. In the 
Bohistun inscriptions BabyLm is spoken oF as BAbiru (Spiegers Die 
Altpersisclien Koiliuschriftcn, ]). -1, Oppert's Les Inscriptions defl 
Acliumcnid»'s, p. 24). Tin's word Biilnru sliows tliat in the Achc- 
niiniiin times tlio old word Bawri Ii:i(l already begun to assamc 
its later f(»nu of Babylon, Bawri is an older fonn of Babim* 
Hence tin* U'xt wherein the ]>assage of 15awri occars must 
hav(» Ikvu written a Imi-j: tin\e before the Achemenians, and the 
conclusion of l)arniestet»T that " The texts in which the Arab 
Azi Oahaka appears as riMgning in Babyhni belonii: to a time 
when tlie Aral»a w»'re aln^ady settled in ^[esop.itaniia" is ground- 
less. Had that bei'ii tlie case the writiT- avouM have ustnl Babini 
or siMue otlier lat.T fv'rni u^T Bal'vlou and not tiie older form of 
Bawri, 

Again, what is said i>f ZoliAk can be saul of Dannestetcr's attempt 
of connect ini: one Zainigaii, aV.vVcd In b«^ a co!iteni])i»rary of Afm^ijil}, 
with an histnricnl i^vmt oi th.e lafiT Pariliian tiT!>cs. In the first place 
tlie word Zaiiiiirau has up to now Won transhited U\\]\ by European and 
Parsce ^'.-htdars and aumni:: tl^cni by l^aniu'^irtcr Iiinisi'lf (Zend Avestft 
li, S. H. l'.)as a C"inni«':i iiiMin, But n«»-.v l>:irniesti'itT. lo support 
further his th*'or\. tiiuls in Z:ii»iii::iu. an Araliwho av:i»; killed by Afrasi&bv 
and tliinks that tlie all u -ion n'tVrs t«« th«^ subset jufut events of tho 
Arab invasiiMis. wjiioh otvurred in the later Parthian limes. Hero again 
a?i in tlu' case .'f /i%hak, w.^ nvi' h^l \.^ WVa^w, iliRt a learned man like 
Tansar or i others of bis stam]^ ^^c^c altoj^ctlier jkruorant of history* 
that t.hi\ did not kn^nx wh« n Afrnsial> lived, and iluit therefore they 
uiixini up hlst-irical c\rut> vhicli Iiad occurred t'uly a century or two 
bell r.* th« ir tiu'cs \Mtli somv t'thcr rM'Ml \\liich ociM4rri*d a long time 
b elnre. A-:;iiu, in coniicciiou wiUi this event. Dr. Daruicstctcr saj8» 



THB ANTIQUITY OF THE AVESTi. 279 

en the authority of Tabari (17), *» the 'legendary hiatofy of Yemen tells 
of the Tubbah Abu Kurrub's invasion into Mesopotamia and his 
stroggles with the Turdnians of Adarbaigan." But Tabari makes this 
Tubbah a contemporary of Kinga Gushtasp and Bahaman of Persia Q^), 
If that is the case, then it appears, according to Tabari, that the 
Arabs had a footing in Mesopotamia in the time of king Goshtasp, 
f. e., several centuries before the Parthian rule. Thus the arguments 
based by Darmesteter (that the texts in which Zohak is made to settle 
at Bawri and in which Zainigau is represented as being killed by 
Afrasiab are texts written in the latter half of .the ^rsaoide period) 
upon the assumption that ''the oldest periods known when the 
Arabs settled along the Euphrates and the Tigris in the second half 
of the Arsacide period " fail to ground. 

Another point, that Darmesteter dwells upon to support his theory , 
is this that " the Avesta seems to ignore the existence of an Iranian 
empire. The highest political unity is the dahyuy a name which in 
the inscriptions of Darius denoted the satrapies, t. e,, the provincial 
kingdoms . • . the highest political power is the danhupaiti, 
the chief of a dahyu.** Hence he infers that the Avesta was written 
in the times of the Parthian dynasty after the fall of the empire 
when there were so many provincial kings but no Shahinshah, no 
emperor. 

But here Darmesteter commits a mistake in taking a dahyu in the 
sense of a satrapy in which it is used in the inscriptions of Darius. 
We ought to take it in the sense in which it is used in the Avesta 
itself. In the Avesta it is not used in tho sense of a provincial 
kingdom but in that of an extensive country. 

There is a passage common to all Afringans (Westergaard Afringan 
1-14) wherein the worshipper asks the blessings of God upon all the 
good reigning sovereigns. Just as in the Farvardin Yasht are in- 
voked theFravashisof theholy men of all countries, Iran, Turan, Sairim 
Saini (China) and Dahi, so here blessings are invoked upon all good 
reigning sovereigns (Khshathrayan danhupaiti). The Avesta praises 
good order and peaceful rule. It says '* down with the tyrant." 
(" Dush-padshahanavadashan bilcl," Nirang-kusti. *' Dana padsh^-bad 

{!') Zofcenburg I., p. 504. 

(li) <<Ge roi vivait du temps de Gouiohtasp et de Bahman." Zotenbarg 
I., p. 605. 



280 THE ANTIQUITY OP THE AVeSTA, 

dnidanA avndnsh&n bad " Afrin), but may good kings flourish in aH 
farts of the world. Now if the word Manhnpaiti' used in this pasMge 
meant a mero provincial chief, the passage would, according to Dar- 
mestotor, point to several provincial chiefs. If that is so, it requires an 
explanation why Tansar who is supposed to have taken liberty with 
the philosophic part of tho Avesta and who wanted to bring 
about tho unity of the empire through the unity of the churchi 
did not alter this passage. This is a passage which was, as now, 
recited daily in huudredH of fire-temples of Iran and in thou- 
sands of houses, and therein the blessings of God were inroked 
upon all the ruling provincial chiefs. Ardeshir is represented by 
Darmcsteter on the authority of Tansar*s letter to have tried to 
extinguish the sncred fires of the provincial kingdoms to preaerre 
the unity of the empire by tho unity of the royal fire. It is strange 
then that ho should have allowed to remain this most important 
passnge in the Avesta which acknowledged the sovereignity of 
several provincial rulers. 

This consideration tends to show that the word danhupaiti 
does not refer to more provincial chiefs and that the argument based 
on the meaninu: of this word is vajno. In his French translation 
Daruiesttetor says : — 

** Vishtaspa lui-ini'^mo diins U':4 Gathas n'a point la physionomie 
d*un Koi des Rois. Cent un prince qui a donne sa protection i 
Zorosdtrc oontiv d' autres princes : riiMi no le distingue des dahyupaitia 
ordinaires." (^^) What Oarmesteter means by this passage is this 
that there was no empire even before the Achemenians. There 
were a number of provineial chiefs. Granted. Then what gronnds 
havo l)anuescoter to eoiieludo tliut the fact chat the Avesta ignores 
the existence ot an liattiLiii empire shows that it whs written in the 
timv^H of lUe proviueial ohiets of tho i^arthiau dynasty ? It may aa 
well have been wricteu in cue times of tho provincial chicfiB of the 
^rtf-AelK'uiouiun tiuie.<. 

Let us look U» this tiuo^tiou trom another point o? view. If the 
present Avosta d<.>os n >c spcrik of m Lriiniai: empire and of a king 
of king-*, thk* V^'aiieifVu'in iiiscr[pti.>us do s\>0{ik of a king of kings 
(** khsavachiyii^ khi.UMthi>.iiui:n/' BehUtouri L-l), y.nv it' the Cunei* 



^'- ') Ztjuil Av-:;*ta ILL, p. \\\. 



THE AKTIQCITT OF THE AVE8TA. 281 

form inscriptionB recognise an empire and a king of kings, 
it is clear that their contemporary writings the " Grand Avesta** 
must have also recognised a king of kings. The question 
then is Who did away with the mention of this king of kings 
from the Sassanian Avesta ? The answer perhaps would be 
that either Valkhash or somebody in the Parthian times, finding 
the Iranian empire divided into small provincial kingdoms, removed 
from the Avesta the passages referring to the king of kings. If 
Ihit was the case, why did not Tansar, who is represented as taking 
all possible liberties with the Avesta, re-insert similar passages 
which would have been of great use to him in uniting the power 
and the authority of his new master and emperor Ardeshir. 
To establish the unity of the empire, he wanted the unity of. the 
church. So a re-insertion of similar passages ought to have drawn 
his attention first of all in revising the Avesta, if he at all took 
liberty with it by adding to or by modifying the original. 

We now come to the subject of the Greek influence upon the 
Avesta. 

To support his post- Alexandrian theory, Darmes1;eter points to 
an instance of the G reek influence upon Zoroastrian schools. He 
refers to the four periods of three thousand years each, referred to by 
the ancient Persians as the period of the doration of the world. 
The prd-Alexandrian doctrine of the Persians described by Theo- 
pompus as quoted by Plutarch is ** that Oromosdes ruled for 3,000 
years alone and Areimanios for 3,000 more. After this period 
of 6,000 years had elapsed they began to wage war against 
eacli other, one attempting to destroy the other ; but finally Arei- 
manios is to perish, mankind is to enjoy a blessed state of life ; men 
will neither be any more in need of food nor will they cast shadows ; 
the dead are to rise again ; men will be immortal and everything is to 
exist in consequence of their progres8."(20j 

Now the Pehelvi Bundehesh refers to the same doctrine, but 
according to Darmesteter it differs in the description of the first 
two periods. The Bundehesh says : *' Auharmazd through 
'Omniscience knew that Aharman exists and whatever he schemes 
he infuses with malice and greediness till the end ; and because 
be accomplished end by many means, he also produced spiritually 

(*o) Haug's Bfsays, 2nd ed., p. 8-9. 



PKNT8 01 NUJlWl 



IX. — laletpntatloB of ccrlaio pASN^ee ir 
<llir.ntik& ol Ttiriliunilun. Sij M. P. Khavk 

£. — Matuand of tibfeabi nnd Uw hoiitni ■' 
fi. P, S&muau ... 

Xr-^Mdo. Bf J. Bl. UAMruELL.LLJV. > 

XU.— Tito Tn)L> ClOKMnniAL Sliinjt ■■ t. > 
tilt (Ion. Mr. Juitico M. Q. Bakapr, M.A^ l.i 

XUl.'Tlie TclMilogr iifib* Pkhtnvi !3F.)k»« 
•Md Clwrti'i D« rfUiira OoorHm. fiy ft. P. K.ti '..uii4_ 

3:tV^— FlMdti!! nn tb« Indian Ot%iii of UH' fVioc nf 1 
l\y JivAaii Jam:ihiimi Mom, O.A.^' ... 

7A>lauknjl Mam, n.iU .„ ... 

XVT.— ITlie PiirlngiiKit tn SimMi KaiMt<i 
M Uvwii»,M.ll.C,S«L,R,C.P^lt.CJ 

XVTT.'-IItt Antiitiilty tt Ihv AtesU. " 
•itKDii Unm, If.A. ^.. ^. ... 



mNv iKin Jntunrir I69j to finic 1~ 
ll,i)( PitMniB to ihr Lilinrr... 






DOMIUli 
SOCIETY'S Linn^nY, Tuws dali. 

KEKAN I'AUL, TltBNI-ll. TUSliKEB ».■ Co. 
OSTliU HOnSE, CUARINO CllOSS 
KOAD, W.C 

ia?7. 



I 



2S2 THE ANTIQUITY OP TlIE AVESTA. 

the croaturcs which were necessary for thoie meaiis» and ihcy 
remained throe thonsand years in a spiritual state, so that thej 
were unthinking and unmoTing with intangible bodies. The evil 
spirit, on account of backward knowledge, was not aware of the 
existence of Ailharmazd ; and afterwards he arose from the abvai 
and came in unto the li{;ht which he saw. Desirous of destroy- 
ing, and because of his malicious nature, he rushed in to destroy 
that light of Auhurmazd, unassailed by fiends, and he saw its 
bravery and glory were greater than his own ; so he fled back to the 
gloomy darkness and formed many demons and fiends, and the 
creatures of the deBtro}'er arose for violence." (West's Bundehesh 
I., 8-10.) 

Now, Darmcsteter says that the latter doctrine of the Bundehesh is 
quite mystical. He says: ^*That period of spiritual ideal existence 
of the world preceding its material and sensible opposition reminds 
one strikingly of the Platonic ideas, and it can hardly have entered 
Zoroastrianism before Greek philosophy penetrated the East/' 

In the first place, Thcopornpus has made a brief reference to the 
four periods of the world's duration. He has summed up in his 
words the Zoroastrian doctrine about these periods. So, as long as 
he has not given any detailed description of those periods as given by 
the Bundehesh, one cannot affirm that there is a difference between 
these two statements of the same doctrine. The vcrv fact that ho has 
tried to describe the last two periods and not the first two, rathrr 
shows that perhaps he did not clearly understand what Darmesieter 
calls "the mystical spirit of tho Zoroastrian doctrine." 

Now, for the Platonic ideas, one must look to the Farvardin Yasht, 
which speaks at some length of the Fravashis or Farohars which are^ 
as Dr. West says, the immaterial existences, the prototypes* the 
spiritual counterparts of the spiritual and material creatures after- 
wards produced, and which are therefore compared to the 'ideas' of 
Plato. A comparison of some points in the description of the ' ideas ^ 
of Plato and the Fravashis of the Avesta will clearly show whether 
it is the Avesta that has borrowed or Plato that has borrowed. 

Let ns see ''of what things," according to Taylor, the beat 
translator of the Parmenides, there are ideas. Ue says : ^ There are 
ideas only of universal and perfect substances aad of whatever 
contribatos to the perfection of these, as, for instance, of man, 



THE ANTIQUITY OF THE AVESTA, 283 

hnd wbatever is perfective of man, such as wisdom and virtne." 
Tho8» according to Plato, all perfect substances in the universe haye 
ideas. 

In the A vesta it is the vegetable and the animal 'world that has 
Pravashis, and not the mineral world. The ^rth has its Fravashi 
as the home of animal and vegetable life. It is only the life-bearing 
creation that has the Fravashis, not the lifeless. To speak scientificall j 
it is the objects of the organic kingdom that have the Fravashis, and 
not those of the inorganic kingdom. 

Now, what is the case with the * ideas * of Plato ? According to 
PlatOy all existing objects have their ideas, whether they belong to tlie 
organic kingdom or to the inorganic. The ideas are the realities, and 
the substances of which they are the ideas or models are non-realities 
or mere imitations of the ideas. 

Again, according to Plato, whatever contributes to the perfection 
of perfect substances have Mdeas.' For example, not only has a man 
an * idea,* but wisdom and virtue, which contribute to the perfection 
of man have ideas. So have justice, and beauty, and goodness. 
Now, in the A vesta, we have nothing like this. We have no 
Fravashis of these abstract qualities of justice, beauty, or goodness. 

Then, what does this show ? That the Avesta borrowed from Plato 
or that Plato borrowed from the Avesta ? The system of the Avesta 
is simple. All the life- bearing or organic substances only havo their 
Fravashis or spiritual parts. The dead people have their Fravashis, 
because they had them in their living condition. But Plato, as it 
were, developed his own system from that of the Avesta. He 
extended the notion even to the objects of the inorganic world and 
to qualities which led to perfection, and again mixed up with the 
question, the notion of realities and non-realities. Thus we find 
that Plato's system is more intricate than that of the Avesta. What 
conclusion then is possible ? That the more developed and intricate 
system is later than the simple one; that it has worked out its 
development or completion from the original simple one. Thus one 
sees that the Avesta system is older than that of Plato. 

Darmesteter attributes these Platonic ideas in the Avesta to the 
times of the Neo-Platonists, the school founded by Philo Judseus. 
But wo have seen above that the Farvardin Yasht, a part of which 
treats of the Fravashis, must have been written long before tho 



286 THE AXTIQUTTY OP THE ATESTl. 

store of different ideas, and a wide review of the different directions 
of philosophical thought." {iJeeton.') 

"Du I lie giecle de Tere chretienne jusqu'a Tie les Neo-Flatoni- 
ciens entreprirent defondre U philosophic orientaleavec la philosophic 
greque. Des tentativcs analogues avaient (t'j faites prec^emment 
par des philosophes juivs d' Alexandric, par Aristobulc pent etre et 
certai Dement par Philon dans le i^ siecle." Herein lies, then, the 
key why some of the notions of the Avesta resemble those of the 
Neo-Platonists. It was the Xco-Platonists who took some of their 
notionr> from the Persian religion and philosophy as from other 
religions and philosophies. Darnicsteter has just missed the key note, 
and so has tried in rain to find reasons for the similarity of notions in 
the A Testa and in Neo-Platonism. 

This very consideration and the above quoted 8tat>ement from Plutarch 
destroy the theory based by Darmesteter upon the names cf the three 
demons, viz., Indra, Saurva and Naunghaithya, opposed to the three 
Amesha Spentas, Asfaa Yashista, Khshathra Vairya and Spenta 
Armaiti. From the fact that the names of the three demons are also 
found in Brahminical works, he thinks that they represent foreign 
Brahminical element borrowed by the Avesta in later times. He saya 
^'it appears clear thereby that their present character is not the result 
of a proloiig<;d evnlutiou in the inner circle of Zoroastrianism." The 
above statement from Plutarch contradicts this in toto, and clearly 
points out that the notion of the Amesha Spentas and their counter* 
acting opponents the 'daevas* is specially Zoroastrian and pre- Alexan- 
drian. 

Attain, Darmesteter points to two passages of the Avesta wherein 
hf Hupposfifl there are references to Gaotama Buddha and to his 
nrligiori. Firstly, the word Bnity (Vend. XI.,7 ; XIX., 43) which he 
think t U} be the same as Baodha, is a word which refers to one of the 
I'vil forr'Js of the soul. The word occurs among other similar words 
whirh spf*ak of moral vices. This shows that it is not a proper noan. 
Akoih, l)flrmi*Kteter points to the word Gaotama in the Farvardin 
Vfi^hf ( J3; and Mays that it is a reference to Gaotama Buddha. As it was 

tinrli-r ihi' Indo Greeks (first centur}' before Christ) that Buddhism 
tpuml widely in the eastern provinces of Iran, and as in the first cen- 
^*n f tit iiuv wn KaniHhka*B coins present in an instructive ecclectism 
«.i •(»!. i\' if ii*N of the Indo-Scythian empire, Greek gods» Brahmanical 
«!' y*«, tUt'ttUiti and the principal Yazatas of Mazdeism/' he concludes 



THE AXTIQtTITY OF THE AVESTA. 287 

that '* if the alleged allusions to Buddhism are accepted, the Avesta 
passages where they occur cannot have been written earlier than the 
second century before our era." But then the question is if the Far- 
vardin Yasht wherein occur these passages were written so late as the 
second century after Christ, why is it that we do not find therein 
the names of men like Valkhash who had done, according to tho 
Dinkard, important services to the cause of the Zoroastrian 
religion. The list of the historical personages in the Farvardin Yasht 
was closed long before the Christian era. 

Darmesteter speaks at some length about what he calls the Jewish 
elements in the Avesta. This part of the question has been very 
ably lately handled by learned scholars like Dr. Mills and Dr. Cheyne> 
who hare tried to show that the Jewish scriptures owe a good deal 
to Zoroastrian scriptures. I will allude to one point only and 
close, and that is the subject of the Deluge. Darmesteter sees, like 
others, in the second chapter of the Yendidad, a description of the 
Deluge. I have shown elsewhere (2*) that though there are several 
points which are similar in the Hebrew sketch of Noah and the Avesta 
sketch of Yama or Jamshed, the second chapter of the Vendidad 
refers, not to the Deluge, but to the founding and building? of the 
city of Airyana-Vaeja, 

(2^) J. Jamshed, Horn and Atasb. 



Index to &e Tranfiactions of the Literary Society, Bombay, 
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IX, — lalciinvtatton ol eertiuti pum^ in Mil ^ 
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R.f.KMKUUli .^ 

Xn.— Tlw Tn« lUonouMl. Sliirnjt is % (AMI ^ 
Uw HOb. Mr. JtuLito M. &. Bamadi!, U.A., LLJIhlf 

iuhI tHvmVDe JlBtiirn Thutrnin. fi; IL. P. %Bm 

XIV,— Piniomi ou the Indbn Ohgiii of lliv^ 
UXJIVAHJI JlMSUEUlMOBE, B.A. 

SAUMUtuH Modi. B.A. ._ 

XVI.— TTie Poriu(pti-3e in ftinih i 
tiA C&MiUi3LH.C.S., L.H.C.P„ K.CJ.. 

XVU^T&e Ai)U'i)uiCT at ihu ArnU. 0^4 
tintwi Mow, ff.A. 



S/ii"«iv ifoni Janiinfy i&3.'i to Jimv ; - ■ 
l.<«t of t*rt«nt* fu ihe LRmry. . . 



T HE J IT TI X \ T, 
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289 



Art. XYllL—Akhar and the Parsees. By R. P, Karkaria, Esq. 



[Read 8th August 1896.] 

When the Emperor Akbar, disappointed with the faifeh of Islatn, 
professed by his fathers and by the State, started on an earnest 
enquiry after the best religion for men, he resolved to examine all the 
existing creeds that he could, and bestow patient toil on the discovery 
of the truth. If he could not discover any one among the existing 
religions which could satisfy his need, he resolved to find out the true 
elements in each, and combining them together, to set up a new faith. 
For this purpose he assembled the representatives of many sects and 
various creeds at his court, and built a special palace for their i^ieetings, 
called the Ibadat-Khana, at Fatehpur-Sikhri, There he himself 
presided over their discussions, encouraging everyone to come out 
with his views without fear of repression. All the great religions of 
the world were represented before the Emperor. First and foremost 
was, of course, Islam, the nominal State religion, whose learned 
doctors natnrally disliked such discussions and had scant sympathy 
with the enlightened object of their Emperor. They had, however, to 
be present and argue, as best they might and could, for the excellence 
of their religion above all others, and refute the claims of rival creeds. 
Used hitherto to be treated with special favour at court and to look 
down upon these creeds with contempt and intolerance, they did not 
always behave well under these novci circumstances, and betook 
themselves to strange methods of defence. This led on occasions to 
great confusions and uproar, when the meetings had to be adjourned 
to let the heated passions cool down. p]ven the Emperor's presence was 
at times not respected, and the bigoted Ulemas taunted and threaten- 
ed his trusted advisers like Abul Fazl, Faizi, and Bir Bal, whom they 
held responsible for all his religious vagaries, in the face of their 
royal master. One of these, a grandee named Shahbaz Khan, once 
said openly to Bir Bal at one of these meetings : "you cursed infidel, 
do yon talk in this manner ? It would not take me long to settle 
you I" Whereupon the Emperor scolded him in particular, and ail 
38 



290 



4EEAR *I«tt THE PABSBM. 



mid thnt r nhoeful «{ 



the other [ilcmn« in generftl. iayingi " 
»in«inent were throirn into joat fftCM I" ' 

Tlipn iherp w*re tbo e»poiiiiii»rs of Hinduwrn. ths fiiilh cf th« vatt 
nijority of AklMt's lodinn Kobji'mi. He lintoiied atti-iilivnly W ibrfr 
doctriiws and fnTonrcit ibeir views. U« not oiity di«cn»«d "ilh 
them ill [niblli-^ liut sow ibrm pririikly in bis pntncp, nnd wu 1 
itnBacDCcd inuub h; ihrm. The histdntui, B«(lnuiii, ^tcs & CDitans 1 
iMtniue nf hnw the Emji«-or "std ti> rcocivc tliwc mi-n, " A Bnh- 
HiBo niiin«il Debi." »hya he, "who waft uitc of llie Jnlfrprctcni of thr I 
U*hnbWat>i, was )iiill«d uji the walls of thr caMli: rittbg on n oAar- j 
j)t>i, till b(! ormcd v.vm a lialiony which tho Brnprrnr Itnd atatlr 
his btfdsrhamber, Wbiliit thui iii»p«iidi>d, he instrocled hii Mnjralf ' 
In lh« teflrvtABiid lc|;ciids uf Hindutem, iu the maimer of ironbippiliB 
iiJoli, tite fire, ii\t Hun, the sUn, and of revcnui; tbe ifairf goia of 
(bc« l»»ll^lit■^f«^•.■'* 

Akbar'o aiiTrouodingi, bin Rnji>ut wives, hi« HtDdu atlrUm wi<l 
generaU, like Todnr Mnl ntid Bir Hnl, bi^ Inaie fur KauskiiT' blerntRre 
and philosophy, »hich ho hud tmn-lmnd into Pernian, made htm Irao 
ooa^iderably tcnnrdi tlinduiam, BuddliUnt, too, was hiviight lo hi* 
■olioe au'l naa al«o nni withuiit influcoi^e upon bim. ProTvsaor Max 
Uiiller savB that '- Abul FatI, ihr ininistn' of Akbnr, iroald Sail no 
Due io lutist him in hi* CTKjniripi rtwpoctiug Buddhism."* Sal 
Badttoni Baje distinctly Ihal " Samsnaa" were intenriew^d by Ahbtt 
nlonj; witli the Brahmana. Now. these " Sftmanni" nn rigblly inlft- 
(irvtudby Prateiaor Cowell aod Mr. LonrabUuddliivC&itwtiM, "Shni> J 
loanaa," in fact. PnifmiKur Mux Mdllcr himtrlf sreniB tti hfl?B row- 
jvciured this, at ht put* tUia ijucry to the word of Bndnoui on p. 00 • 
"Is not Su man! meant for 8aman&, (.«., Shramaiia?" Tho ctwim 



> DftdoKDJ, iluMakJKii-yiTtwankk, Oalffiuta adtdoti, hs MonUi Agli»] 
AtiD*d All, TiL il., p. 374. 

Thera ai« (wo miujs on Akbai'a rell^oa, "ii., Van* Ktmicdr'a In UM ^ 
TfunttuHaiig ojtha Ltknryi Soeitty ef BeKilMy,lSii, aad Pnt. H. H. WHbhi^ 
tali" puarf'fip l><-UntaS Kayaitnt, Calcutta' l^i». Koanrd; ludBciieolB^- 
dannl bafon lilm, tut taliiid oQ an nattMC fromtbat btKoiian giian ia alatar 
lihtfan «i>iapil»ti(in tlw O'-'l-'^Sano. Wilaoo «r<M th* firil t« uae BadaaaT, 
I havn not DU^J i!itl<'>r, or Ualuituvk's in>p«rfeot tranduilnn uf pan^ftM 
Irjm Bsilnuui (Botubay, ItMO), baaaaa« I tiaTa ^im |u tba vriittaal aouraaS .> 

• n«darj„i. Calcuita adHliiD, rol. il . p. »I. Uwe, p. 2W 

* Mrodu:! M<t te &iianc« ,>/ Bi-U^IM, p. St. 



AKBAR AND THE PAR8EE8. 291 

of his hesitation seems to be the misinterpretation of Blochmann, 
'who, following Arabic dictionaries, cnlls them *' a sect in Sind wh6 
believe in the transmigration of souls (tannsuk). *'^ 

Besides Mahomedans, Hindoos and Buddhists, Akbar took 
great care to have the representatives of the great Chris- 
tinn faith of which he had heard. He requested the Portus:uese 
authorities at Goa to send him missionary priests who could 
expound the mysteries of their faith. Learned and pious 
priests were accordingly sent from Goa to Ak bar's court. 
An account of their travels and mission may be read in Hugh 
Murray's ** Discoveries in Asia" (vol, ii,)» But the best account 
of what they did at the Mogul court, and of their influence on the 
monarch, is doubtless that contained in the work of the Jesuit 
Father Catron, who based his ** History of the Mogul Empire " on 
the manuscript Memoirs of the Venetian physician, Manucci, who re- 
sided for 48 years at the Mogul court. I am glad to be able to 
state that my friend Mr. Archibald Constable, who has given us a 
scholarly edition of Bernier, is going to edit the complete work of 
Oatrou from a rare manuscript which he has recently secured, 
Bartoli's Italian History is also very important in this connection. 
Akbar*s attitude towards Christianity is a very interesting problem, 
not free from uncertainty and doubt, and may be treated on another 
occasion. The Mohamedan historian notes that ''learned monks 
also came from Europe, who are called Padre, and have an infalli* 
ble head called, Papa, who is able to change religious ordinances as 
he may deem advisable for the moment, and to whose authority kings 
must submit, broij(;ht the Gospel and advanced proofs for the Triiuty, 
His Majesty tirmly believed in the truth of the Christian religion, 
and, wishing to spread the doctrines of Jesus, ordered Prince Murad 
to take a few lessojis in Christianity under good auspices, and charged 
Abul Fazl to translate the Gospel/' ^ 

There were, moreover, Jews, Sufis, Shiahs, Hanefites, and various 
other religious and philosophical sects represented before Akbar, 
who wanted to listen to all, theologian and philosopher, orthodox 
and heterodox, heretic and schismatic, rationalist and mystic, to know 
every shade of opinion, to receive every ray of light that he could 
obtain from any quarter. 



* Ain-i'Akhari, vol. i., p, 179. 

* Badaoni, vol. ii.. p. 260; Lowe, p. 267, 



292 AKI5AR AND THE PARSERS. 

Thprc wns one religion which was distinguished by its grent and 
hoary antiquity as well as its purity, which, if it could only attract 
the royal enquirer's notice, could not but infhience him greatly, owing 
to its conturmily with much of Akbar's object. That was the ancient 
religion of Zoroaster, which, after a I^ni; spell of persecution, had 
been driven out of its houie in Persi^i to seek a shelter in a corner of 
Akbar's dominions. This relit!;i«/n wns historical, and must have 
forced itself on his notire in several ways. "Notwithstanding their 
paucity,*' says Count do Xoer, the Ciernian historian of Akbar, *'and 
political insigniricance, tho opinions oi the Parsees exercised consider- 
able influence on the great minds of India towards the close of the 
16th Century/* ^ 

\\'hat Akbar did to get acquainted with this religion, and what 
was his attitude towards it, are the quest i(»n> I propose now to con- 
sider. That he came to know this religion, and somo of its chief 
doctrines, is certain. But how far be was influenced by it, and how 
much of it be ndojited in tho new faith that ho constructed, is pro- 
blematical. There is a tradition amoni; the Parsees themselves that 
a priest of tlieirs had been called from Naosari, in Guzei'at, to Akbar's 
court under strange cirourastiMicos, and that he so far succeeded in 
forcing upon the Kniperor's mind th«» truth and excellence of hisrelif^ion 
as actually to convert bira to the Parsee faith by investing hitn with 
the sacred shirt and thread-girdle, sn'lnh and kiA.<tl, the outward sign 
of adopting that faith. The eircumsiances under which this priest, 
whose name was Mehrjee Rana, wascalb'd to Akbar's court were these 
exceedingly strange ones, according to the tradition. A Hindoo 
priest, deeply versed in the arts of niai;ic and sorcery, Jugnt Guru 
by name," once performed a mirncic in the presence of the Emperor 
and his court, by sending up and Kuspending a large silver plate bij^h 
in tho sky, which looked like another sun shining in the heavens, and 
challenged the professors of all tho religions assembled to take this 
new sun down, and test the powers of th»Mr faitbs. Akbar, of course. 
called ui)0u the UkMnaa to do Ihia and refute the Hindoo. But they 
could not do it themselves. Hence thev were in anxious search of 
some one who could d'> ibis and disgrace the infidel. They were told 



* Emperor Akhar^ vol. i., p 21 T qaole from Mrs. Heveridge's exoellent 
translation, which is in many respcits anporior to M. Maury's French). 

' tS'ic in the tradition ; but, of roiirso, .Fauat ^ruru is a title aasumed by th» 
the heade of various Hindu sects. 



AKBAR AND THE PARSEB8. 293 

tbat a priest in Naosari could do this, if he were called. At their 
suggestion Akbar sent for him. He came ; he saw ; he conquered. 
By reciting his prayers and by other incantations he broke the power 
of the Hindoo's magic, and the pseudo-sua came down, plate as it 
was, and fell at Akbar's feet ! Akbar was astonished, as well he 
might be. The Parsee priest was received with awe. He expounded 
his faith to Akbar, ^|^ convinced him so well as to make him a 
Parsee. This is the Parsee tradition, long cherished by the people 
and circulated in various forms in prose and verse. There are some 
poems about this triumph of Mehrjee Rana, sun^ by Khialis, or 
itinerant minstrels, and others in Guzerat and Bombay.® 

But now as to the validity of this tradition. After a diligent 
search I can find no historical proof of it whatever. None of the 
numerous great histories of this reign notice it at all ; and it need 
hardly be said that, if such a highly improbable, if not impossible, 
event happened at all, it must have been mentioned and detailed by 
the writers who are generally very fond of relating the marvellous. 
Badaoni, who mentions many other so-called miraculous or thauma- 
turgic feats oi jogis and Mahomedan saints, as, for instance, that of the 
Anuptalao, the lake filled with copper coins, does not say a word 
about this. There is nothing about it in the Dabistan, the other 
great authority for Akbar's religious history. Neither the Akbar 
Nama of Abul Fazl, the official history, nor the excellent Tabakat-i- 
Akbari of Nizam-ud-dio, mentions it. Nay, not even the name of 
JVlehrjee Rana, the Parsee priest, occurs anywhere in any historical 
work as having gone to Akbar's court at all. A paper has been put 
into my hands by the present descendants of this Mehrjee Rana, who 
still live in Naosari, in which what are called historical authorities 
are given for the abovementioned traditions. The writer of this 
quotes what purport to be passages from three famous historians of 
Akbar, viz., Badaoni, xVbul Fazl, and the author of the Tabakat-i- 
Akbari, in each of which the tradition is fully and emphatically 
mentioned. But, strange to relate, I do not find just those passages 
in these historians ! They are conspicuous by their absence in the 



* These poems, which are mere doggerel, were composed, I fiad oa enquiry, 
by hireling rhymesters a generation or two ago, as may be seen from 
htnguage in which they are written. There were several snob profeaidp"-" 
rhymesters who composed any number of suoh doggerel verses in prair' 
body who paid them for their labour » 



21)4 



4KIIAU IM- TBK fAftSKItH. 



L 



Muellent Kilitions o( Bacjruini And Abul t^azl, puMithFil by tliR a 
AtifllkQ Society iu the HibUoth'-oa InJie.a I Tti« cpyiat ms 
fcbey are to be found ia liis copies at Agm, from wliicb a MntmiR 
Muashi bail traiiHmbfil f-tieni for the iurorinnltaii of tho Pnnrasti 
Bnt tbis may Lio <li«nii!i§sd nntn inftniico of intcrpiilntion nn tlir part 
of that Munabl, very likHy a Forgery by the uopyisi blmself. 
paoHages are wiinted in Perainn mHnu8cript«. there is iiolbin;; bo o«rteiit| 
08 that they will »p|iear somtihriw I Oue whu han any experience afm 
Permu hralorians and their launiiscrifta will readily underoiHad Ihuifl 
Sir Heury Elliot, who \cnc\i tiwm nil intiriiaioly. mentions neveml ■ 
instanuea of impudeot anti iulereitied fraudt) by Peraiuii ooinpilera, 
add w&rQB iix to be on our ituaril against " the blnndara amitid; trttm 
Dcgligcncu and ignorance ; tliR tniiir]uiitin]K »f titk-H, liat^s nnd tiamrcj 
the aacriptinn to wrmig aiiihort ; ihc ahscticr uf brginningx and end^a 
ingi ; ihc nrhitrnry *nbstit,uti'.n of new ones lo complete a nuiiiUteJlT 
manuecript ; tlie miitakps nf copyists; tho cxcroi»e of ingeDuity i 
their corrections ond of fanry in thoir ■ddiiinns.''^ 

Lotus now look to tho hisiorical «niirces for thr reign of AtibMnl 
■bout hia relation to the Pafsees. Abul Fasil, a» ia well knonn, 
only one itliort chapter, Aiii 77, book i, on Akbnr's TtligiouH npinumt*! 
He does not dilate ou them in his gccal work , bt-cauae hu uennl 
write a special treatisn on this subject. Dut that ircntide anforlunatn 
ly bedid not live to write, Tbe fullest account o( hi> religtnai 
may be obtained, and their progrene trNced, in the grral work c 
Abiliil Kadcr Bttdautii. Tho only paaange in his whole i 
he muntiona the Farnee religion is this : — " Fire-wortilitppimi Ktflci ^ 
cnmo from Nao'nri in Gujikrat, [irodninied tbe rcli];ion of Zardlulit I 
■a tbo true one, and declared revrrunce to fire to bn xupirrior to etsry- - 
Otber kind of wumhip. They alsf attrauted the Rinpitror's rcfpinli. ' 
And tnitght him the peculiar tcrm^ the ordinnucRi, the ritM ai 
ceremonies of the Kaianians. At last he ordered that tbu taored t 
thonld be made over lo the obar^e of Abul Fail, and that, after the 
manner of the Kings of Persia, ia whose temj'lea biased prrpetual 
fires, ho should mke care it was never enti'ij^uished ni;,cht or day, for 
that it is ouo of the signs of God, and one light from Ute many tij^tita i 
uf His oreataon.'''" 

The author of the Daliiftan, ihe famous book ou tbo TUioU 



< Hitlory af India end : 
<d. Dowson, IS8T. 

" Voi. ii., B6l,0al. eil. 



U m-anria.%1, vol t-, p. 11, »1 ISti. Vnt I., |i. ta,.| 

i W. IiD«», p. 369. 



IKBAR AND THE PAR8KKS. 295 

religious and philosophical sects of the time in Asia, which may be 
called a veritahle cncyclopser^ia of Oriental religions, gives a fuller and 
more detailed account, ''In like manner," he says, ** the fire-wor- 
shippers, who had come from the town of Naosari, situated in the 
district of Guzernt, asserted the truth of the religion of Zoroaster and 
the great reverence and worship due to fire. The Emperor called them 
to hi? presence, and was pleased to take information about the way 
and lustre of their wise men. He also called from Persia a follower 
of Zardusht, named Ardeshir, to whom he sent money ; he delivered 
the sacred fire with care to the wise Shaikh Abul Fnzl, and establish- 
ed that it should be preserved in the interior apartment by night and 
day, perpetual henceforth, according to the rule of the Mobeds, and to 
the manner which was always practised in the fire-temples of the Kings 
of Ajem, because the IH Set was among the sentences of the Lord,^* 
and light from among the lights of the great Ized. He invited like- 
wise the fire- worshippers from Kirman to his presence, and question- 
ed them about the subtleties of Zardu^ht'8 religion ; and he wrote 
letters to Azor Kaivan, who was a chief of the Yezdanian and Abadan- 
ian, and invited him to Imlia. Azer Kaivan begged to be excused 
from coming, but sent a book of his composition in praise of the 
self-existing being, of reason, the soul, the heavens, the stars, and the 
elements, as well as a word of advice to the King ; all this contained 
in fourteen sections; every first line of each was in Persian pure 
deri ; when read invertedly it was Arabic, when turned about, Turkish, 
and when this wns read in reversed order it became Hindi,** ^3 

This shows clearly that the priest Ardeshir of Kerman took a 
promineut part in leading Akbar to Parseeism. The discussions 
at Akbar's court between the various religious and philosophical 
sects were carried on with ability; and, to judge from the specimens 
of them that we have in this Dabistan, and also in the Akhar Nama, 
their representatives nmst have been learned men. The arguments 
brought forward by the various disputants show great acumen and 
knowledge, an<l I do not think that an obscure priest in a corner of 
Guzerat would have been able to take part in discussions showing 
such skill and dialectical ability. They show a knowledge of other 
religions and other general information about history and philosophy 



'1 5ic in Shoa and Troyer. There is a slight diflcrepanoy here between the 
original and the translation, but this is immaterial for our purpose. 
1* Troyor and Shea, vol. iii., pp, 95-t>, 



296 AKHAU AND THK I'AKSKKS^. 

which it is vniii to look for in a priest of Naosiari. Ardeshir was, on 
the coiitniry, known as a learned doctor of Zoronstrianism, and he was 
considered of importance enough to be invited all the way from 
Kerman in Fer!»ia, and it is recorded in the Dabii^faii that money for 
his travellinf^ ex[)onses was sent by Akbar,^^ Another circumstance 
also points to this. Ardi-s=hir was invited some years after Mehrjee 
Raua is supposiul to have gone to the Mof;ul court. This shows 
that Akbar must have b«cn dissatisfied with the priests from Xaosari 
whom Badaoni mentions, and, seeing that they could not teach him 
much, determined to go furtlier aticld an J invite Ardeshir and other 
Parsees from Kerman.** Mehrjoc Rana may have gono to Akbar's 
court, as his family possesses a gi^nt of 3<M) hiyahs of land from the 
Mogul court, saitl to have been jjiven by Akbar to Mehrjee on his depar- 
ture from Delhi.'" 13nt that he took any great part in the religious 
and philosophical discn^sions that wire carrie<t on in the Emperor's 
presence, cannot be maintained. Badaoni, as well as the Dabistan, 
merely says that fire worshippers came from Naosari, and does not 
single out one of them as having done anything noteworthy. 
Then, where is the reason for exalting Mehrjee above his fellow- 
travellers ? And, then, who were those otht-r persons who had gone 
from Nao>ari t») Delhi ? Naosari itself hlood in nt-ed of religious 
enlightenment, three centuries ago, and ctmid not he supposed to 
spare much of it for Delhi. Akbar mnst, out of curiosity, hHve called 
Parsees from his own recently compiered province of (iruzerat for 



^■* Vi.h* Blnuhmanii In Jm/r. Bra, Aifiat. Soc., IStJS. p. 14. 

^* TliH K(lit')r 'if rlu" Farhafitf-iJehnnt/iri, |irop:irf'(l uiuler tlie ortlers 
of Akbtir, s-uvH ili.it Anlo-liir was «l«^(^ply vcrsud in tlio lc»ro <'f tli« Parsees and 
WS18 a Kreat >i'lioI:ir of Ww Zeutl Avost.'i. Now ilic fact thai lie w:ih specially 
invited nil thf way fn'rn L^Jr^i.l «>:irly shows lluit. tlu» I'arsi priupts of Guzerat 
who hsul ]»P'viourtly hfcri to Akbar's court were fmiml wanting in any know. 
le(i;C« «'f t-h"' in«;iiiiiiK «»f tho Avosta. This is prov«Ml uls" hv- the (General state 
of igaora ii'JL' in whicli ilic* Indian ParBoes then wi.'ie sleojuul. 

'•■^ The ic^tiinouy of this grant, inn, is very doubtful, as ic is not in the name 
of MfhruM* liana, Imt of Iiim s«>n, and was Ljrantwl MVi-ra) yuars after that 
prit'-t'-duatli. 'i'lu* 'IM'\ itosfor whi»Mi it wms j^ivi»nnr») alsu not niuntioncd in it, 
tiud tliH lunti may liavi* been '.'iven fi»r mtvIcvs (luiie other than those pretend- 
f«i riy tiiv prii;st H family. Now , as .M«liij«'0 Hana'N nanio i> not mentioned in 
any hisiinical '»o.ili whatover. an>) i^ n n found oven in tlii< fumily><;raut, the 
ma ustay of Ium tamily s prt«t«}n'lcd claim to his having:: w«nkfd the iniraclf and 
onnviTud Akbar, I am di-pu'i'.'il to doulit tlio fm*! of hltf over havin<r gooc to 
AkUir't colli t a' all. 



AKBAR AND THE PARSKES. 297 

hifcrtnation, but, seeing that he could not get much out of them, 
he had to call others from Persia. This, T think, is a legitimate 
inference.^® 

The state of the Parseesof Guzerat at those times abundantly con- 
firms this inference, that none of them could have possessed the 
requisite ability to take any part in the learned and philosophic dis- 
cussions of the Ibadatkhana. We have some historical records which 
prove clearly that their standard of knowledge was very low and that 
thtre were no men among them of even ordinary learning. They 
were a down^trodden people among unsympathetic aliens, entirely 
absorbed in obtaining a decent livelihood. This very Mehrjee Rana 
and his family were farmers, supporting themselves by tilling the 
ground. The clergy and the laity were alike ignorant and indifferent. 
The Parsee historical manuscripts called lii'vaycts, of which there are 
a goodly number — enable us to judge of tlie state of kuowhsdge 
among these peojjle durinj,' the fifteenth, sixteenth and fieventccuth 
centuries. They lay bare a state of the grosses b i^iiorance about 
religion and even its most ordinary and elementary mp.tters. It is a 
matter of *iotoriety among Parsees that for centuries their ancestors 
in Guzerat knew very little about their religion. The coaipilor 
of the Parsee Frakath^'^ is constrained to say, under year 1478 : 



i« Persia, the orfit^iiial homo of the Zoroastrian religion, was the yliwe from 
vhich the ignorant I arsees of India themselves sought ami obtained int'orma- 
tion and kiiowh'dge of their own rolij<ioii durinj^ tlie fift* eiitlj, sixt^'outh 
and followintf centuries. I'/dc Amjuetil du Perron, Z- )uf .ivr^ti^ ^^^Mn ler. 
p. cQuXxiii. Prof. M«x Miiller al^o aiipports the Hauie iuferciiC'j .iboui A desliir. 
** Wo have/* says Ite, "the Zend Ave:>tjJ, the sacred wriiin^s of (he Ro- 
called fire-\vershij)pers, and we j)usi.es8 trnuslalions of it farni'MC connletH 
and far more oorreet than any that the Ktu[)eror Ahbar eo:dd have (>ht;iiii- 
ed from Arderihir, a wiso Zoroastriau whom he invited from Kennau to 
India." — Science of Religion, p. St, 

1' This work in Guzerati is a compilation in the form of anna's, and is based 
upon materials w/iich are fieleofed and used uncriticalh*. It. is liy no ni'^anM 
an authoritative work, but one which must bo consulted \\lth ca'niou and 
judgment. So far as it is ba>.ed on imiid autheut.eaiod faci j. it is reliable. 
But in many instance^ its authoritios are doubttul. For in-^tauee. nnich of tlie 
information about the cjarly history of Lh(i Pars«.'eiJ in Naosari, Gnzeriti, 
is derived from a manuscript book which ]/Ui ports to bo i\, ci»j'i/ oi 
original documents, written by an interested p.iity. Tho ooLipiler of 
these annals, larsce Prakash, had not seen the or:giual dooamciits, which 
were not accessible. Heooei ho had to rely on the nercj of thi« 

39 



2[}^ AKHAR AND THE PARSE ES, 

"After their nrriTal in India from Persia, tlic Parsees day by day 
grew in ignorance of their rehgion and ancient cnstonis and traditions, 
and in religious matters they were very unenlightened." Their 
i:;uoranee was so great that they at lust tried the expedient of send- 
ini; mcnsengcrs to Persia, asking iniorination about religions matters 
from the Zoroastrians in Persia, who \^ere kind enough to answer 
these queries. The first k'tter of religions information thus received 
was in l-lTt*, and is very carious. In it information is ^i^on about 
the most elementary points of reh'gious observances in which the 
Parseeft of Naosari and Gnzerat were found wanting. And such is the 
ignorance oT the priesthood of Xaosari about tlieir sacred languages 
and writini^s that the hasturs of Persia recommend them to send i\ 
**e<>n]>le ot priests to Persia in order to learn /end and Pahlavi and 
thereby be able to know their religious j)ractiees/' ^^ After 1478, 
fretjuent letters were sent to Persia, and the answers received from 
the Dasturs, were recorded and treasured up in what arc called 
liprai/'-fs. For instsiuee, in a letter sent in 1527. tin; famous '* Ardai 
Viral' Nama,'* wliieh (!ontaius the Parsec traditional repre.senlation of 
honven and hell, was transmitted to India as no copy existed there of 
even this famous book.^^ In 1550, many more books were asked for 
from r.roaeh and sent there f)V the Dasturs of Persia,-® Even as 
late :is ir»-7, a e 'py of the '* Vis|»ered ' waMi^ked for from Persia.^ 
.E\iii the Venili(!(/il, one of the mo^l inij>orf;nit jjarts of the Parsee 
saiMcd writings, vvhieh had originally been hronL^lit by ihc refugee 
Parsees to India, was lost bv their tleseend.nils, n\ ho had t«> do with- 
our it for a long time, till Ai'deshir, a iVirsian ]nit'st from Sistan, 

(■( pyist, wli'V liM-i pill ill thin^-i I.OKbitory df hin iuin\\\ :iiid pa; ty. 
'!'h'' intei [i<'Ijif»"i pa .sntrcs fiuin M»'' IVmsLmi lii-.ii>viiiiis t'» whii^li I bnve 
nllii'ii <1 :d)uVi. .■U'O ;i:si» ti l>o louiul t r;ii:scril),Ml jj* tins Tnaiiiiaoript Ci>py of 
Miiijids- 'i nti^inal <l(M.'uincniB. V'or liininiirul piirpo.-'w ^ni'li « hunk is worth- 
k->«, a- siiiy'iixl;. can pass olT any l«nik <•!' «l(i'Mnn«uts :is cnjiieil by liim fniin 
li.'' iiri:,':u il.". 'I'll- ii'lustiy of tim coinpilcr oJ this 1'tir^ee Pi'dkinh, Mr. 
llDiiiJii.ji ]i. Patrl. ill culling inforinarinn lV«i?ii nld ulo.. ol' nrwttpapera iH, how- 
<'\<r, jri'.-a! anil ci>ninumilublo. T«"i tlie lii.>loriaM \viT.li ibo erf.ici". f.'irulty in 
iii'ii. tl i-: i'i>iM]'i\'i!i'm will prove ix .iru' »(1 uii no uf iniU«;ials; I>ui. it, lit of very 
lit 111* Jtiiilioi'iiy in iiself. 

'"* L'trif't «>/ "/ii/r/fr AVwif//;/ Manii-cript. No. il"'?. INft'olla l''ir"Zc l.ibmry 
B-.niii.iy, J). 1»35. 

'" /i''»r.i/'' ff /mi'ihHii KfianifhiHi ^ p JJ". 

^** /i'l'nio'f of H.irjor h'amdhf, p. 'M'.i. 



AKBAR AND THK I'ARSEKS. 299 

came to Guzernt, about the beginning of the thirteenth century, and 
gave them a copy, which they translated and from which all their 
modern copies are derived. 23 Jamasj) Hakim Vilayati, another learn- 
<»d Persian priest, says, in the preface to his Pahlavi Furhaug 
(MSS. Moolla Firo/.e Library, app. 2, No. 3), that the Parsecs of 
Quzerat had to do without the Farokhshi, another most important 
sacred book, for nearly 1,000 years, till he gave them a copy of it 
in 1722.23 

There is still stronger contemporary evidence of the state of gross 
ignorance of the Parsees, priests and laity alike, of Naosari and other 
parts of Guzerat, in the sixteenth century, the very age of this 
Mehrjee liana. This is in a book written in the thirties of the 
sixteenth century by a Parsee from Hormuzd in Persia, giving a 
strnightforward and true account of what he saw during his travels 
in Naosari and the neighbouring cities. He was accompanied by 
another Persian, and both of them were merely lay merchants and 
not very learned at all. Yot even they were shocked at the gross 

** Anquetil du Perron Zc/td Avcuta Tome I, pte. I., p. oocxxiii. Wester* 
guard, vol. I., Zti/id Areata^ p. x, also Geldner Avesta, 189(5, p. xvi. 

*^ Anqaetil du Perron, p. ccocxxvi. aud Jamasp in MSS. Moolla Firoze 
Library, Bombay, app. 2, No. li, '*T]io Parsees in India about a thousand 
years after their iinmij?ration, were no longer in possossicm of the genuine 
Horn plant, nor of the Frohoram Yasht. Jamasp accordingly pre[):ired tliis 
copy for his ludiau co-religionists, at the special request, in faot, t»f Globed 
Rusto'niji. as wo may road betweeu the lines. . . . Ho heard at lioinluiy 
that Rusromji meanwhil(3 had died. After seven dayshc travelletl to Surat, where 
he was received by tlio three sous of Rustomji. Ilere he presented to the 
Parsees the Fi'awardin Yasht whi(;h he had brought with him, and the H(^m 
plant. On }>liiy 23rd, 1723, he returned to Bombay, and thero transcribed the 
Frawardin Yasht in Persian cliaractcrs.'* Karl Geldner, Areata Stuttgart, 
1896, Prolegomena, p. vii. n. Cf. Dr. J, Wilson in Jouinal, B. B. R. A. S,, 
vol. v., p. 500. Dr. Geldner elsewhere notes that at the time of Jamasp 
and Ruatomji this 13th or Frawardin Yasht was in existence in the Indian 
Yasht MSS. p. xlv., n. 3. It is iiowever absent from most ot* them, as wiU be 
seen from Dr. Gelduer's own accounts of these MSS. The chief book 
in which it is found, Dastur Peshotun Sanjaua's MS. Khordeh Avcafa, is of 
doublful date. The lo;irned Doctor says about it that *' its colophon has 
been removed by a second hand, but copied^ at all events, //v»w the oriijuuil 
which u (J our \ it bears the date A. Y. 994, A. D. 1G25," p. xii. In ab^^once 
of the orijjrinal oolophon, the date j)ut in it by a later hand must be con- 
Bidered liij^ily doubtful. The dates of Indian MSS. present a very puzzling 
question to inquirers owing to many forgericH and false dates inserted to 
increase the value of r^purious later copies. 



300 



AKKti: AKii Till: PAimfm. 



» 



ignonnoD of lli«ir fnitli in nhiirlt th« Furaeeji of Guxcrnt t 
hapolitMly itwpett. Tlieitu pcniile did not fvta know thr most < 
mcntnrj fnctK wf thr fiiitti they jirafessei!, ntiil lliin Pcrsiitii I'lirievl 
mnkps tlip mrl&nfiinly obearvniioo thnt thpy werfi nii tivt.tpr thaa iii«1 
ituriviixi* or itnD-ZAroHsbiiiiiis ufouuil tlieiii. Hity, tbc Pnt«vn ciCll 
tiiuAfnr; kni-w ttmir (lUiable cwmlitioii, and aukiiowlrdge it ii 
vriiititutiOQ tbev aeni to tbis PcvMaiii vrhuu: uAuin wa« Knuns, Ittl 
lliese fienitciitUl nnnls : "Thougli y«ii are layiuwi, you an! a«r| 
]iHpiiii ; Fi>r iiur Inity in ItiilJit do flit know tbfii- relijclon, und ( 
faith i* cnrruptad by nur baring gnnn nitrny- And uli our Inll^fl 
bare nl!a^[ltrd ihe way* of itan-anila, or iiiiidcl>). Mid (Apr 
ta aid lieai in rtliffir"ts knowhdge-" This was wriiteii by the IcndfV J 
of tbc Niinsitt-i nflciiity which «as sapposcd to coatain our protendnffl 
learned mfn. Wc will not qiiMe further from tliis iiiler«Ml»f 
acoMint, cnlbd the " KieswU-Kaoos va Aiabad," whieb is rlie fln^ 
part oFb book cslltd the Uadma Kama, or aa accrvmot of thp efUj 
duyv at tbd P)U-i<i>es. In trudb, it furnislii-t» gliiomy picture at I 
dfgnHed ttait uf that peO|i1e in the iniJdIc of Ihi- aixtrtfath ccnlOTf.l 
£*.r ifiiii ditce <'iiiui: Tbi» in typical of icvernl Ci^nturim. Tbi» purimlV 
hM beun tK-gloL-led in ihu " Hiitnry of the PRrmieii,*' by iny Ivacimd \ 
utirl riijp^teilfritiiui, Mr.Doxnbhai Kramjw Koraka, f.S.l,, bnt 1 1 
hopofnl tiini ihi» and other dareots in bis work will be rciii«di«<l. vS ■ \ 
tlio new ctlilion now preparing. 

No* let na turn to thu influence of the Paraee rtli^ou upon .Atklxu-. 
That he atodieil it deeply and n'a8strn<!kby it, i» olenr. But what didjj 
bt adopt) of it, wbtu li» comtruoted hi* Tatikid-i-tlahi, bit " Dinna- 1 
Moiiotheitim," npnn the gonJ that be. found in the t^xiiting reUxionsf' ■ 
As I have Alinwa clvewherc, Akbnr nt first Mtnbliibed n pure »ad i 
simple miiimtbeiim, witlxiut any >yml)o1« or any ritni, But Inter oo, 
■when ht Mm the nocewity of ouCvrard visible >iytiibul» to cxprc«i the 
inner idea)!, ho took the Run for bis great oynbul of (Jod, 
Tennyson maltei bim lay -. — 

Ut yi« San 

Wlin iH^ita aor EhH1> to yiL-ld n* t'fatu and Iroit, 

Ani U<ii(!i» npoii llij' Itnld :Mi w*!! Ha mins, 

Anit ivnriii* Lha bluud of Btaiati and BacDoci, 

Symliu] ehi' Btaroal. 

Tliis Teiioration (w the San he may be snid to hiiTP taken from i 
I'atsee rellgiou, which, na U well known, veneratos Ihu 8nn u ibj 
great ayiubul of the Eteroal, Fothct Catrou auibtguouslj sayf i 



AKBAK AND THE PARSEKS. 301 

his rare work : ** He adopted from the Pagan worship the adoratiou 
of the Sail, which ho practised three times a day: at the rising of 
that himinary, when it was at its meridian, and at its setting.^* 
Hinduism had also something tu do with this inclination of Akbar 
towards sun-worship. Badaoni says that Bir Bal gave him this : 
" The accursed Bir Bal tried to persuade the Emperor that since the 
snn givos light to all and ripens all grain, fruit and products of the 
earth and supports the life of mankind, therefore that luminary 
should be the object of worship and veneration ; that the face should 
be turned towards the rising and not towards the setting sun, i.e., 
towards Mecca, like the Mahomedans, which is the west ; that man 
should venerate fire, water, stones and trees, and all natural objects, 
even down to cows and their dung ; that he should adopt the 
sectarial mark and Brahmanical thread. Several wise men at Court 
confirmed what he said, by representing that the sun was the 
' greater li^ht' of the world and benefactor of its inhabitants, the 
patron of kings, and that kings are but his vicegerents. This was 
the cause of the worship paid to the sun on the Natcroz-i-Jellali, 
and of his being induced to adopt that festival for the celebration of 
his accession to the throne.'^^y Thus, as in every thing else, so in 
this, Akbar, owing to his stronj^ eclectic bent, combined several things 
together. Tennyson's Hymn to the Sun is a beautiful embodiment 
of Akbar's ideas about it. 

I 

Once again thou flamest heavenward, once again wc see thee rise, 
JSvery moruing is thy birthday gladdouing human heartJS and eyes, 
Every morning here we greet it, bowing lowly down beforo tlieo, 
Thee the Godlike, thee the ohaugele.s3, in thine eyerchiiigiug skies. 

II 

Shadow-maker, shadow-slayer, arrowing light from clime to olime. 
Hoar thy myriad laureates hail thee monarch in their woodland rhyme. 
Warble bird, and open flower, and men, below thci dense of azure, 
Kueel adoring Ilirn the Timeless in the filame that measares time. 

Akbar's eclecticism is also to be found in the other thing that he may 
be said to have taken from the Parsee religion — the veneration of 
fire. We have seen how he ordered Abul Fazl to take charge of the 
sacred fire and to feed it continuously, thus keeping it always burn- 



2* }foi/hid L'inpire, p. 121. 

5»* Vol. ii., p. 20O, Lowe, p, 268 j also ct". Dabidarif Tol. iii., p. 95. 



302 AKH.VK AND THE PAUSEES 

iii», as in the firc-teniples of the Persians. But the Hindoos, ioOf 
have a kind of lire-worship, and Akbar must have been influenced by 
them, too, in this. Badaoni mentions the fact that •* from early 
youth, in compliment to his wives, the daughters of the Knjahs of 
JIhul, he hiul within the female apartments continued to burn the 
honi, which is a ceremony «h'rived from sun-worship."2e j think 
l>rtdaoni*s lejirned translator, Mr. W. 11. I^owc, is wrong in his note 
on this houi when he says it is " the branch of a certain tree offered 
by Parsecs as a substitute for soma juice.'"^^ The hoiii ceremony of 
the Hindoos is, as Rhichmann rij;htly notes hero, a kind of fire-wor- 
ship, and has nothing to do with tho Parsee mystic " horn" juice, 
in most of their j^acred rites. Fire-worship, therefore, like sun-wor- 
ship, Akbar must have takfu from the Parsee religion and partly also 
from the Hindoo, The pious care with which he ordered the tire to 
be kept burning is, of course, peculiar only to the Zoroastrians, who 
are unique in this mattrr. The Hindoos offer sacrifices to the god of 
fire, but are not so solicitous about keeping it pure and always 
burniuEf. 

Another matter in which Akbar was brought into connec- 
tion with the Parsees and indirectly inthumced bv^ them was 
the Caleu'lar. Bring displeased with everything Miihomedan, ho 
tried to get rid of as many institutions and opinions connected with 
thr estal)lished faith as he could. One of tlie chief of these was the 
^[uhonu'ilan Lunar Calendar, whicii was in \ogue for a long time in 
India. He altereii it and adopted the Parsee SSolar Calendar, with 
the old Persian names of the months and days, Farvardin, Ardibc- 
hcsht, &c., and Horuiazd, Bahnnm, itc. The era he changed also, 
makinij: it, like the ancient Persian kinu:lv era bci^in with liis accession. 
Acconling to thu Ain-i-Ahhuriy'^^ Akbar changed the era and esta- 
l»li>hed his Ualii or Divine era after the Parsee model in A. II. 992, 
ur A. D. Vo^AP 

**Hi^ Maiosfv, ' savs Abul Fazl ** had lonu; desired to introduce a 
new com|>ulati()u ol years and months throughout the fair regions 
of Hindustan, in onler that perjdexity might give place to easiness. 
He was likewise averse to the era of the Hijra, which was of 
ominous sitjnitication, but because of the number of short-sighted 
ignorant in«'n who believw the currency of the era to be inseparable 



-•i V-.l. ii , V, f'l, I.uwe, p.lIGa. " r. li'V.l „.,!o. 

-•* bk. ;ii., ijitro. ^'* Jarrctt, vol. ii.. p. 31. 



AKBAR AND THE PARSEES. 803 

from religion, His Imperial Majesty, in his grnciousness, dearly re- 
garding the attachment of the hearts of his subjects, did not carry 
out his design of suppressing it. . , In 992 of the Novi lunar 
year [A. D. 1584] the lamp of knowledge received another light 
from the flame of his sublime intelligence and its full blaze shone 
upon mankind. , . The imperial design was accomplished. Amir 
Fathu'llah Shirazi, the representative of ancient sages, the paragon 
of the house of wisdom, set himself to the fulfilment of this object, 
and, taking as his base the recent Gurgani Canon, began the era with 
the accession of his Imperial Majesty, The splendour of visible 
sublimity which had its manifestation in the lord of the universe 
commended itself to this chosen one, especially as it also concentra- 
ted the leadership of the world of spirituality, and for its cognition 
by vessels of auspicious mind, the characteristics of the divine essence 
were ascribed to it, and the glad tidings of its perpetual adoption 
proclaimed. The years and months are natural solar without inter- 
calation, and the Persian names of the months and days have been 
left unaltered. The days of the month are reckoned from 29 to 
32, 30 an J tiie two days of the last are called Roz-o-Shab ( Day and 
Night)." 

Badaoni's account of this change of the Era and Calendar is 
characteristic. ** Since, in his Majesty's opinion, it was a settled fact 
that the thousand years since the tinio of the mission of the prophet 
(peace be upon him !) which was to be the period of the con- 
tinuance of the faith of Islam, were now completed, no hindrance re- 
mained to the promulgation of these secret designs which lie nursed 
in his heart. And so, considering any further respect or regard for the 
Shaikhs and Ulema ( who were unbending and uncompromising) 
to be unnecessary, he felt at liberty to embark fearlessly on his design 

^^ Cuuningham has tliis passage of Abul Fazl in a sliglifcly altered form, 
taken tVom Qladwiu. ** The mouths are from 29 to 30 days eaoh. There is 
not any week in the Persian month, the 30 days being distinguished by dif- 
ferent names, and in those months which have 32 days the last two are named 
Roz-o-SIiab ( day and night), and in order to di'-.tiuguish one from the other 
are called lirst and second.'* Wiiereupon this learned antiquary commenca 
thus : *'ln the account qiioicd from Abul Fazl, which Prinocp has albo copied, 
the lengths of the months are said to be * f rom 29 to 30 diys caob ; ' but in 
the old Persian Calendar of Yazdajiril, they were 30 days each, tlie same as 
amongst the P«arsee8 of the present day," vide Prin^ep, Indian Antiquities^ 
Vol. ii., p. 171 (Cj-eful Tables). The Parsees have 5 intercalary days at the 
end of the 12 mouths. 



;jl)4 AKliAi: A\T. THE I'AR^KKa. 

61 annulling the Sliitutcs iind Ordinances of 1 slain, and of establisli- 
inii liis own clierisheii pornicMous belief. Tho first command that he 
issued was tliia : thai the ** Era of the Thousand " should be 

stamped on the coins The Kra of the Ilijrali w.is 

now abolished, and a new era was introdnced, ol which the first Vfar 
was the yciir nf tiie Kniperor's accession, L'i:.^ OO.S.''^ The months 
had the seme names jis ht tho time of the old IVrsian kings, and 
as yfivcn in the Nicjih-nrcibvaati.'^^ l«\jnrli'(;n festivals also were intro- 
duccd correspond ioi^ to the feasts of the Zoroastrians ; but the feasts 
of the Mussalmaus and tlieir glory W(?ro trodden down, the Friday 
prayr alf)iie beiuir I'ftiine.d, because some old decre.j)it silly people 
used to >^o to it. The new Kra was called tho Turih'k-i-IIa/ii. On 
cojiper coins and gold mohi'rs the Kra of the Millennium was used, 
as indieatinu; that tlu* en<i ot the relii^ion of Miihammed, which was 
to last one thoussinil yi-ars, was drawin"; near, ''•*■' 

The I'onrteen sacred hstivals of the PnVs(H*s were also adopted bv 
him. **\Vhen his .Maj(\sty," says Abul I'a/d, "was informed 
of tho feasts of .lamshed, and the fesfiv.ds of the Parsee priests, 
he adoptcil them and used them as o]>))()rtunitics of conferrinti' 
benefits. Again His Majesty followed the cu^itom of the ancient 
Parsees, who held bani|in'is on those days the names of wiiieh coin- 
cided with the name of a month. Tlie tnllowiuix are the davs which 
have the aatno name as a month : lOth I'arvanlin ; 3rd Ardibehesht ; 



■*^ Tin* iT'w iTa <• iiiinioTjc-'il, nonorlisi'^ t) ^-Muniiiijharn, ou 15th 
Ffbr;jary \')'*i) (15. S. ) ; hut, as Mi-s-rs. Si'well anil Dikhsl-n't pnim. out iu the 
intUan Cahn'iai' ifci-uily puUlifln-il (I,<mu1 -ti IS'.Ml). 'tliai- day was a S:kt.upilny,' 
and tlii'y a<:c()riliii>;ly cdiiiiucuco 't on the \\\\\ Kc-hiiiary. — Indi.i,]. CaleixdAti 
|i. 4i» n"to. 

^^ A vofjili'Jlaiy ill rh>iin» written by .\bii K:r)r-i-Far:ihl. of Parali iu Siji- 
pt.iTi, aii'i roati. Ptiys IJl'?t'iinitnii, fur '-cat mi' 'S, iu in'.irly every Madrasah of 
1*0! >ia and lud'ii. 

••»3 lii'Kioni. CM. in. V..I. ri.. pp. :^^1.3^'m: L-mv, pp. .310, 310. VS. 
Diihis'an \ •' '\\\v KinptTor fuij hor >;»:d. that <»u«? ilwiu-and y^-ara have ela])sctd> 
siiiro till- boj:iii"ii».(^ of .Mirlr.iriuii»'d*M missiDji. and i iiai tliis was the extent <>f 
ihn din.»rinij «»f tlii« i*.'lii;:ou, now arrivi-d ai. iis f'Tin.'" (Vo!. IIL. p. !>8). 
'• T iiave h-.-mI sniiicwInTf,'' snys (iiNierai (..'inniin«rh.iin, '* that in A. U. 9J2, 
wlioTi til'.; Iliira mill'-iiary bi'jran o- draw towanls it^ »■!. se, aud Akbar wa« 
mcMlifatincc thi^ (.'■"tabli''hirn'iii nf tli'* llahi Kra, om- ui his cuurtiers sturod 
opt'iily that. tiM) Hras i-voii nf tlu; mi-atrst. kings did iml hi.sL bi»ynnd l.OOJ vcara, 
(ii proof of iliis \\vt \'\\\h\ the fxtinctiun of sorno Hindu rra, which waa abulinh- 
rd at the end of 1,000 years." (Hooh of /tidhin J:ras^ p. ^4), 



AKBAR AND THE PABSBES. S05 

6th Khiirdad; 13th Tir ; 7th Amurdad; 4th Shahriwar; 16th 
Mihr ; 10th Aban ; 9th Aear ; 8th, 15th, 23rd Dai ; 2nd Bahman ; 5th 
Isfandarmad. Feasts are, actually and ideally, held on each of these 
days. Of these, the greatest was the Naoroz or New Year's day feasf, 
which commenced on the day the san entered Aries and lasted till the 
1 9th day of the first month Farvardin.^* 

But this New Parsee Calendar disappeared soon, like most innova* 
tioQs of Akbar, being abolished by Aurangzib in the very second year 
of his reign. The historian of that monarch gives this candid reason 
for the abolition of the new calendar. ** As this resembled,*' says 
Khafi Khan, ''the system of the fire- worshippers, the Emperor, in his 
zeal for upholding Mahomedan rule, directed that the year of the reign 
should be reckoned by the Arab lunar year and months, and that in 
the revenue accounts also the lunar year should be preferred to the solar. 
The festival of the (solar) used year was entirely abolished. Mathe- 
maticians, astronomers and men who have studied history, know 
that . . • the recurrence of the four seasons, summer, winter, 
the rainy season of Hindustan, the autumn and spring harvests, the 
ripening of the com and fruit of each season, the tanJchwah of the 
jagirSj and the money of the mansahdars, are all dependent upon the 
solar reckoning, and cannot be regulated by the lunar ; still his reli- 
gious Majesty was unwilling that the nat/roz and the year and months 
of the Magi should give their names to the anniversary of his acces- 
sion." '* 



3* Ain-i-Akbari, Bk. II., ain 22; Bloohmann, Vol. I., p. 278; of. Count 
de Noer, Emperor Akhar, Vol. ll.,p. 268. The acconnt in the D<tbutan is as fol- 
lows : '* On aocoant of the difiorence between the era of the Hindus and that 
of the Hejira used by the Arabs, the Emperor introduced a new one, beginning 
from the first year of the reign of Humaynn, which is 963 of the Hejira (A.D. 
1555-6) ; the names of the months were those used by the kings of Ajem, and 
fourteen festivals in the year instituted, coinciding with those of Zardusht 
were named * the years and days of llahiJ' This arrangement was establish 
ed by Hakim Shah Fattah' uUa Shirazi." (Shea and Troyer, Vol. III., p.99.) 

»» MuntakhalmlLuhahf apud Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VII., pp. 231-4; cf. 
Cunningham Indian Uras, p. 83 : '^ The Ilahi era was employed extensively, 
though not exclusively, on the coins of Akbar and Jehangir, and appears to 
have fallen into disuse early in the reign of Shah Jahan. Marsden has publish- 
ed a coin of this king with the date of Sanh 5 Ilahi, coupled with the Hijra 
date of 1041. But in this case the Ilahi date would appear to be only the 
jalu^ or year of the king's reign. JVumismata OrierUalia, Vol. II., p. 640. 

40 



30G 



Art. XIX.— -4 Historical Survey of Indian Logic. By Mahadet 

Rajaram Bodas, M.A., LL.B. 



[Road 24tli Septemlxir 189«.] 

•* Thb foundation of logic as a Science," says Ueberweg, *' is fl 
^ork of the Greek mind, which, equally removed from the hardness of 
the Northern and the softness of the Oriental, harmoniously united 
power and impressibility."^ The supple mind of the Oriental is 
said to be wanting in the mental grip and measure required for strict- 
ly scientific thinking. Ueberweg, when he laid down the above pro- 
position, was not wholly ignorant of the existence of Nyaya philosophy, 
but his knowledge of it seems to have been very meagre. Had he 
known some of the standard works of Nydya and Vaiseskiha systems, 
he would not have passed such a sweeping remark about the incapa- 
city of the Oriental mind to develop a rigorous science like Logic. 
The same ignorance has led many eminent writers to belittle Indian 
philosophies in general or, where striking coincidences are discovered 
between Greek and Indian speculations, to assume a Grecian im- 
portation of philsophical ideas iuto India at some ancient time* Thus 
Niebuhr unhesitatingly asserts that the close similarity between 
Indian and Greek philosophies cannot be explained ** except by the 
intercourse which the Indians had with the Graeco-Macedonic kings 
of Bactria."2 On the other hand, there are writers like Gorres who 
as positively declare that the Greeks borrowed their first elements 
of philosophy from the Hindus. Max Miillor is probably nearer the 
truth in saying that both Greek and Indian philosophies were autoch* 
thonic, and that neither of the two nations borrowed their thoughts 
from the othor.^ As the human mind is alike everywhere, it is quite 
possible that philosophers in both India and Greece unconsciously 
adopted the same mode of reasoning and arrived at similar results 
quite independently. A closer study of Indian philosophical literature 
is already producing a conviction among European scholars that it is 
tolerably indigenous and self-consistent, and that it does not need the 

1 Dr. F. Ueberweg: System of Logic, p. 19. 

* Thomson's Laws of yhought, Ap]>eQdix p, 285, 

* Thomson's Lams of Thought^ Api>enclix p. ^85. 



HISTORICAL SURVEY OP INDIAN LOGIC. 807 

supposition of a foreign inilaence to explain any portion of it* It 
should also be noticed that notwithstanding; many coincidences 
between the Indian and the Grecian currents of philosophical thought 
there are several features in each so peculiar as to make any inter- 
communion between them highly improbable. The fact, for instance, 
that Indian Logic retained a close similarity to Pre-Aristotelian 
Dialectics up to a very late time is a legitimate ground for believing 
that the influence of Aristotle's works was never felt in India. Be- 
sides, as a history of Indian philosophy is still unwritten, and will 
probably remain so for years to come, it is advisable for every student 
to keep an open mind on the subject. Preconceived theories, how- 
ever ingenious or plausible, are more likely to mislead than help such 
investigations. We shall therefore assume, until the contrary is 
indubitably proved, that Indian philosophy, including Indian logic, 
is a home-grown product, created by the natural genius of the people 
and capable of historical treatment. 

That it is possible to write a history of the Nydya and Vaiieshiha 
philosophies will be readily admitted ; but a history of philo- 
sophy, such as it ought to be, presupposes a good many things, 
which may not find universal acceptance. It assumes, for 
instance, that the Indian systems of philosophy were gra- 
dually evolved out of a few broad principles by a succession 
of writers and under particular circumstances. The idea that philo- 
sophical speculations in India were the spontaneous brain- creations of 
a few mystic Brahmans dreaming high thoughts in lonely forests and 
totally unaffected by the passing events of the world, must be dis- 
carded once for all. There is no reason why philosophy in India 
should have followed a different course from what it did in Greece and 
other civilized countries. Systems of philosophy are as much liable to 
be influenced by past and contemporary events as any other branch of 
science or literature ; and Indian philosophy should be no exception 
to the rule. But the task of writing such a history is beset with in- 
numerable diflSculties, The chief of these is the absence of nnv reli- 
able historical data which might serve us as landmarks in the ocean 
of Sanscrit literature. Not only are the dates of the principal writers 
and their works unknown, bnt even the exist<?Dce of some of them as 
historical personages is doubted. Many of these works, again, are 
not available for reference, while of those that are printed or can be 
procured in MS, only a few have yet been critically studied. Euro- 
pean scholars are too much engrossed in their Vedic and antiquarian 



3G8 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 

researches to devote serious attention to systematic stndy of Indian 
philosophy ; while as to native Pandits, however learned, the very 
notion of a history of philosophy is foreign to their minds. There 
are works in Sanskrit, like the Sarva-Darsana-Sangraha ofMddhaud' 
eharya and the Shad-Dariana-Samtichchaya of Haridhatia, which 
profess to treat of all current systems of philosophy ; but the histori- 
cal yiew is totally absent in them. There the systems are arranged 
either according to their religious character or according to the pre« 
dilections of the author. In modern times, scholars like Colebrook, 
Weber, Hall and Bannerjee have made some yaluable contributions, 
but most of their opinions and criticisms are now antiquated and 
stand in need of revision in the light of further researches. A good 
deal has also been added to our knowledge of the Buddhistic 
literature, but even there the attention of scholars has not yet been 
sufficiently directed to its philosophical portion. It is not possible, 
therefore, under these circumstances to do more than throw ont a few 
hints which, while dispelling some of the prevalent errors on the 
subject, will serve as a basis for future inquiries in the same direction. 
The following pages will not have been written in Tain if this aim is 
even partially achieved. 

The value of a history of philosophy will be- appreciated by those 
who know how much our knowledge of Greek philosophy has been 
deepened by the accounts left by Plato, Xenophon and Thncydides. 
Systems of philosophy as well as individual doctrines are never the 
products of personal caprice or of mere accident ; they are OTolved 
out of a long chain of antecedent causes. They are in fact the tangi* 
ble manifestations of various latent forces which mould the character 
and history of the nation. There could have been no Aristotle with- 
out a Plato or a Socrates, and no Socrates without the Sophists. 
A knowledge of this sequence is therefore essential to a true apprecia* 
tion of every system and every doctrine, an isolated study of them 
being either insufficient or misleading. Besides, theories and soboob 
are often the work of not one individual or of one age, but of a sue- 
cession of thinkers who fashion and refashion them as it were until 
they become worthy of general acceptance. Such seems to have been 
the case viith doctrines of God, of causality and of creation, in India 
as well as in Greece. The true aim of a history of philosophy may 
be explained in the words of Zeller : — 

'' The systems of philosophy, however peculiar and self-dependent 
they may be, thus appear as the members of a larger historical inter* 



HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 809 

connection ; in respect to this alone can they be perfectly understood ; 
the further we follow it the more the individuals become united to a 
whole of historicnl development, and the problem arises not merely of 
explaining this whole by means of the particulars conditioning it, but 
likewise of explaining these moments by one another and consequent- 
ly the individual by the whole."* 

A history of Indian philosophy, such as would fulfil this purpose, 
is not of course possible in the present rudimentary state of Indian 
chronology. Still even a crude attempt of that kind will give a truer 
insight into each system or each doctrine than can be got by a study 
of isolated works. The need of such a connected view of philosophy 
is all the greater in the case of systems like the Nydya and the Vaiie- 
shika whose real merits lie hidden under a hoavy load of scholastic 
surplusage. They have not the halo of religion and mysticism which 
makes the Veddnta and other theological systems so attractiye to 
students of Hindu philosophy, while the scholastic subtleties of most 
modern Ny/iya writers, such as Siromani and Gadddhara, inspire 
positive terror in untrained minds. If the Nydya and Vaiieshiha 
systems, therefore, are to be popularized and their value to be recog- 
nized, it is necessary to divest them of their excrescences. A large mass 
of rubbish is to be found in the works of modem Naiydyikas, and 
the task of extracting the pure ore out of it is very difficult ; but 
it is worth performing. The process of sifting and cleaning will have 
to be repeated several times before we can really understand some of 
the profounde^it conceptions that are interwoven in these systems. 
Philosophy is the stronghold of Hinduism, and the system of Nydya 
forms as it were the back-bone of Hindu philosophy. Every other 
system accepts the fundamental principles of Nydya logic, while even 
where there are differences, the dissentients often borrow the very 
arguments and phraseology of the Nydya for their own purpose. 
A study of the Nydya as well as Vaiieshika systems is therefore a 
necessary step to a proper understanding of most of the systems. It 
forms as it were an introduction to the general study of philosophy, 
and hence no scholar who would seek the truth in the latter can afford 
to neglect them. 

Among the numerous systems of philosophy that have been evolved 
in India during the last three thousand years, the Nydya and 
Vaiseshika occupy a unique position, both on account of their cardi- 

* Zeller : Outli?te of Greek Philosophy ^ p. 3. 



310 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 

Dal doctrines nnd of the mass of learning that has accumulated around 
them. A general view of these doctrines will not, therefore, be out of 
place in a sketch like this. Nydi/a, which is the more compact, and 
perhaps also the more modern of the two, is much more a system of 
diHlectics than one of philosophy. The aphorisms of Gotama 4nd 
the works founded on them treat no doubt of metaphysical and theo* 
logical questions occasionally, but they come in rather as digressions 
than as inseparable parts of the system. The Vaisesliika, on the other 
hand, is essentially a system of metaphysics wifch a disquisition on 
logic skilfully dovetailed into it by later writers. It is these pecu- 
liarities which have earned them the name of logical systems and 
which distinguish them from each other as well as from other sys- 
tems of Indian philosophy. These peculiarities must be carefully 
noted, for inattention to them Iihs led many to misunderstand the 
true scope and function of these systems. 

Gotama begins by enumerating 16 topics, which have been errone- 
ously called paddrfhas.^ These topics are not a classification of all 
sublunary thing's or categories. They look like headings of so many 
chapters in a treatise on logic. Of these the first nine, viz,, Jfm^, 
5r^, ^^^, q^'^r^iPT, f ?'Frr> Fe^^r^, sr^^n*, ^^ and r^^, constitute 
what may be called logic proper, while the last seven may be collec- 
tively termed illegitimate or false lojjic, Vfm^ includes the four 
proofs. Perception, Inference, Comparison and Word ;^ while If%^ 
comprises all objects which are known by means of those proofs, vw., 
soul, b«)dy, organ, material qualities, cof^nition, mind, effort, 
fault, death, fruition, pain and salvation.7 These multifarious 
things have obviously nothing in common except the capacity 
of being known by one or other of the above proofs ; and 
Qofaiiia accordinjj;ly treats of them only in that light. He rarely 
troubles himsolf about the nature or form of these things, or of their 
production and destruction, as Kandda, for instance, does. This is 
the reason why Gotama s definitions of soul, cognition, mind, &c., 
only tell us how they are known, but say nothing as to what kind of 
things they are. Gotama s theory of knowledge is essentially mate- 
rial. Fere 'pt ion is a physical process consisting in the contact of 
organs with their appropriate objects;^ whiia Ivforence, which is 



» O. S. I, 1, 1. • G. S. T, 1, 3. 

7 G.S.I, 1,9. * G.S.I, 1,4. 



HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 311 

threefold, springs from Perception,^ Comparison and Word are of 
course exceptional cases, and may be called imperfect inferences. 
Having thus dealt with the chief ingredients of knowledge, namely, 
the proof and its object, Gofama describes several accessories to 
knowledge, viz., doubt, aim, instance or precedent, general truths, 
premises, hypothetical reasoning and conclusion. Doubt and aim as 
incentives to every inquiry are necessary to knowledge. PreceHents 
and general truths form the material, while premises and hypotheti- 
cal reasoning are the instruments of acquiring fresh knowledge. Con- 
clusion is the final and combined product of all these things.^® 
Tlie seven topics forming the second group have a negative function 
in logic, namely, of preventing erroneous knowledoje. By exposing 
errors they teach us how to avoid them. They are rather like 
weapons for destroying the enemy's fortress than tools to build one's 
own. Continued argument ( ^rf )» sophistry ( ijT^ ), wrangling 
( f ^d"^JT )i fallacies ( ^^^PTf^ ), quibbling ( ^H ), far-fetched analo- 
gies ( ^rf^ ), «nd opponent's errors ( f^^T^^rT ) ; a'l these are useful 
where the object is to vanquish an opponent or to gain a temporary 
triumph ; but they do not legitimately belong to the province of logic. 
Gotama*8 treatise may therefore be appropriately called the theory and 
practice of controversy rather than a science of logic. It resembles 
in this respect the dialectical work of Zeno who founded the sophistic 
dialectics in Greece. 

The system, however, underwent considerable modifications in later 
times. The sixteen paddrthas were practically ignored, and the 
theory of the four proofs absorbed almost the whole attention of later 
Naiydyikas, The philosopical views of Ootama mostly came out in 
the digressions which are numerous in his work. They are generally 
introduced byway of illustrations to his method ; and yet his followers 
have accepted these views as cardinal principles and built a regular 
system of philosophy upon them. The most characteristic of these 
doctrines are the non-eternity of sound,^^ the agency of God,^3 
the theory of atoms,^^ the production of efFects,^* and its corollary, the 
reality of our knowledge. From the fragmentary discussions on 
these points contained in Gofama' s work the modern Naiydyikas have 



G. S. I., 1, 5. 

10 See fo.' definitions of these,G. S. 1., 1, 23-32, 40, 41. 

11 G. S. II, 2, 13-40. 12 G. S. IV, 1, 19.21. 
13 G. S. IV, 2, 4-25. 1* G. S. IV, 1, 22-54. 



312 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN ^GIC. 

I 

evolved elaborate theories which have made the system ^hat it is. 
The radical and realistic tendency of these later doctrines came at 
every step into conflict with the more orthodox views of the two 
Mimdnsds, 

The system of the VaiseshfJcds is even more radical than the Nydyam 
As a system of philosophy, tlie Valseshika is more symmetrical and 
also more uncompromising. Its enumeration of the six oategories,^^ 
with the seventh AhJidca added afterwards, is a complete 
analysis of nil existing; things. These categories again are not 
enumerated for a special purpose only like the 16 paddrthas of 
Gotama ; but they resolve the entire universe, as it were, not except^^g 
even the Almighty Creator, into so many classes. KanddcCs categories 
resemble in this respect those of Aristotle. Gotama treats of 
knowledge only, but Kandda deals with the wider phenomena 
of existencp* The first three categories, Substance, Quality, and 
Motion, have a real objective existence, and so form one group 
designated as 3??^ Kaudda.^^ The next three. Generality, Particular- 
ity, and Intimate Union, are products of our conception, and may be 
called metaphysical categories, while the last one, Negation, appears 
to have been added for dialectical purposes. The nine substances 
comprise all corporeal and incorporeal things, and the twenty-four 
qualities exhaust all the properties that can reside in a substance, 
91% is a quality of the Soul, and the whole theory of knowledge 
therefore consists in the production of this quality in its substratum 
the Soul. The process by which the cognition of an external object 
is produced in the Sonl is something like printing or stamping on 
some soft material. Mind is the moveable joint between the Soul 
and the various organs which carry those impressions from external 
objects. Loo;ic as a science of knowledge falls under 7^ and is so 
treated in all Vaiseshika treatises, Vaiscshikas recognize only the 
first two of the four proofs mentioned by Gotama^"^ and they differ 
from the Naiydylkas on some other points also. What specially 
distinguishes the Fai8':>s1iiJeas, however, is their remarkable power of 
analysis ; and their system may for that reason bo appropriately called 
analytical philosophy. They divide and subdivide each class of 
things, and dissect every notion into its minutest components. No 
doubt the process of analysis is sometimes carried to an extreme 
where it ends into fruitless divisions and distictions, but its influence 

I'* V. S. 1, 1, 4. I* V. S. VIII, 2, 3. >7 B. P. Ben. ed. p. 213. 



HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 318 

on philosophical specalntions in general must have been enormous. 
It is this feature of the Vaiieshika system that has made it the 
source of all liberal thou|>;ht in Indian philosophy. None are so un- 
restrained in their speculations, and none are such powerful critics of 
time-worn prejudices as the followers of Kandda, No wonder then 
that they were looked upon with distrust by the orthodox school, 
and were labelled Ardhu'Vainusikas (Semi- Buddhists) by their oppo- 
nents.^® The Vaiseshikas never declared any open revolt against 
orthodox faith, nor is there any reason for supposing that Kandda or 
his immediate followers were atheists ; but the tendency of their 
doctrine was none the less unmistakable. As the devout Lord Bacon 
produced a Hume and a Voltaire in Europe, so the Vaiseshika doc- 
trines must have led ultimately to many a heresy in India such as 
those of the Buddhas and the Jainas, 

A remarkable feature of both the Nydi/a and the Vaiseshika 
systems, as in fact of all the Indian systems of philosophy, is the 
religious motive which underlies them. Religion is the incentive to 
all these speculations, and religion is also the test of their truth and 
utility. Salvation is the goal which both Kandda and Gotama pro- 
mise the people as the reward of a thorough knowledge of their 
respective systems.^ ^ Amidst all the differences one idea appears to 
be common to all the ancient Indian systems, namely, that knowledge 
is the door and the only door to salvation. Opinions only differ as to 
what things are worth knowing. Consequently the bitterest contro- 
versies have raged among these rivals as to what things ought to be 
known for the speedy attainment of salvation. These controversies 
usually take the form of attacks on the rival classiiicAtions of catego- 
ries as being either defective or superfluous or illogical. Another 
effect of the religious character of these systems is the discussion of 
many apparently irrelevant topics which have made them look some- 
what heterogeneous and unsystematic. The many digressions 
in the works of Gotama and Kandda as well as their followers 
are easily understood if we look to the bearing which those 
topics have upon the end and aim of philosophy. Take for 
instance the controversy about the non-eternity of sound.3<> 
What has the eternity of sound to do with logic ? An in- 
ference would be just as right or wrong whether the words conveying 

i" SaiikurAcLArya : Brahma-Su(ra-Bli'Uht/u II, 2, 18. 

^» G. S. I., 1, 1; V. S., I., 1, 4. 20 ci. S. JL, 2, 13. 

41 



814 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 

it are eternal or not. But the question of the eternity of sound is 
vitally connected with the infallibility of the Vedas which are final 
authority in all matters of doubt ; and all orthodox systems, there- 
fore, must have their say on the point. We thus find that questions 
of the most diverse character are discussed wherever the context 
leads to them while others more closely related to the subject arc 
neglected. Each system has consequently become a mixture as it 
were of the fragment?? of several sciences such as logic, metaphysics, 
psychology, and theology. This is not however a weakness as some 
superficial critics have supposed. It arises from the very conception 
of a Darsanuy and could never have been avoided by those who in 
these systems sought to provide a complete guide as it were to the 
road to salvation. Indian philosophy is not singular in this respect. 
Everywhere philosophy grows out of religious instincts^ The sense 
of dependence on supernatural powers and a desire to conciliate them 
were the first incentives which led men at a very early period to 
think of their religious well-being. *' Philosophy," says Zeller, 
**jnst begins when man experiences and acts upon the necessity of 
explaining phenomena by means of natural causes."2i The Rigveda^ 
the Brdhmanas and the Upanishads abound in passages showing how 
in India this feeling grew in intensity until it became the ruling 
passion of the Brahmins. Salvation was the sole purpose of life, and 
knowledge of the universe was the means to it. The ancient 
Upanishads were the repositories of the speculations which rose like 
bubbles out of this fermentation of thought, and which appear to 
have ultimately crystallized into the various systems of philosophy. 
In Greece philosophy tended to become more and more ethical and 
worldly ; in India it could never free itself from its religious setting. 
This is the reason why in spite of additions and modifications Indian 
Darsanas never lost their original character completely. A history 
of each of these systems is therefore a history of its gradual evolution 
within certain limits, while its relations outside of them remained 
practically unchanged. 

The period before the rise of Buddhism is almost a blank page. 
We know nothing of it except that a large amount of free specula- 
tion must have been stored up at that time in the Brahmanas' wad 
the Upanishads, The only system which dates prior to Buddhism 
is the Sdnhhya, and possibly the Vaiseshiha also ; but all the other 



•* Zeller: Outfine of Greek VhUoto^hy, p. 6. 



HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 315 

Darianas are presumably of a post-Buddhistic origin, at least in the 
form in ^hich we possess them. In fact the very notion of a system 
seems to be post -Buddhistic. The severe conflict between Buddhism 
and Brahminism which stirred men's minds in the century after 
Buddha's death, must have compelled both the parties to systematize 
the doctrines and express them in a compact methodical form. The 
same cause or causes which led the Buddhists to collect their ethical 
and philosophical teachings in their suttas during the period which 
elapsed between the brst and the second council must have also 
induced their Brahmin rivals to compose similar works for the 
defence of vedic orthodoxy. The two collections of aphorisms 
belonging to the Prior and the Posterior Mimdnsds and known by the 
names of Jaimini and Bddardyana respectively have a strong con- 
troversial flavour about them, and appear to be the first products of 
this reaction against Buddhism. The aphorisms of Kandda and 
Gotama could not have been of any prior date, and as we do not 
know of any Nydija or Vaikeshika works older than these Sdlras, 
the history of those systems may safely be said to begin in the 5th 
or the 4th century before Christ. 

Roughly speaking the literature of the Nydya and Vaiseshika 
systems extends over a period of 22 centuries, that is, from about the 
4th century B. C. till very recent times, of which the last two 
hundred years not being distinguished by any original works may be 
left out of account. The history may be divided into three periods : 
the first from about 400 B. C. to 500 A. 0., the second from 
thence to 1300 A. C, and the third after that till the end of the 
last century. The only known representatives of the first period 
are the two collections of aphorisms going under the name of 
Gotama and Kandda respectively, and perhaps the scholium of 
Prasastapdda also ; but there must have existed other works 
now lost. The second period is pre-eminently distinguished by a 
series of comnientaries on these Sutras beginning with Vdtaydyana 
and comprising several works of acknowledged authority. The third 
period saw the introduction of independent treatises and commentaries 
on them which at last dwindle down into short manuals like Tarka- 
sangraha and Tarka-Kaumudi. These three periods also mark three 
successive stages in the development of the two systems. The first 
may be called the age of the formation of doctrines in the Sutras ; 
the second that of their elaboration by commentators; and the third 
that of their systematization by writers of special treatises. The 



810 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGICi 

first is characterised by great originality and freshness, the second by 
a fulness of details, and the third by scholastic subtlety ultimately 
leading to decadence. Theso divisions may sometimes overlap, for 
a we have treatises like Tdrkika-rakshd and SaptU'paddrthi before 
the 14th century, so we have commentaries on the Sutras, like 
Sanhara Miira\s Upaslcura, and Visioanutha's Vrittl, written after- 
wards. This does not however ati'ert our general conclusion that the 
writings of the 14th century and onwardn are in marked contrast 
with those of the preceding age. The exact duration of these periods 
may have varied a little in the case of the two systems, but the order 
is the same. The mutual relation of these two systems, however 
appears to have changed at different times. During the first period 
they seem to have been two different systems, independent in origin 
but treating of the same topics and often borrowing from each other. 
Viitsydijana regards them as supplementary ,22 In the second period, 
however, they become somewhat antagonistic, partly owing to an 
accumulation of points of difference between the two, and partly on 
account of the alliance of the Yaiscshih.u with the Buddhists. The 
third period saw ti»e amalgamation of the two systems, and we come 
across many works, like the Tar/:a-Sttvrjraha for instance, in which 
the authors have attempted to select the best portions of each and 
construct from these fragments a harmonious system of their own. 
This is a curious i>henomenon, no doubt, and wo do not yet sufficient- 
ly know the causes which brought about these successive changes iu 
the attitude of the exponents of these two systems towards each other ; 
but the fact is important in as much as it must have been a powerful 
factor in mouldino; both of them. At any rate it accounts for the 
difficulty, which every student meets with at the threshold, whether 
to regard these systems as really supplementary or antasronistic to 
each other. They are spoken of as both, and yet no Sanskrit writer 
seems to have j>erceived the inconsistency of doing so. The only 
explanation that can at present be suggested is that the twins after 
quarrelling for some time reunited un«ler the influence of a reaction. 

Having premised so much we may proceed to consider the three 
periods iu order ; and the first thing we shall have to do is of course 
to fix the age of the Siifras of Ciotama and K'lndda, They are the 
recognized basis of the Nijdijtt and the Vaifieshiha systems, and they 
are so far as we know the oldest works on those systems. Not that 



22 



I'ci/.ou G, S. 1., 1, 4. 



niSTORICAL SURVEY OP INDIAN LOGIC, 817 

they were the first of their kind ; perhaps they were preceded by cruder 
attempts of the same sort that have perished ; perhaps the present 
works are improved editions of older ones. For all practical pur- 
poses, however, the works of Kandda and Gotama may be taken as 
the starting points for the two systems. Now before adverting to 
the evidence that exists for determining the dates of these two Sutras 
it is necessary to notice one or two misconceptions that would other- 
wise hinder our task. The first of these is the confusion that is often 
made between the system and tlie Siltra work expounding it ; and the 
second is a simiUr wnnt of distinction between the systems as a whole 
and the particular doctrines composing it. The three things, 
rt^., Gotama s work, the Nydya system, and the individual doctrines 
embodied in it, are quite distinct, and ought not to be confoimded 
with one another. They may for aught we know have originated at 
different times, and no inference can therefore be safely drawn as to 
the probable date of the one from any ascertained fact relating to the 
other. The fact for instance that some of the Vaiseshxka doctrines 
are controverted in Bddardyand's Brahma-Suiras^ has been made 
the ground for inferring that Kandda' s Sutras were composed prior to 
those of Bddardyana^ and yet there are cogent reasons for believing 
that they were of a Ynuch later origin. We must therefore suppose 
that the doctrines controverted in Brakma-'Svitras existed prior to 
their incorporation into a regular system as set out in Kandda^ a 
work. Similarly many of the arguments as to the relative priority 
of Nydya and Vaiseshiha systems are based on assumptions made 
from some doctrines of the one being cited or refuted by the other. 
Such arguments however are misleading and often produce confusion. 
The Nydya doctrine of ST^Tc^aT^^ must have existed before the 
rise of Buddhism and even before the formation of the Sdnkhya 
system, the oldest works of which controvert it. Does it follow 
therefore that Gotama and Kandda preceded both the Sdnkhyas and 
the Bauddhas ? And if so, how are we to account for the fact that 
several doctrines of the Sdnhhyas as well as the Bauddhas are in 
their turn quoted in the Sutras of both these authors? Here is a 
dilemma which can only be solved by supposing that the doctrine of 
BT^^^niVr^ and many others like it subsequently adopted by the 
Naiydyikas and Vaiseshzkas must have formed ^topics of hot discussion 
long before the Sutras of Gotama and Kandda were composed. In 

»3 Brahnia-Sutraiy n.,2, 11, eU scq. 



318 HISTORICAL ST RVEY OP INDIAN' LOGIC. 

like manner, even supposing that the system as such exi.^ted at or 
before a particular date it will not be right to argue that Kandda^i 
Sutras also must have existed at that time.^^ Nor should it be 
supposed that the whole system as conceived later on is to be found 
in these works. Many doctrines now looked upon as cardinal princi- 
ples of Vaiieshika philosophy, are conspicuous by their absence in 
Kandda^s work, such as, for instance, Abkdca as a seventh category, 
the last seven qualities, and the doctrine of Visesha?^ This much 
however is certain, that when the Sutras were composed the two sys- 
tems had assumed a definite form which was never to be substantially 
changed. There are important gaps that were filled up afterwards ; 
but the skeleton is there and it is the skeleton that gives shape to 
the body. The proc^ess may have been something like this. First 
bold thinkers started theories of their own on the burning questions 
of the day, and then these theories after much discussion crystallized 
into specitic doctrines such as those of ST^^^il^i ^T^PI and others. 
The ancient Upafiishads abound in passages in which we find such 
definite principles being actually worked out of a mass of general 
speculations. The next step is for some eminent teacher to adopt 
and develoj) some of these doctrities and form a school which might in 
time grow up into a system. The difference between a school and a 
system is that of degree. A school adopts a theory about a particular 
phenomenon, while a svc^tem aims at explaining consistently the 
whole order of nature by reducing* several of these theories into 
harmouv. Audtdomi\ Kd.<akrifsnu, Bddari, and manv others whose 
names occur in the philosophical SiUras, seem to have been founders 
of the schools which preceded the regular systems. The system 
when thus formed required an authoritative exposition, and many 
must have been the failures of inferior persons, before a master mind 
like Gotama or KanUla c^uKl produce a work that would live into 
futurity. The present Sutras of Kandda and Gotama musts 
therefore, lie regarded as representing the end rather than the 
commencement of this evolutionary process. I'hey did not originate 
the systems, they only stereotyped them, by giving them as it were a 
body and shape. Besides it is probable that the fashion of propound- 
ing philosophical systems in the form of Sdlras^ if not the systems 
themselves, came into vogue after the rise (»f Buddhism, The ethi- 



*♦ ('olebrooke's MitrcUaneim* Ejtsays. Vol, Im p. 354, Cowell*8 note. 
" V. S. I.. 1,4; I., 1,6; I.. 2, 3. 



HISTORICAL SURVEY OP INDIAN LOGIC. 319 

cal teachings cf Gotama Buddha were expressed in the shape of pithy 
sentences which were easy to remember and possessed a certain 
attraction for the popular mind. The Brahmins, probably with a 
desire to beat their rivals with their own weapons, composed Sutras 
on their own philosophical systems modelled on the Buddhistic 
suttas, and possessing in some cases literary finish of a yery high 
order. The necessity of meeting their opponents in controversies 
which became frequent from this time compelled the orthodox philo- 
sophers to put their cardinal doctrines in a definite shape ; and 
this they did by expressing them in an incisive and dogmatic form so 
as to produce immediate conviction. The uncompromising tone and 
rigid logic of these post-Buddhistic Sutras are in strong contrast with 
the loose reasoning and poetical imagery which abound in earlier 
philosophical books, such as the Upanishads. While morality was 
the stronglioid of the Buddhists, philosophy was their weakest pointy 
in these early times ; naturally the shrewd Brahmins cultivated this 
latter branch with the greater vigour in order to outshine their rivals. 
The siitras of Jaimini and Bddardyana must have been composed 
with some object in view ; and the example once set, was of course 
followed by other teachers belonging to the orthodox party. 

It is difficult to determine the chronological order of the several 
systems of philosophy, and the attempts hitherto made have not been 
very successful. The Sdnkhya system and many of the doctrines of 
the Vaik'Shihas, if not the whole of their system, are most probably 
Pre-Buddhistic. The Vaiseshika system pre-supposes the Sdiikhyaj 
and there is evidence to show that the VaUeshiha not only preceded 
Buddhism and Jainism, but directly contributed to the rise of those 
sects, many of their peculiar dogmas being closely allied to Vaiseshi- 
lea theories. The Buddhistic doctrines of total annihilation 
for instance, is only a further and an inevitable development of the 
Vaiseshika doctrine of 3T€f^l^^l^; while the categories or Paddrihas 
of the latter find their counterpart in the five Astikdyas or essences 
of the Jaiiias* The atomic theory moreover is largely adopted by 
the Jainas, and even enters into their legendary mythology. The 
epithet Ardha-Vaindsihas or Semi-Buddhists, contemptuously be- 
stowed upon the Faiseshi/cas by Sdiihardchdj-yay^^ concealed a histor- 
ical truth, if the Vaiseshikas as suggested above were the 
half-hearted precursors who by their materialistic speculations paved 

'* See foot-note 16 su-pra. 



320 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 

the vfAy for the extreme radicRlism of Gotama Buddha, The Vaise- 
sliika school is specificallj named in the sacred texts of the Jainas, 
and also in the Lalita-Fistara.^^ Several of their doctrines are 
refuted in Badaruyana's Brahma -Sutras^ and it is possible that they 
may have existed then in some systematic form. As to the other 
systems the two Mhndnsds appear to have come immediately after the 
rise of Buddhism and before the advent of the Nijdya and the Yoga. 
Neither Bddardyana nor Jainiini rehrs to any peculiar N'y^ya doc- 
trine, while the few ai)horisms in Bddardyana^ s work which mention 
Yoga look like interpolations. It will be shown presently that 
Ootama himself borrows from Bddardyarjas work. 

Looking to the Autras, however, the two M'.mdrusd collections 
appear to be the oldest of them, while the works of Gotama and 
Kandda come next in succession. Ti)(^date of Jaimiiil and Bddard- 
yana, who quote each other and might have been contemporaries, is 
not yet settled. They are certainly aware of the Buddhistic sect, 
many of whose doctrines they quote and refute.-^ The two Mimdnsi 
Sillra.i therefore could not have been composed before the 6th century 
B, C. Thc}- may for the present be assigned to the 5th or the earlier part 
of the 4th century B. C. The Sutras of Gotama and Kandda must 
be still later productions, as will appear from a comparison of them 
with the Brahma'tintras, The openiujj; siltnis of both Gotama and 
Kandda appear to recognize the Vci/dntic doctrine of knowledge 
being the means to salvation ; while throughout their works when- 
ever they treat of soul, salvation, pain, knowledge, and such other 
topics, their language seems t<^ be strongly tinged with Veddntic no- 
tions. The phraseology is often the same, and in several places even 
direct references to the Brahina-Siltras may be detected in these 
works. For example, the Vaiicshihi siitrds, ^f^^^ tf?lf%?IWW: JTfil^- 
>JHT^- I and arf^^ I ^5 appear to be answers to Bddardyana' 8 objec- 
tions to the eternity of atonis^^ ; while the iSWrtf 3T^fin%^S^ir ^'ifir- 
^^r^r^Pr^F^ ^^ is evidently aimed at the Fcddutic view explained in 
the f(!ur preceding sutran, that the soul is to be known only through 
}^nai?^ Similarly V. S. IV, 2, 2-3 controvert the Veddatiiis view 



'^^ Wcbor: J/ixlory of IndUiti LiUraturr, p. 23'>, ftx>t-noto. 
2' Brtihmii'SiUni IT, 2,18, (•/. gcff ; M tin iXnjfd- Sutra 1,2,33; see also Cole- 
brooko*s Miaci lf(it/fiiitj( fi<irt^.v, Vol. I, j). 351. 

«"* V. S. IV, 1. 4-5. •''» hrahma-'^iUfd II, 2, 14-15. 

30 Y. s. IJI, 2, y. 8 1 a\ also (j. S. Ill, I, 28-30. 



HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 321 

that oar body is formed by the union of five or three elements.^' 
Again many of the terms used by Kandda^ such as 3Tf^^n, f^^^t ^T^' 
TR'n', and «^|l^€4|f|, appear to be borrowed from Bddordijana, The 
same holds good of Gotama, In several places he propounds views 
very similar to well-known Feddntic doctrines" ; while a comparison 
of G. S, III, 2, 14-16 with Brahma-Suera II. 1, 24, will show th«t 
Cotama borrows even illustrations and arguments from JBadardyana.^ 
G. S. II. 1, 61-67^^ would likewise show that Gotama was also 
posterior to Jaimini. It may be argued that the borrowing may 
have been on the other side, or that the particular stitras may be later 
additions. But we must in such cases judge by the whole tone and 
drift of the authors. While in all the cases noted above the topics 
form essential parts of the two Mimdnsd systems, they come only in- 
cidentally in the works of Kandda and Gotama, We can, therefore, 
confidently assert that the works of Gotama and Kandda, as we have 
them at present, cannot be older than the 4th century B. C. 

The question as to the relative priority of these two systems per se is 
beset with many difficulties. Opinions have differed as to which sys- 
tem is prior in time, and arguments have been advanced on both 
sides. Vkandrahdnta Tarltdlankara ^ in the preface to his edition of 
Vaiieshilca'Sutras^ strongly contends for the priority of Vaiseshika 
system, while others maintain the opposite view.^® Goldstucker calls 
the VaUeshika only a branch of the Nydya without deciding their re- 
lative priority^^ ; while Weber is undecidedon the point.-^^ Much of the 
confusion, however, on this point can be avoided by making a distinc- 
tion, as already noted, between the Vaiseshika system and the Vaiie- 
shikd Sutras. There are strong grounds for believing, as Mr. Tarhd" 
lankdra contends, that the Vaiseshika system preceded Gotama^s, and 
yet the Sutras of Kandda, or at least many of them, may be of a later 
date. The fact that, while Vaiseshika doctrines are noticed in 
Bddardyana^s Brahma-Sutras ^ Gotama* s system is not even once 
alluded to, shows that some Vaiseshika doctrines at least were promul- 
gated not only before Gotama but even before the composition of the 

s« Brahma-mra 11, 2, 21, 22. s^ Cf. G. S. IV, 1, 64 

^[^(^ %^ <^h:^% I Brahnia'Siitra. 

3 5 f^tTpl^Krg^r^^'sr^Rnf^rJT g. s. ii. i. 6i. 

»• Bhim^cliarya : "Nyaya-Koshay Intro., p. 2-3, nolo. 

*' GoMstiicker's Tantni^ p. 153. 

3« Weber : History of Indian Literature, p. 245. 

43 



322 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 

JBrahma-Stiiras. Vdtsydyaiia^s remark that omissions in Goiama^ 
work are to be supplied from fhe cognate system of the Faiaeshikat 
may likewise be taken to imply that that system existed before 
Ootamas time^^ ; while the latter's reference to a 5n%?r^3rr%^»** 
by which he probably means doctrines taught by some allied 
school such as the Vaiseshihas, would support such an inference. 
The posteriority of Gotama may also be inferred from the fact 
that many topics summarily disposed of or imperfectly dis- 
cussed hy Kai}dd'i nre fully treated by him, as, for instance, inferencet 
fallacies, eternity of sound, and the nature of soul. It is true that 
some of these arguments would also prove that Kandda's siitraa were 
anterior to Gotama' s work, and it is possible that a collection 
of Vaiieshiha-dulras was known to Gotama^ But we must also take 
account of the fact that several sutras in the present collection of 
Kandda's aphorisms appear to be suggested by Gotama^s work, 

V. S. Ill, 2, 4,*^^ for instance, is clearly an amplification of G. 8, I, 
1, 10.*3 V. S. Ill, 1 , 17*3 again gives an illustration of the B^efTTI^Pli 
fallacy, although the name, strange to say, is nowhere explained 
throughout Kanddas work. The word is, howover, used by Gotama 
as a definition of yse^H'^r^,*^* and it is possible that the author of 
the Vaiscshiha siUra borrowed it from him, and wrongly uaed it rb 
the name of the fallacy. These suiras, therefore, if not the whole 
work oi Kandda^ must have been composed at'ter Gotama^n work was 
published. Now there are good reasons for suspecting that Kanddd's 
work, as we have it at present, contains a large number of aphorisms 
which have been either modified or added in after times. A com- 
parison of Karidda^s sutras, as fuund in our printed editions, with the 
Bhdshya of Prdsastapdda, shows that many of the suiras are not ex- 
plained by the scholiast and were probably unkown to him.**^ More- 
over, all these suspicious aphorisms relate to topics that look like having 
been suggested afterwards. The practice of making such interpolations 



39 Vat. on G. S. 1. 1, 4. +0 G. S. I, I, 29. 

ir5"5f[f^ I Vaiieshika-Siitra, 

♦a ?=^in?^7^??rg^:^5[^rn!r'^f?'r^ f^ir-r'^rcT I Ootama-Sutra. 

** ^Wf^^: ^^H^K: G. S. I, 2, 4H. 

♦* See tbo excellent conspectus showiug the ^utras corresponding to each sec- 
tion of FratastajwcUi's boh«liuni, prefixed to the Benares BditioD of that work- 



HISTORICAL SURVEY OP INDIAN LOGIC. 323 

in ancienii works is not uncommon in Indian literature. The Sdn- 

• 

kkt/a-SiUras are notoriously modern productions, though ascribed to 
an ancient Er'shi ; and even the Brahma-Sutras oi Bddarttyma We 
under the suspicion of being tampered with. The loose and unsys- 
tematic arrangement of the Vaiseshika aphorisms must have consider- 
ably facilitated the task of an interpolator, while such liberties could 
not have been easily taken with the more compact and finished pro- 
duction of Gotama. 

The most reasonable conclusion that may be drawn from tbe 
foregoing facts is that, although we can say nothing definite about an 
•original collection of Vaiseshika aphorisms, the present work of that 
name is comparatively modern. We have no materials at present to 
fix its probable age. Kandda is a mythical personage and is various- 
ly styled Kdsyapa^ Kanabhaksha or Kambhuk^^ The latter two 
appellations are, of course, paraphrases of Kandda, which literally 
means ** an eater of seeds or atoms," The name is said to be derived 
from his having lived upon picked-up grain-seeds while practising 
austerities ; more probably it is a derisive appellation invented by 
antagonists for his atomic theory. The system is also called Aulukya- 
Darsana^^^ and a pretty old tradition is told that God Mahadeva 
pleased by the austerities of the sage Kandda appeared to him in the 
guise of an owl and revealed the system which the latter subsequently 
embodied in the 'Sdtras.^^ A Rishi named JJluka is mentioned in the 
Mahd-Bhdrata^ but nothing can be said as to what connection he 
had with the Vaiseshika system. The name Auldkya is, however, 
considerably old, being mentioned by JJdyotakdra and Kumdrila,^^ 
The name Vaiseshika occurs even in the scholium of Frdsastapdda, 
who also refers to the tradition about God Mahadeva just mentioned.^*^ 
Vdyu Purdna makes Ahsha-pdctu, Kandda and Ulilka sons of Vydsa,^^ 
but no reliance can be placed on such an authority. 

It has been already shown that the present collection of Vaiseshika 
aphorisms is posterior to the 4th century B. C, and the references 
to it contained in Vdtsydyana's commentary on Gotama^s work prove 
that it must have existed before the 5th century A. D. Vdtsydyana 

♦« P. B. Ben. ed. p. 200; V. S. Up. Calo. ed. p. 160-1 ; TriHnda-Sesha. 

♦7 Sarv. D. S. Calo. od. p. 110. 

♦« BhimAchArya: Nyaya-Koshcb, Intro, p. 2. 

*9 Jfydya-Vdrtika, Bibl. In. p. 168 ^ Tantra-VArtika I., 1, 4. 

so P. B. Ben. ed. p. 234. 

*i See the verses quoted in P. B. Ben. ed. lutro. p. 10. 



324 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 

not only mentions it as a ^^Rri<^? , enumerates the six categories*' 
and actually quotes one aphorism of Kandda,^^ This is the utmost 
that we can say with certainty about the age of Kanddfs work. 
The date of Prasasta-pMa, the earliest scholiast of Kandda, is equally 
uncertain. He cannot be tlie same as the Bishi Prasasta mentioned 
in the Fravarddhydya of Bandhdy ana-Sutra, for Baudkdy ana- Sutra 
hoing composed before the 4th century B. C.,^* Prasasta-pdda and 
a fortiori Kandda would have to be placed long before that time. 
Prasasta" pad a has also been identified with Gotama, the author of 
Nydya-Sutras,^'^ but it seems to be a mistake. So no inference as to 
the age of the Va ike shika- Sutras ran be drawn from the date of the* 
commentator. The six categories as well as the proofs arc men- 
tioned in the medical work of Charalia, who has been identified with 
Patavjali, the author of the Mahd-Bhdshya^^ But even if this 
identity is correct, the original work of Charaha having been sub- 
sequently recast and enlarged by Dridhahalay particular passages 
from it cannot be relied upon for historical purposes. 

Happily we can obtain better results in the case of Gotama^i work. 
That it is posterior to the rise of Buddhism is evident on its face, for 
Buddhistic doctrines are expressly mentioned therein.^^ It is also, as 
has been already shown, later than the latter part of the fifth centary 
B. C, the time of Bddardyanas Brahma-Siitras which, while refuting 
Vaiseshiha doctrines, make no mention of the cognate school of Nat" 
ydyikas, Goldstiicker says that both Katydyana and PatanjdLi 
knew of the Nyaya Sutras,^^ Now Patanjali is said to have written 
his great work about 140 B. C.^®; but Katydyana* 8 date is not so cer- 
tain. According to a story told in Kathd-Sarit'Sanyraha^ Katydyana 
was a pupil of Upavarhsa and a minister of king Nanda who reigned 
about 350 B. C.«o Goldstiicker makes light of the authority of 



q^ I VAt.on G. S.I, 1,9. 
»» ^^mft'?."^ rT^^KV jR( (V. S. Ill, 1, 16 ) l^qj^TT^fPlRT ^ ^^Nt 

crqfr^f^cnf^rT: ^s^H^frr^- &c. i vdt. ou g. s. ii, 2, ae. 

B* Buhler: Saored Laws (S. B. B. Series). Part I Apaitamha, Intro, 
p. XXII. ** Bhim&charya : Nydya-A'o«^ Intro, p. 2. 

*• Parama'Laghu-Manjntha. A verse said to be from Yogahija calls Patan- 
flZt, a writer on throe sciences, grammar, medicine, and Yoga, 

»T G. S. HI, 2, Jl-13. '^^ Goldstiicker's Pdnini, p. 167. »» Ibid p. 8S4. 

«o Katha-Sarit'Sav/^raha I. 5 ; Max MUller : History of Ancient Sanskrit 
Literature, p, 240. 



"11 



'M 



HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 325 

Kathd'Sarit^Savgraha^ but it is hard to believe that such a 
story could have got currency without some sort of foundation. 
If the story is true the Ny ay a* Sutras would have to be placed 
before 360 B. C. Kdtydyana's date is now generally taken to 
be about the middle of the 4th century B..C.*i ; and so Gotama will 
have to be placed before that time. There is another fact which con- 
firms this conclusion. 'Sahara Swdmin, the scholiast on Jamini*s 
SutraSf often quotes an ancient author whom he calls Bhagawdn 
Upavarsha, and who must have, therefore, lived a long time before 
him. This Upavarshi is said to have written commentaries on both 
the Mimdnsa Sutras,^^ If he be the same as the reputed teacher of 
Kdiydyana above mentioned, he must have lived in the first part of 
the 4th century B. C.^ Now a passage quoted by Sahara Swdmin 
from the commentary of this Upavarsha^^ shows that he was inti- 
mately acquainted with Gotama^ s system and largely adopted its 
doctrines. Gotama' s work must, therefore, have been composed before 
the 3rd century B. 0., that is, it belongs to the 4th century B. C.®* 
There is another piece of evidence, which, though apparently con- 
flicting with the above conclusion, really supports it. Apastamha^ 
the author of the Lharma- Sutra ^ knew both the Furva and the 
Uttara Mimdnsa systems but not the Nydya.^ It is true thst 
Apastamba in two passages of his work uses the word «^^ and 
e2|r^,%fT respectively®^ ; but there he clearly refers to Purva-Mimdnsd^ 
and not to the system of Gotama. Nor is this use of the word uncom- 
mon in ancient writings. The fact that the word y^TRT, which was 
subsequently monopolized by the followers of Gotama, i^ applied 

*! Eggeling*8 Sdinpoiha-Brdhmana (S. B. B. Series) Intro, p. 30. 

2 Colebrooke*8 MisceUanaoua Esiayft, Vol, I. p. 357. 

*3 Another story in Somadeva-Bhatta's KatM-Sarit'Sanpraha makes him 
live in P^taliputra during the reign of Nanda, ». c, about SoO B. C. ; but no 
reliance oan be placed on the ohronological data furnished by this book in the 
absence of other evidence. 

»* S<ihara-Bh6,8hya Bibl. Ind. p. 10; for an Engh'sh trauslation of the pas- 
sage, see Colebrooke's JM is eella neons Essays, Vol. 1, p. 828. 

*5 This conclusion will not be affected by any date that may be assigned to 
PAnini. Goldstiicker places P^nini long before the rise of Buddhism and holds 
that he did not know Gotama's work. PSnini mentions the word ^^m 
but only in the sense of a syllogism or rather a thesis, snch as those in Jaimini's 
work. See Goldstiicker'a P6.nlnif p. 152, 

«• Bnhler : Sacred Laws (S. B. E. Series.) Part I Apastamha, Intro, p. xxtii. 

•' Apaxtamha-Vharma'S^tra IT, 4, 8, 13; and II, 6, 14, 13. 






326 UISTOKICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 

by Aj>asiamba to the system of Jaimini\ shows that at his time 
Gotama^s system was either unknown, or at least so new as not to 
have attained any wide celebrity. Apastamba, according to Buhler, 
must have lived before the 3rd century B. C. and even 160 or 200 
years earlier®^; but his knowlecJge of the two 3/fc>?z-ws^« shows that 
he could not have lived long befi»re 400 B. C. Gotama^s work must 
therefore be assigned to the end of the 6th or the beginning of the 
4th Century B. C. 

It is needless to state after this that our Gofama is quite different 
from Gofama^ the author of a Dh anna- Sit fray who preceded Bavdhd- 
yana and was a fortiori prior to Apastaniba^^ ; nor has he anything 
to do with the mythical sage of tiiat name mentioned in the Rdmdyana 
and Mahubhdrata ar* the son of UtafJuja and the husband of Ahilyd, 
Nothing is known about the personality of our author, and it i^ even 
doubtful whother his real name was Gutamn or Gautama, Being a 
Brahmam he could not have belonged to the race from which 
the founder of Buddhism sprung. He is also called Aksha-jpdda 
or Aksha-charanay but the origin of the name is not known. 
Some have conjectured that the ('|)ithet was a nick-name given 
to Gotama for his peculiar theory of sensual perception, and 
means one who stands or walks upon organs of sense (B|^) ; 
but there is no authority for this. At any rate the anther, 
whoever he may be, possessed great originality and a grasp of 
f^eneral principles that enabled him to systematize the soience 
of logic for the first time, lie cannot, however, be said to have 
founded it, for logical rules soem to have prevailed even before his 
time. 3ia/n4 proclaims the need of rea*50u for a correct understand- 
ing of the sacred law, "^ while Bn,lar(h/ana goes to the other extreme of 
declaring the utter futility of our reasoning power to discover trath.^ 
Besides, it is quite obvious that, unless the art of reasoning had beea 
practised for a long time previous, and had been considerably develop- 
ed, neither the philosophical speculations in the Upanishads nor the 
rise of heretical sects, such as the Chdrvdhas the Bauddhas and the 
Jaitiasj could have been possible. What then did Gofama achieve^ 
and what is his place in the history of Indian logic ? This is an 
interesting question, and would, if satisfactorily answered, throw a 
flood of liejht on the early history of Indian philosophy. 

«** Buhler : Starred Laws (S. B. E. Series) Part I Apmtambaf Intro, p. xliii. 
9 Ihid, Ibid. p. XX and Iv. ^^ Mauu-Smriti xii. 106, 

Ti Brahma S&if a 11,1.11. 



HISTORICAL SURVJEY OF INDIAN LOGtCi 327 

Gotama was certainly not the pioneer. The very fact that he has 
evolved a logical system complete and well knit in all essential re- 
spects would lead us to suspect that he must have used materials left 
by his predecessors and proHted by their errors. This is not a mere in- 
ference however, for Vdtsydyana in his Commentary on G. S. 1, 1, 52, 
actually tells us that there was a school of Naiyuyihas who required 
ten pre-misses in a syllogism, and that Gotama reduced their number 
to five72 This is quite probable, for Indian systematists always 
favour brevity, and even Gotama* s five premisses were subsequently 
reduced by others to three. Gotama^ therefore, most have been pre- 
ceded by other labourers in the same fi?ld whose works have been 
eclipsed by his superior treatise. External evidence would lead us 
even a step further. The two passages from Apastambas Dharma- 
SutrOy referred to above, show that the word ^m^ was formerly 
applied to Purva-Mimdiisd, Similar passages are also found in 
many ancient Smritis and also sqme modern works in which the same 
word or its derivatives are used in connection with JaiminVs system. 
So late a writer as Madhavdchdrya calls his epitome of Jaimint's 
work ;^^|^H|(7rf%^?TT) while many other Mimansd works have^Piff^r as 
part of their title. The various theses propounded in Jaiminis work 
are called Nydyas, and even Fdnini uses the word in a similar 
sense.^^ How then are we to explain the fact that a word so 
generally used by the Mimunsahas came afterwards to designate the 
rival and totally dissimilar systems of Gotama. As a general rule we 
find that when a new school arises it coins its own phraseology to 
distinguish itself from its predecessors. In this case, however, the 
followers of Gotama appropriated an old word, and that word stuck 
to them so fast as to become afterwards their exclusive property. 
The explanation, it seems, lies in the fact that the science of logic 
which afterwards developed into a separate system wjis originally the 
child of Purva-Mimdnsd, 

Analogy of other arts and sciences points to the same conclusion. 
All sciences in India appear to have sprung out of sacrificial necessi- 
ties. Astronomy was founded on the rules by which vedic Rishis as- 
certained the correct time for performing periodical sacrifices, from 
the movements of heavenly bodies. While medicine had its germ in 
the analysis of the properties of Soma plant and other sacrificial 
substances, music was first cultivated by the TJdgdtd priest for sing- 

y« 76.t, on G. S. I., L, 32. ^3 p^nini's SutraB III, 2, 12i. 



330 HISTORICAL SURVEY OP INDIAN LOGIC. 

have sufficed for half a dozen Sutras. Besides it is very awkwardly 
worded if not positively ungrainmatical, A comparison of this 
aphorism with the openiua^ passage of Prasastapdad's scholium leaves 
hardly any doubt about its spuriousness. Prusastapadci's passage runs 

Now one of these two passages must be an adaptation of the 
other. According to Kirandoali, this passage of Fra'sastapdda 
explains only the first three siltras of Kandda, which implies that 
the fourth SUra quoted above was unknown to the scholiast. Hence 
if Kiranioali is to be believed, the aphorism must be the later of the 
two. 'SWidhava, the author of N i/dya-Kandaliy speaks to the same 
effect. In introducing the last sentence he says that it was added 
to remove any apparent inconsistency between the preceding 
sentence and Kanddas second aphorism 2r^.S*-5T^M"=''J^^f^f^* ^ 
^xh'" I Ihe inconsistency is that while according to the scholiast 
knowledge of categories is the means oi Pr:»HTH, Kandla speaks of 
it as resulting from \:r§; and this inconsistency is removed by 
the scholiast by adding that the knowledge of categories itself 
springs from \^^ as revealed in divine commandments. So accord- 
ing to J:indhara this last clause is an addition of the scholiast intend- 
ed to remove the apparent inconsistency, and yet it is summed up in 
the opening words of the fourth Siltra, VVJ^^^^s^^^' Either these 
words or the whole aphorism, must, thereforf, have been suggested 
by P rasas fa-pd la's passage. If the aphorism, as it stands now, had 
existed before, there would have been no fr^r^ff^. and tht^refore no 
necessity for Prasad /n -pa Ja's additional clause fT%^C^rT*TTpT^'MThl<{»Tf 
$^. We must, therefore, suppose that the afdiorism was added 
by some later writer in order to supply what appe?»red to him an 
oversight of Kandda, Besides, the fact that there should have been 
even the suspicion of a contradiction between the enumeration of six 
categories and Kandda's second sdtra proves that the six categories 
were not thought of by Kandda and were for the first time mentioned 
by his scholiist, Pramstapdda, We must, therefore, construe the 
aphorism arq" \\H ffsq^uj^jf^.?? ng implung that Kandda mention- 
ed only three categories, to which the scholiast added three more, 
while the seventh was added still later on.''^ If any doubt is 
felt on the point, a critical examination of the aphorisms which are 

»• P. D. Ben. ed. p. 6, 7. »» V. S. VIII. 2. 3. »» V. S. I. 2. 3, 6. 



HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. S31 

supposed to define ^TfTT^ and Hr^ q will dispel it. These aphor- 
isms speak of f^q* as well as of iifHr^^ in a way quite different 
from the later conceptions of the two categories. Aphorisms 4^|h|«^ 
fi?iq ^r% 5:5^^*^ I and 3T^^nrr9c^».;qi- f^^q^irM are especially 
significant. The first shows that Kandda use<l the word f%^ as a 
relative term opposed to ^TF^, meaning that the notions of genua 
and differentia are always relative, and that the same property may 
be a genus with respect to one class, and a differentia with respect 
to another class of things. q?c^ , for instance, is a genus as including 
all jars under one class, and o. differentia as distinguishing all jars 
from other substances, as cloth and men. The second aphorism shows 
that Kar.dda distinguishes ultimate diff'erences of things from other 
differeniice by givinjy to the former the special name of B^v^c^y ^^q*, 
It is these ultimate differences that are denoted by the later VaiaeshiJcas 
by the category i%^fq ; and the fact that Koxiuda regards them 
only as one species oi differentia shows that he did not include them in 
a separate category having absolute and not merely a relative exist- 
ence. The conclusion is irresistible that the 3T^ilR[%qs, which 
were at first only one kind of differentia^ were afterwards developed 
into an inde[)endent category. The notions of ^r^|«^ and ^q^pq' 
can also be shown to have originated in the same way. 

It will be tbus seen tbat unlike Nydga, Vaiseshika was never given 
out to the world as a cut and dry system. It was gradually evolved 
as the ever-flowing stream of controversy suggested new points or dis- 
closed the faults of old ones. Prasastapdda thus occupies a somewhat 
intermediate position between Kandda and his later commentators. 
He is SMtficiently removed in tirnefrom Knnddaio caW him a muni and 
a desciple of Maheswara,'^^ while he himself is regarded almost as a 
semi. mythical personage by later writers. His age cannot, however, 
be ascertained even approximately. The earliest known commentary 
on Prasasta-pdda s work is that of Sridhara who gives his own date 
as 991 A. C. He must also have preceded Sanhardchdrya who seems 
to quote from him several times. The opinions ascribed by 
i^an/cardchdrya to the Kdndda school are all found in Prasasta- 
pdda'' s work. 8® Sricharana, in his commentary on 'Sdriraha- 
Bhushya called Prahatdrtha, says that a particular view criticised by 
&anhara belongs to the older school of Vaiheshihas tliou:'h opposed 

»» P. B. Ben. ed. pp. 1 and 329. 

*<> Cf. the passages in k<\rirnka -BhUhya (Ananddsrama ed.) p. 514-5 and 
p. 619 with the passages Id P. B. Bea. ed. p. 48 and p. 328 respectively. 



832 HISTORICAL SURVEY OP INDIAN LOGIC. 

to that contained in Rdvana's Bhdshya, The view referred to is 
propounded by Prasasta-pdda who must, therefore, be older than 
Rdvana, This Bhdshya of Rdvana which may be a commentary 
either on Kandda's Siitras or Fraiasiajpddd! s own work, is not avail- 
able, nor is its date known, Udayana's Kiravdvali is, however, s«id 
to have been based upon ii.^^ If this Rdvana is the same as the 
reputed author of a commentary on Rigveda he appears to have been 
a very ancient author, and Prasastapdda must be still older. More- 
over, if Praia 5^a/»atZa was as suggested above the first to enamerate 
the six categories, he must have preceded Pdtsydyana who mentions 
them.^2 Nothing more definite can be said on the point for the 
present, and we must, therefore, leave Prasastapdda^ s date too as one 
of the uncertainties of Indian chronology .^^ 

The age of commentaries proper begins with Vdtsydyana otherwise 
known as Pakshila'Stvdini, whose commentary on Gotama's work is 
the oldest known work of the kind we now possess.^* Vdtsydyana 
must have lived about the end of the ^th century A. C. for he 
preceded the well known Buddhist teacher Dijiidija who is said to 
have lived in the early part of the 6th century. ^^ Dujndga was suc- 
ceeded by the celebrated author of Udyota who is mentioned by 
buhandhu writing in tlie 7th century.^^ UdyotaJcdra is said to have 
written his work to dispel the errors of Digndya and others, and Vd- 
chaspati in his Tkd adds that his principal object was to defend 
Vdtsydyana against the attacks of Dujndga.^'^ 

According to the Jain 'Sloha-Vdrtika, UdyotaJcdra was in his turn 

8 1 P. B. Ben. ed. Intro, p. 12 note. s^ y,xf^ q^ G. S. I. 1, 9. 

'3 If Chnyaha^ the writer on medicine, is correctly identified with Patanjali, 
Prasastapdda must be anterior to him. See p. 24 supra. 

8* Was V^tsyiiyana a Buddhist ? Some liave supposed him to be so because 
his work does not begin with a prayer to any of the Hindu deities. But the 
epithet Swilmi as well the fact that the Buddhist writer DignAga controverts 
his views should leave no iloubt about his orthodoxy. 

«» Max MuUer : India, TThat can it teach us ? 1st ed. p. 320. 

s« VUavadr.ttr,, (Calc.ed. p. 235) has =?Tr^R:>4rm'^^T^cT^r^^^^|.See also 
Dr. Hall's Preface to his edition of that work. 

5^ See quotation at P. B. Ben. ed. Intro, p. 10. Udyotahlra himself says : — 

^sjqK: ^^K\ j^r^ ^^tpt wm ^^^ ^m^ I 

Also see Weber, Zcitschr. D. M. C. XXI I. 727, and Colebrooke, MisceUanc- 
ous Essays Vol I p. 282, Cowcirs note. 



HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 333 

answered by Dharmakirti,^^ Now Dharmalcirti is known to have 
lived in the first half of the 7th century. ^^ Digndga and UdyotaMra 
therefore must have belonged to the 6th, and Vdtsydyana at the 
latest to the end of the 5th century. Vdtsydyana is not, however, the 
earliest scholiast on Gotama's Sutras, The alternative interpreta- 
tions of G. S. I. 1, 5 given by him show that the traditional 
meaning was obscured at his time, and that several writers before 
him had interpreted the Sutras in different ways. The interval 
between Gotama and Vdtsydyana is considerable and could 
not have passed without producing some notable writers, yet no 
relics of the period appear to have been left behind. Either 
the Scythian inroads which ravaged the country Irom the 1st century 
B. C. to the 4th century A. C. must have swept away all literary 
records of the period, or some unknown cause must have lulled 
philosophical activity for the time. 

After Udyota/idra there seems to have occurred another long gap 
in the succession of Nfydya writers until the end of 10th century when 
a revival took place under the influence of the author of «^Rr^?^v^ 
which is the earliest known commentary on Frasaslapdda's Bhdshya, 
'Srldhara wrote at least three other works named QTf^^f^, ^^^^^nT» 
and ^T^qT^NTif ^f. The absence of any eminent Nydya or Vaiseshika 
writer between Udyotakdra and ^'Sridhara makes it highly probable 
that the tradition was broken in the interval. This interregnum so 
tci say is the more inexplicable as the period was one of inte^ise intel- 
lectuftl activity. Controversies between the Brahmins as represented 
bv the Mimdnsuhas and Veddntins on the one hand and the 
Buddhists and the Jainas on the other occupy almost the whole of 
this period ; and it is strange that the followers of Gotama and 
Kandda did not freely enter into the fray. Vdtsydyana and Udijota- 
hdra set the ball of controversy rolling, but no Nydya or Vaiseshika 
writer seems to have taken np the cudgels on their behalf immediately 
after Dharmak'rti's strictures. The task of answering the grei^t 
Buddhistic writer was left to MwidnsaJcas like Kumdrilaj 'Sanhardchd- 
rya and Mandana^ who were by no means favourable either to the 
Nydya or to the Vaiseshika systems. Dhannottara defended 
Dharmah'rti against the criticisnjs of Kumdrila and Mandaiia, and 
we again find 'Sridhara a Naiydyika answering Bhumnltara. 
Though the Nydya and Vaiseshika systems had thus no spokesman of 



88 J. B. 15.11. A. S. Vol. XYIII p. 229. so ibid p. 90, 



334 HISTORICAL SUaVET OF INDIAN LOQIC. 

their own daring this interregnum, the individual doctrines inculcnted 
hy them were not a bit neglected. They were fully handled by the 
rival disputants as if they had by that time become the common 
property of all schools. The Mimdasakas atronglv controverted the 
doctrine of non-eternity of sound, and the V<:ddntins criticized the 
atomic theory. The Prdbhdkaras started novel views about Samo' 
vdyOf while all the scho«»ls fought over the proper number and nature 
of proofs. The answer to these criticisms came parily from the 
Buddhists and the Jainas a«id partly from the later Kydija writers. 
The fact seems to be that at tliis time the Nydya and much more the 
Vaiseshika doctrines, despite smaller differences, found their strongest 
supporters among the Buddhists and the Jainas many of whose tenets 
closely resembled the peculiar doctrines of the Vaiseshikas. The 
Nydya- Bindu,(oT instance, which can now be safely ascribed to 
Dharmahirti,^^ is a purely Vaiseshika treatise, while the Pramdna- 
Samuohchaya of Digudga au'l Dhartnalclrt^s Vdrtikas on it must 
also have been largely indebted to previous Vaiseshika works. This 
must also be the reason why Vaiseshikas were at this time looked 
upon almost as heretics. 

The alliance of the Vaiseshikas with the Buddhists and the evident 
tendencv of many of their theories towanls atheism ard materialism 
alarmed the ortliodox writers of the Mimdnsd and Veddntn schools 
who at once consigned them to the purgatory of non-believers. 
Sankardchdrya cwWs i\\Qm Ardha-Vaindsikas (Semi- Buddhists), while 
Kumdfila brackets them with "Sakyas as heretics who are frijjhtened 
out of their wits hy the advent ol the faithful Mimdnsakas^^ And 
yet a glance at Prasastapdda's Bhdshya will show tliat the Vaiseshi- 
kas were at least as orthodox and as decidedly anti-Buddhistic as either 
the Mimdnsakas or the Veddntins, Prasastapdda begins, with a 
prayer to God and concludes by ascribing the origin of the world as 
well as of the Vaiseshika system to Mahoswara, He accepts the autho- 
rity ot"Sruti and occasionally controverts the views of the Buddhists. 
The notion of Vaiseshikas being heretical probably origin.ited in the 
din of controversy between the Buddhists and the Mimdnsakas, and 
the prejudice thus created stuck to them for a long time j^fterwards. 
The sister system of Nydya, however, seems to have escaped the 
stigma of heresy, probably owing to its comparative neglect in this 
period. The controversies of this period mainly raged round metaphy- 

90 J. B. B. R. A. S. Vol. XXX p. 47. 

»i Max Muller : History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature p. 48. 



HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 835 

sical and theological questions which were monopolized by the Vaiie- 
shika, while the purely logical part of Gotama^s system did not 
provoke much opposition. Only one doctrine of the Naiydij^Jcas was 
made ihe subject of controversy, namely the theory of a personal 
creator of the universe. This doctrine was strongly advocated by 
the sect of Pd'nipatas^ and various sub-sections of Bhdjawatas, These 
theistic Schools probably derived their inspiration from Gotamd*s 
work, but they very soon became distinct religious sects.®^ On the 
whole it appears that, although there is n lack of special Nydya or 
Vais3shika works in this period, the various doctrines laid down by 
Gotama and Kunuda were fully threshed out and underwent additions 
and alterations wliicli were not even dreamt of by previous writers. 

The interregnum from Udyotahdra's time to the end of the 10th 
century may have been produced by various causes which cannot be 
known at present ; nor can we say for certain how the subsequent 
revival was brought about. Perhaps learned men at this time were 
too much occupied with religious and sectarian disputes to attend to 
the drier subtleties of logic. The fact, however, cannot be denied, 
for while none of the known works of JS/ydi/a or VaUeshika proper 
can be assigned to the interval between the 7th and the 10th centur- 
ies, the succeeding age is marked by such an inrush of Nydya and 
Vaiieshxka writers as more than atoned for the inactivity of the 
previous period. The most notable productions of this later age are 
a series of commentaries on the works of Prasastapdd<i and Vatsyd- 
yana who had then come to be looked upon as ancient authorities to 
be explained and enlarged with reverence, rather than criticized or 
corrected by abler successors. In this later period boldness «nd 
originality of thought dwindle in proportion to an increase of schol- 
astic subtlety. The range of topics is limited, but each is treated 
with a greater fullness and ingenuity. There is a distinct tendency 
towards scholasticism, which afterwards assumed such abnormal 
proportions in the Nuddea school, but the chanore was not completed 
till four centuries later. It may be described as an age of transition 
from the genuine philosophy of mediaeval India to the scholastic 
verbiage of moflern times ; and it is a striking fact that this age 
nearly coincides with the growth of scholasticism in mediaeval Europe. 
It is not a little remarkable that the history of Indian logic bears in 

»• JldyotnliArn was called PasupiMchdrya. Had he anything to do with 
the Pfisupata seot who maintained the existence of a personal Creator and 
Lord of the Universe? 



334 HISTORICAL SUaVET OF INDIAN LOQIC. 

their own during this interregnum, the individual doctrines inculcated 
by them were not a bit neglected. They were fully handled by the 
rival disputants as if they had by that time become the common 
property of all schools. The Mimdnsakas alronglv controverted the 
doctrine of non-eternity of sound, and the Vrddntins criticized the 
atomic theory. The Prdbhukaras started novel views about Sama^ 
vdya, uhile all the schools fought over the proper number and nature 
of proofs. The answer to these criticisms came partly from the 
Buddhists and the Jainas and partly from the later Kyc/tja writers. 
The fact seems to be that at this time the Nydya and much more the 
Vaiseshika doctrine?, despite smaller differences, found their strongest 
supporters among the Buddhists and the Jainas many of whose tenets 
closely resembled the pecul.ar doctrines of the Vaueshikas. The 
Nydya- Hi ml u, for instance, which can now be safely ascribed to 
Dharmalcirti^^^ is a purely Vaiseshika treatise, while the Pramdna" 
Samuohchaya of Dujudtja anl Dharmuhlrt's Vdrtileas on it must 
also have been largely indebted to previous Vaiseshika works. This 
must also l)c the reason why Vaiseshihas were at this time looked 
upon almost as heretics. 

The alliance of the Vaiseshika.^ with the Bud<lhivts and the evident 
tendency of many of their theories towanis atheism ard materialism 
alarmed the orthodox writers of the Mlmdnsd and Veddntn schools 
who at once consigned them to the purgatory of non-believers. 
Sank'j rdch dry a cwW^ \\\Qm Ardha-Vnindsikas (Semi-Huddiiists), while 
Kumdrila brackets them with "Sdkyas as heretics who are fri<;htened 
out of their wits by the advent of the faithful Mimdnsakas^^ And 
yet a glance at Prasastapdda's Bhdshya will show tliat the Vaxseshu 
kas were at least as orthodox and as decidedly anti- Buddhistic as either 
the Mimdu'^akis or the Veddutins, Prasistapdda begins, with a 
prayer to Gi»d and concludes by ascribing the origin of the world as 
well as of the Vaisfshika system to Mahoswara, lie accepts tlie autho- 
rity of ^ruti and occasionally controverts the views of the Buddhists. 
The notion of Vaiseshika< being heretical probably origin?,ted in the 
din of controversy between the Buddhists and the Mimdnsahas^ and 
the prejudice thus created stuck to them for a long time i^terwards. 
The sister system of Nydya^ however, seems to have escaped the 
stigma of heresy, probably owing to its comparative neglect in this 
period. Thecontroversiesof this period mainly ragedround metaphj- 

^o~j, H. B. li. A. S Vol. XXX p. 47! 

»i Max Miiller: History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature p. 48. 



HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 835 

sical and theological questions which were monopolized by the Vaiie- 
shika, while the purely logical part of Gotama's system did not 
provoke much opposition. Only one doctrine of the Naiydy^kas was 
made the subject of controversy, namely the theory of a personal 
creator of the universe. This doctrine was strongly advocated by 
the sect of Pdiupatas^ and various sub-sections of Bhctjaioatas, These 
theistic Schools probably derived their inspiration from Gotama*s 
work, hut they very soon became distinct religious sects.®^ On the 
whole it appears that, althouijh there is n lack of special Nydya or 
VaiS3shika works in this period, the various doctrines laid down by 
Gotama and Kunddn were fully threshed out and underwent additions 
and alterations which were not even dreamt of by previous writers. 

The interregnum from TJdyotakdrai time to the end of the 10th 
century maj^ have been produced by various causes which cannot be 
known at present ; nor can we say for certain how the subsequent 
revival was brought about. Perhaps learned men at this time were 
too much occupied with religious and sectarian disputes to attend to 
the drier subtleties of logic. The fact, however, cannot be denied, 
for while none of the known works of Nydya or Vaiseshika proper 
can be assigned to ttie interval between the 7th and the 10th centur- 
ies, the succeeding age is marked by such an inrush of Nydya and 
Vaiseshika writers as more than atoned for the inactivity of the 
previous period. The most notable productions of this later age are 
a series of commentaries on the works of Prasastapddn and Vdtsyd- 
yana who had then come to be looked upon as ancient authorities to 
be explained and enlarged with reverence, rather than criticized or 
corrected by abler successors. In this later period boldness and 
originality of thought dwindle in proportion to an increase of schol- 
astic subtlety. The range of topics is limited, but each is treated 
with a greater fullness and ingenuity. There is a distinct tendency 
towards scholasticism, which afterwards assumed such abnormal 
proportions in the Nuddea school, but the change was not completed 
till four centuries later. It may be described as an age of transition 
from the genuine philosophy of mediaeval India t*) the scholastic 
verbiage of modern times; and it is a striking fact that this age 
nearly coincides with the growth of scholasticism in mediaeval Europe. 
It is not a little remarkable that the history of Indian losic bears in 

»• UdyotnMra was called PasupitSichdrya. Had he anything to do with 
the Pfisupata seot who maintained the existence of a personal Creator and 
Lord of the Universe? 



342 HISTORtCAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 

generations after Raghundtha must be assigned to the end of the 
16th or the beginning of the 17th century. He was thus nearly 
contemporaneous with Lord Bacon whose denunciations of scholasti- 
cism may be most appositely illustrated by extracts* from Oadd* 
dhard's writings. Akbar*s was an aug;ustan age in India, and 
scholars like Gadddhara found a congenial atmosphere in the peace- 
ful times of the great and enlightened Mogul ; but Akbar*s death 
put an end to all dreams of a revival of letters. The wars and 
anarchy of the next two centuries afforded little scope for the culti- 
vation of philosophy, and we accordingly find that even scholastic 
Nydya could not flourish after Gadddhara. 

The generation next after Gadddhara is represented by two 
writers standing on a somewhat lower level but equally famous. 
These were ^anhara Misra, the author of Upashdra, a commentary 
on Kanddas Sutras, and Visvandtha who wrote Siddhdnta- Muktdvali 
and Gottama-Sutra-Vritti which is a commentary on Gotamd's 
aphorisms. iSanlcara Misra was a pupil of Raghudcvay the fellow 
student of Gadddhara, There is some doubt as to the date of 
Viswandtha, but he most probably belouj^ed to this ftgc^ 

It is remarkable that i\\Q Sutras of both Kandda and Gatama should 
have attracted the attention of commentators at about the same time. 
^anhara Misra and Vlsivandtha who respectively commented upon 
tho works o^ Kandda and Gotama greatly resembled each other and 
were probably contemporaries. A kind of reaction against the ex- 
cesses of Gadddhara seems to have led these writers to seek the fresher 
fountains of the Sutras, Another sign of this reaction was the pro- 
duction of manuals adapted to the understanding of the beginners 
and explaining the latest ideas in the simplest language. The 
Bhdshd-Parichchheda, the Tarka-Sangraha and the Tarhd-mrita are 
instances of this class of books, which must have come as a relief to 
those students of Nydya who were hitherto lost in the mazes of 
Pancha-Lakshani and Dasa-Lakshani, In course of time these 
manuals too were overloaded with commentaries, but fortunately the 
commentaries on them, except perhaps two, never became as popular 
as the originals. The two exceptions are Visxoandthds Siddhdnta- 
Muktdvali and Annambhatta's Tarhi-B'pikd which being written by 
the authors of the original works are more like larger editions of those 

^ Rudrabbatta, brother of ViBwaQ^tha, wrote a commentary on Baghnndtha's 
J)idhitif called Baudr'i. MSS. of two of Budrabhatta's works are mentioned 
by Auf recht ( Catalogus Catalogornm } as dated 1640 and 1657 respectively. 



HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 337 

Miira in the llih century, who wrote commentaries on all the prince 
pal philosophical systems, and whose works have been deservedly held 
in the highest estimation by the succeeding tenerations.®* Fdchaspatt, 
the author of BMniati and ^dnkhya-Tativa-Kaumudi, wrote an equally 
able commentary on the Vdrtihna of TJdyotaMra^ called Fdrtika-Tdh 
parya-Tikd, and this I'ikd of Vdchaspati became the text of another 
commentary, Tdtparya-ParUuddhi by Udayana^'^ Udayandchdrya, 
the author of Kiranavali and Parisuddhi lived, therefore, some time 
after Vdchaspati, and may be assigned to the end of the 1 2th century .®® 
Udayana is the greatest Naiydyi/ca writer of this age. He combines 
in himself the two-fold character of an eminent dialectician and a 
religions revivalist, and has consequently become the centre of a num- 
ber of traditions which hate perhaps little foundation in fact. A story, 
for instance, is told of his having once made a pilgrimage to the 
temple of Jagannath, where he found the temple- door shut against 
him. On this the irate Aaiydyika addressed the following couplet to 
the Deitv : — 

" Infatuated with omnipotence as thou art, thou treatest me with 
contempt; but (remember) when the heretics approach, thy very 
existence depends upon me." 

This irreverent apostrophe was probably founded on the fact that 
Vdayana wrote two well-known treatises to prove the existence of 
God and to refute the atheistical objections of the Banddhas and 
other heretics. These treatises, respectively known as Kusumdnjali 
and Bauddha'dhikkdra, thou2;h small, prove Udayana to be a very 
acute and powerful writer. Udayana is s»iid to have carried on a 
vigorous crusale against the Buddhas and the Jainas ; and if Monier 
M'illiams is right in assigning the complete decay of Buddhism in India 
to the beginning of the thirteenth century,^ ®^ Udayana must have 

■• J. B. B. R A. S. Vol. XVIII. p. 90. Cowell in the preface to his transla- 
tion of KusumAnjali tries to prove that YSchaspati lived in the 10th century ; 

but his view cannot be accepted as Vachaspati quotes rr^^Tm^ of King 
Bhoja who reigned in 993 A.O. 

•" Bhandarkar : Reyort on Search of Sk. ^f8S.Jor 1883-4. p. 81. 

•' CowolPs Preface to his translation of Kusdmanjali, p. x ; J. B. B. R. A, S, 
Vol. XVIII. p. 89-90. 

•* Nehmiah Gore*8 RationaU Refutation of Hindu philosophy translated by 
F. Hall, p. 6, not*. loo Monier Williams : Buddhism, p. 170. 

44 



342 HISTORtCAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 

generations after Raghundtha must be assigned to the end of the 
16th or the beginning of the 17th century. He was thus nearly 
contemporaneous with Lord Bacon whose denunciations of scholasti- 
cism may be most appositely illustrated by extracts* from Oadd» 
dhard's writings. Akbar*s was an aug;ustan age in India, and 
scholars like Gadddhara found a congenial atmosphere in the peace- 
ful times of the great and enlightened Mogul ; but Akbar's death 
put an end to all dreams of a revival of letters. The wars and 
anarchy of the next two centuries afforded little scope for the culti- 
vation of philosophy, and we accordingly find that even scholastic 
Nydya could not flourish after Gadddhara. 

The generation next after Gadddhara is represented by two 
writers standing on a somewhat lower level but equally famous. 
These were ^anhara Misra, the author of Upashdra, a commentary 
on Kanddas Sutras, and Visuandtha who wrote Siddhdnta-Muhtdvali 
and Gottama-Sutra-Vritti which is a commentary on Gotama^a 
aphorisms. iSanJcara Misra was a pupil of Raghndeva^ the fellow 
student of Gadddhara, There is some doubt as to the date of 
Visioandtha, but he most probably beIoii«;ed to this age7 

it is remarkable that the Sutras of both Kandda and Gatama should 
have attracted the attention of commentators at about the same time. 
Saiikara Misra and Viswandtha who respectively commented upon 
tho works o^ Kandda and Gotama greatly resembled each other and 
were probably contemporaries. A kind of reaction against the ex- 
cesses of Gadddhara seems to have led these writers to seek the fresher 
fountains of the Sutras, Another sign of this reaction was the pro* 
duction of manuals adapted to the understanding of the beginners 
and explaining the latest ideas in the simplest language. The 
Bhdshd-Parickchheday the Tarka-Sangraha and the TarJcd-mrita arc 
instances of this class of books, which must have come as a relief to 
those students of Nydya who were hitherto lost in the mazes of 
Tancha-Lakshani and Basa-Lokshani, In course of time these 
manuals too were overloaded with commentaries, but fortunately the 
commentaries on them, except perhaps two, never became as popular 
as the originals. The two exceptions are Viswandtha^s Siddhdnta- 
Muktdvali and Antiamhhatfa's Tarhi-I):pikd which being written by 
the authors of the original works are more like larger editions of those 

^ Rudrabbatta, brother of ViBwanAtha, wrote a commentary on Raghnndtha*9 
Dtdhitif called Baudrl, MSS. of two of Rudrabhatta'g \vorks are mentioned 
by Auf recht ( Catalogus Catalogornm } as dated 1640 and 1657 respeoti?ely. 



HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 33^ 

aboQt it nntil the work is available to the public. It is superfluous 
perhaps to remark that this Vallabha^ the author of Nydi/a-LUdvatt 
was quite a different personage from the great Vaishnavaite reformer 
of that name who fioarished in the 15th centurv. 

A host of smaller writers such as Varadardja and Mallindtha 
may be mentioned as belonging to this second period, but they do not 
seem to have left any lasting mark on subsequent literature. The 
period may be roughly said to have closed about the beginning of the 
14th century. It is marked by a great activity in the beginning 
and at the end, with an intervening blank which lasted for about 3 
centuries and which sharply divides the older from th^ later school of 
writers. The conflict of opinions between the VaUeshikas and the 
Naiydyihas as well as the differences between the ancient and the 
modern schools of NaiydyiJcas, which are so frequently discussed in 
modern works, seem to have originated in this period ; and it was 
perhaps the growth of these minute differences that created at the 
end of this period a reaction in favour of auiHlgamating the two sys- 
tems. This attempt at amalgamation, however, produced an effect 
exactly contrary to what was intended, f 3r it stereotyped the differ- 
ences instead of removing them. We find that in this period almost 
all the principal doctrines were evolved and the details were work- 
ed out, on which the dialecticians of the third period were exclusively 
to spend their scholastic ingenuity and produce volumes after volumes 
without making any real progress. With Udayana and ^ivdditya we 
loose sight of writers who deserve to be called Achdryas, as having aimed 
at originality and written epoch-making books. The class of Achd' 
ryas or masters, was henceforward to give place to that of mere 
Upddhydyas or ordinary pundits. The race of giants was to be 
succeeded by a remarkably versatile and disputations troop of 
dwarfs. Philosophy lost its freshness as well as its charm, and gra 
dually degenerated into a bundle of endless controversies. 

The end of the 14th century saw the commencement of the third 
period of iVy ay a literature ; and Gamjeaa, or Gangeso-pddhydyaj the 
author of Tativn-Chintdmani may be said to be its oracle. He 
founded a new school of text-writers and commentators who afterwards 
came to be known as the Nuddea school owing to their having chiefly 
flourished in the tols of Nuddea or Navadwipa in Lower Begnal. The 
distinguishing features of the writers of the school were their over- 
whelming pride, an abnormal development of the critical faculty, and 
a total disinclination to go out of the narrow grooves of traditional 



840 HISTORICAL SUKVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 

doctrines. The originnl Stitras and the scholia on them recede into 
background, while Gangesd's work itself becomes the centre of a 
muss of literature unparalleled in any other country or age. Here 
we see at one and the same time scholasticism at its climax and true 
philosophy at its lowest depth. We might wade through volumes of 
coutroversinl jargon without coming across a single flash of deep 
thought or real insight into the nature of things. Mere convention- 
alities and distinctions without a difference are the weapons in this 
wordy warfare, with which one disputant tries to defend his thesis 
or to vanquish a rival. It may be donbted if either tiie writer or 
the reader is made a wliit the wiser by all this labour. 

All the writers of this school are not however equally faulty in this 
respect. The earlier ones especially show a considerable freedom of 
thought which is quite refreshing. The most notable of this kind is 
Gangesapddkydya the founder of the Nuddea school, whose exact 
date is not known, but who probably lived about the end of the 14th 
century, Gangesa quotes Vdchaspafi, while his son Vanlhamdna 
wrote commentaries on Udayana^s Kiranivali and Vallabha^s LHdcati, 
Gangesa must have therefore lived after the 12ih century. Gangesa 
was followed by two writers of note Jayadeva and Vdsudeva. Ac- 
cording to Burnell Jayadeva^ otherwise known as Pakshadhara Misra^ 
wrote his J/a^T/a/o^a, a commentary on Gangeka's Tatwa-Chintdmani 
about h centuries ago, that is, about the middle of the 14th century, 
but this is highly improbable.* Viisudeva Sdrvab/tauma, a fellow 
student of Jayadeca and the author of a commentary on Gangesa » 
work, had four pupils of whom the first Gauravga^ popnlarly known 
as Chaitanya, the celebrated religious reformer in Bengal, was born 
about 1485 A.C.^ Both Sdrvahhauma and Jayadeva must, therefore, 
have lived in the latter part of the 15th c<*ntury, and Gangesa at 
least a generation or two earlier. Jayadeva is said to have studied 
Tatwa'Chintdniani with his uncle Uarimisra, which shows that 
Gangesa*s work was already a standard book in the first half of the 



* Burnell, Catalogue of Taujor MSS., Vol. II., p. 117. Jayadert w&s noted 
for his intellectual powers. He got the nickname TIT^T from having mastered 
a difficult book in a fortnight. He is. probably the same as the author of 
M^^ilM^ and is certainly diflFerent from the poet who corapoaed MT^^ltnTT' 
Baghnnath.'\ Siromani is said to have been his pupil for a^^me time., 

» Cowell (Colebrooke'8 MUcellnneuM E^ntytf Vol. I., p. 281) gives the date 
of Chaitanya's birth as 1489; but see Bi^so's HuUry of Himim drilha/toji. 
Vol. I., p. 43. Chaitanya died in A. C. 152f . 



HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 341. 

15th century. We shall not be wrong therefore in placing Gangeia 
in the latter part of the 14th century at the latest. 

VoBudev Sdrvabhauma must have been a remarkable man, for all 
of his pnpils tfiBtinguished themselves in different fields. The first, 
Chaitanya, founded a Vaishnava sect which soon spread over the 
whole province of Bengal and revolutionized as it were the religious 
life of the people. The fact is noteworthy that the greatest exponent 
of the doctrine of faith in modern times received his early 
training in the dialectics of Nydya philosophy. The devout 
mind of Chaitanya must have no doubt recoiled from the 
scholastic subtleties of Gangesa, but they could not have 
failed to influence many of his views. Vdsudeva's second pupil 
Raghundtha, otherwise known as Tarha-'Siromani or simple SzVo- 
fwant, wrote DWiiti, the best commentary on Gasgeia's Tatwa- 
Chintdmaniy and is acknowledged to be the highest authority among 
the modern Naiydyikas. The third was Raghunandana, the lawyer 
and the author of a commentary on Jimilta' Vdhana'a Bdya-Vibhdga, 
and is now held to be the best current authority on the Bengal 
School of Hindu law. The fourth Krishndnanda also wrote works 
on charms and other kindred subjects.* AH these writers being con- 
temporaries of Chaitanya must have flourished in the beginning of 
the 16th century. Baghundtha Siromani wrote besides D^hiti com- 
mentaries on Udayana*8 works and a few other treatises, one of which 
is Faddrtha-Khandana or a refutation of Vaiseshika categories. He 
was succeeded by a series of commentators whose sole ambition 
seems to have been to make the Didhiii as unintelligible and terrible 
to the student as possible. Uaghundtha's immediate successors were 
Mathurdrtdtka and Harirdma Tarkdlanhdra and Jagadwa, who were 
followed by their respective pupils, Raghudeva and Gadddhara. 
Gadddhara may be called the prince of Indian schoolmen, and in 
him the modern "Nydya lore reached its climax. He was such a 
thoroughgoing Naiydyika that when asked to think of the prime cause 
of the universe on his deathbed, instead of contemplating God he is 
said to have repeated the words 'fln^ : 'rt^ • ^\^^' (atoms, atoms, 
atoms)! His sixty-four treatises or Fi^cia^ as they are called on as 
many topics noticed in Tahva-Chintdmani form a continuous com- 
mentary on 'Siromani' 8 Didhiti and Jayadeva's Aloka ; but several of 
them are not yet available. Gadddhara having come about two 

* Bbim^charya : Ny'iya.Kogha, Intro, p. 6. 



342 HISTORIt^AL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC* 

generations after Raghundtha must be assigned to the end of the 
16th or the beginning of the 17th century. He was thus nearly 
contemporaneous with Lord Bacon whose denunciations of scholasti- 
cism may be most appositely illustrated by extracts* from Oadd» 
dhard's writings. Akbar*s was an augustan age in India, and 
scholars like Gadddhara found a congenial atmosphere in the peace- 
ful times of the great and enlightened Mogul ; but Akbar*s death 
put an end to all dreams of a revival of letters. The wars and 
anarchy of the next two centuries afforded little scope for the culti- 
vation of philosophy, and we accordingly find that even scholastic 
Nydya could not flourish after Gadddhara, 

The generation next after Gadddhara is represented by two 
writers standing on a somewhat lower level but equally famous. 
These were ^anhara Misra, the author of JJpashdra, a commentary 
on Kanddas Sutras, and Vlsvandtha who wrote Siddhdiita' Muktdoali 
and Gottama-Sutra-Vritti which is a commentary on Gotama^s 
aphorisms. Sanhara Misra was a pupil of Raghudevat the fellow 
student of Gadddhara. There is some doubt as to the date of 
Vuioandtha, but he most probably beloiijjed to this age.^ 

It is remarkable that the Sutras of i)Oth Kandda and Gafama should 
have attracted the attention of commentators at about the same time. 
Saiihara Misra and Viswandtha who respectively commented upon 
tho works o^ Kandda and Gotama greatly resembled each other and 
were probably contemporaries. A kind of reaction against the ex- 
cesses of Gadddhara seems to have led these writers to seek the fresher 
fountains of the Sutras, Another sign of this reaction was the pro* 
duction of manuals adapted to the understanding of the beginners 
and explaining the latest ideas in the simplest language. The 
Bhdshd-Parichchheda, the Tarha-Sangraha and the TarJcd-tnrita are 
instances of this class of books, which must have come as a relief to 
those students of Nydya who were hitherto lost in the mazes of 
Pancha-Lakshatn and Dasa-Ldhshani, In course of time these 
manuals too were overloaded with commentaries, but fortunately the 
commentaries on them, except perhaps two, never became as popalar 
as the originals. The two exceptions are Viswandtha*s Siddhdnta^ 
Muktdvali and Annamhhatta's Turhi-D-pilcd which being written by 
the authors of the original works are more like larger editions of those 

^ Rudrabbatta, brother of ViBwaaAtha, wrote a commentary on Baghaiidtha*9 
Didhitiy called Raudr't. MSS. of two of Rudrabhatta's works are mentioned 
by Auf recht ( Catalogus Catalogoram ) aa dated 1640 and 1657 respeoti?ely. 



HISTORICAL SURVKY OP INDIAN LOGIC. 843 

texts than mere explanatory glosses. These manuals proved very 
handy and useful to students, but they also marked the lowest water- 
mark of the Nydya and Vaiaeshika systems. Henceforward all origi- 
nality was dead and the writers chiefly aimed at explaining the ideas 
of their predecessors instead of expounding their own. The Upd- 
dhydyas were now succeeded by writers whose high sounding names 
were in strange contrast with the worth of their productions. Krodas 
or annotations became plentiful, but original thinking was dead and 
gone completely. Even these are now rare, and the once famous class 
of NaiyOyikas is in danger of being extinct for ever. 

The preceding resume of the Nydya and Vaiieshiha literature 
brings out, it is hoped, at least the one fact that that literature is as 
capable of a historical treatment as any other clnss of writings. It is 
the story of a gradual development of two philosophical systems which, 
springing out of a few elementary notions, attained their present 
proportions after many vicissitudes and in the course of several cen- 
turies. There must have been during this time considerable 
additions and alterations in the fundamental doctrines as conceived 
by the founders of the systems. The original nucleus was compa- 
ratively small, but the accretions and out-growths seem to have 
assumed in time quite large proportions. What an amount of ear- 
nest thought and labour must have been devoted to this work of 
elaborating complete systems out of a few primary principles ! It 
was a process of evolution brought about partly by the natural law 
of growth and partly by the mutual action and reaction of the 
several systems of Indian philosophy. In the beginning the chief rivals 
of the Nydya and Vaisefihika systems were the SdnkhyaSy whose 
theory of the an ti- production reality of effects was diametrically 
opposed to the I^aiyuyika doctrine of non-existent effect. Later on 
they encounter the more formidable critics of the Mimdnsd and 
Veddnta schools who differed from them in so many particulars that 
a severe conflict between the rivals was inevitable. The Mimdnaakaa 
aflirmed the eternity of sound, while the Naiydyikas denied it. The 
first enumerated six proofs, the Naiydyikas four, and the Vaiseshikas 
only two. The Naiydyikas assumed a personal creator, the Vedan- 
tins an im pergonal Brahma, while the Mwidmakaa would recognize 
nothing but the eternal Vedas. Again the Veduntins derived all 
creation from one universal spirit, the Naiydyikas from hard minute 
atoms. The first were idealists par excellence, the latter were out and 
out realists. The doctrines of the first always tended towards mysti- 



342 



."•'ilC. 



generations 
IGth or the 
con tern pom I 
cism may b 
dharas wr 
scholars lil* 
ful times o 
put an enr 
annrchv o 
vation of 
Nydya cc 
The \ 
■writers f 
These ik 

on Kanti 

• 

and G 
aphori^ 
studen- 
Vimai 
iti^ 
have i 

tbo V 

were 

cesse 

fount 

duct 

and 

Bhii 

inst 

the 

Fa 

ma 

CO I 

as 
th. 

m 

Jf 

bv 



•t . 



fc*. 






»♦■ 






t 



.»iiird& materialifim and 
ideiy divergent i^houlil 
^-^:iiiitiaued controvrrsk^s 
ive iiiuceriallr influenced 
•uiuuus incorporated much 
.. ivorkii, the Ii::er did noi 
^ ..t» views of the lormer. It 
.. a\\ of these systems a> pro- 
.ill respects with the views 
iif liiemselves recognize this 
,.-»,* iw views of the moderns 
. .i.»o noteworthy that thi-re 
^•iii. .uid the modern schools 
. . * .ire applied to the Vaise- 
xjiuctimes to older authors like 
. ^ v','itd to the later ones of the 
..I i'.i that school to the author of 
... . .V« an instance of the last, the 
v.iitiiu>ns of ^{y\i one insisting 
..u tUo other making proximity to 
I'he line dividing the ancients 
.u^•u*ly moved forward and forward, 
^ . , . . t<fu»- themselves acknowledged a 
iv.i philosophy. It ought to he an 
. .^v*'**!^^ stages of this development, 
.,*^. juve Uh.1 to them. The time may 
..'^v* '*t I ho ^tjdya and Vaiksh'ika litera- 
4U.N '.uvHtery. 

^^ , uvo boon mostly based on material 

•t^»,»*.v .♦i I Ik* yydya and Vaiieghika systems 

•n v'^'"^***^ '*^* other philosophical systems as 

\ ' xuiwi provluced in ancient and medieval 

•\i: icd« >i«;ld still more important data for a 

V comparison of Greek logic with the 

i.aO Ik* very instructive. Such a compari- 

V 'Hitt Similar ideas and modes of thought 

ja^klv AiiJ ill the same historical order to 



cif- 



:^zi 



^* *' 



• •» 



.^ ;. •vMi ^^^ vM>w«. leo NotcB on Seo* 37, pp. 186 90, in 
;.U s^^Mtkl^ Sanskrit Series)* 



HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 345 

thinkers in two such distant countries as India and Greece, but it 
may also throw new light on some of the dark chapters in the his- 
tory of Indian Logic. Space will not, however, permit me to enter into 
these interesting inquiries at present ; and I must content myself 
with noting only one important fact which cannot he decently passed 
over in such a sketch as this. I, of course, refer to the striking resem- 
blance which the syllogistic method of the Nydya bears to the Pre- 
Aristotalian dialectics in Greece. Zeno the Eleatic was thefonnder of 
this latter, and Zeno must have been a contemporary of Gotama, or 
of at least some of his immediate predecessors.^ Zeno's work, which 
is divided into three parts, upon consequences, upon the interrogatory 
method of disputation, and upon sophistical problems respectively, has 
many points of similarity with that of Gotama^ v^hiie the interroga- 
tory nnethod, cultivated by Zeno's followers the sophists and brought 
to perfection in Plato's Dialogues, was almost identical with the 
syllogistic process of the Naiydyihas* The essence of this method 
consisted in driving an opponent to a point where he was either totally 
silenced or the absurdity of his position became self-evident. So far 
as the Naiydyihas were concerned this was not an accidental feature, 
for they have laid down a special rule that no premiss in a syllogism 
can proceed without having a previous Sj^rffl or doubt, presumably 
started by an opponent in the controversy. Take the stock-example. 
•* Mountain is fiery.*' " Why ?" " Because it has smoke." *• What 
then ?" "Wherever there is smoke, &c.," and so on, every premiss 
being a reply to some previous question, assumed until the imaginary 
querist has no more questions to ask. This is exactly the way 
Socrates used to argue with his real interrogators, or Euclid proves 
his theorems of geometry. Obviously this method is better suited for 
controversy than for purely didactic reasoning ; and consequently we 
find that Indian thinkers who came after the Naiydikas such as the 
Bauddhas and the Vedantins modified it to a considerable extent just 
as Aristotle did in Greece.^® The tripartite syllogism of Aristotle was 
nothing more than a re-adjustment of the ancient dialectical syllogism, 
although Aristotle himself made too much of it and expected from it 
results which it was incapable of producing. Similarly, those who 
claim superiority for the Aristotelean over the five-mem bered syllo- 

® Whatelcy: Elemevt» of LogiOf -p.Z, 
^® Colebrookc thinks that the three-membered syllogism of the later VedAnta 
was borrowed from the Greeks, but this is a mere guess. See Mitccllaneoici 
Eiiayt, Vol. I., p. 350. 

45 



846 HISTORICAL SURVXY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 

gism of the Naiydythas forget that both are mere instraments or 
mechanical aids for thinking, and as such cannot by themselves 
fnmish an absolute guarantee for truth. Both have their peculiar 
merits as ^ell as drawbacks, and consequently both must be judged 
from their proper standpoints. Aristotle distinguished between the 
dialectic and the apodictic, i,e,, the old and the new, or his omit 
syllogism, by asserting that the former proceeded from mere belief or 
an assumed hypothesis while the latter was based on scientific tnith. 
There is much force in this distinction, and it may to some extent 
apply to the five-membered syllogism also. But A ristotle*s criticisms 
can no longer be accepted without reserTation, even with respect to 
doctrines intimately known to him. Much less can he be accepted 
as a safe guide in adjudging tho merits of Indian logic. 

It will not be proper to conclude this introductory sketch without 
noticing one more objection that is often advanced against ih» 
Nydya* VaisesJiika systems, namely, that their heterogeneous character 
detracts considerably from their value as systems of pure logic. 
Indian logicians, say these objectors, have by their frequent digressiona 
on metaphysical and other topics, such as the categories, the sources 
of knowledge and the theory of atoms, been led into treating the 
strictly logical questions either perfunctorily or in a wrong manner 
altogether. On a closer consideration, however, this heterogeneity of 
the Nydya and Vaiseshika systems will be found to have been inef it- 
able. The narrow conception of logic as being only a theory and 
art of proof and nothing more is no longer tenable. Modern inves- 
tigations, such as those of Kant, Ueberweg and others* show that 
purely logical questions are inseparably connected with others 
comprehended in the wider province of metaphysics. The best 
answer to the above objection can therefore be given in the words of 
an eminent modern writer: — 

** Start as we may," says Prof, Adamson, "in popular cnrreni 
distinctions, no sooner do logical problems present themselves than 
it becomes apparent that for adequate treatment of them, reference to 
the principles of ultimate philosophy is requisite ; and logic* as the 
systematic handling of such problems, ceases to be an independent 
discipline and becomes a subordinate special branch of general 
philosophy." ^^ 

11 Prof. Adamson in his Art. Logic, in Encyclopedia Brtiaietea, Vol. XIV., 
p. 781. 



HISTORICAL SURVEY OF INDIAN LOGIC. 347 

And again the same writer remarks :— - 

*^ Any criticism of a general conception of logic or special applica- 
tion thereof, which does not rest upon criticism of the theory of 
knowledge implied in it must be inept and useless. It will also have 
become apparent that a general classification of logical schools as 
opposed to the reference of these to ultimate distinctions of pliiloso* 
phicnl theory is impossible."^^ 

The Naiydyikas seem to have arrived at the same conclusion at an 
early period, and faced it boldly by embodying their views on all 
cognate and interdependent questions in a fairly consistent system. 
Gotama and Kandda were not therefore such fools in mixing logical 
and metaphysical topics in their works as some of their modern 
critics would believe them to be. Logic is no longer regarded a^ a 
theory of proof only ; it is a theory of knowledge in general, and ai 
such treats of manj psychological and metaphysical topics which do 
not fall within the domain of the narrower science. Looked at from 
this standpoint Gotama^s conception of his subject will be found to 
be remarkably accurate and just. Let us first understand him» and 
there will be then time enough to pick holes in his monumental 
work. 

" Ibid, p. 799. 



346 HISTORICAL BDBTXT DT INDIAH LOGIC. 

gism of the NaiydyiJcas forget that both ire mere instn' 

mechaaical aide for thioking. Hod u such cannot bj ' 

fnmish an abiolate guarantee for troth. Both have t1 

merits as irell as drawbacks, and cooacquenUy both mi 

from their proper standpoints. Aristotle diatingnisht 

dialectic and the apodictic, i.e.. the old and the ne- 

Bj'llogiam, by asserting that the former proceeded fro- 

an assumed hvpothesis while the latter wu based oi 

There is much force in this distinction, and it n- . 

apply to the fiTe-membered syllogism also. Bnt.^. ^ ... '. 

can no Janirer be accpted without reserration, **"y^' ~ ? 
^^ tbe old citade' 
doctrines intimately known to him. Much less -^ 814-846 

&H a safe gmde in adjudging tbo merits of Indii'-.*^'^ ' * 

It will not be proper to conclude this intro 
noticing one more objection liis,t i- 
Jiydya- i'aiieshika systems, namciv '' 
detracts considersbly from thoir 
Indian logicians, say these objectn'- , 
«n metaphysical and other topics. - 
of knowledge and the theory of 
strictly logical tjnestions fitber |>'- ' 
flltoRether, On a closer ron.lH" ■ 
the J/yd'ya nnd Vaisctli:!,-' 
able. The narrow eonci 
art of proof and nothing 
tiKations, such as tbost 
|iurely logical quesltuii 
compreli ended in ihr '^ 
answer to the nbovo nhn 
■n eminent modern wti[i i 

" Start na wr msy, " 
distinctions, no 
it becomes a|ijin"i 
the principles <>'■ ■ 
ayslemalic ban.' 
discipline and ' 
philosophy." " 



■> Prpf. Allan., 
p. 781. 



ind it formed' a 
'I. On tbe east 

HO inwriplion in 
mMTiptiiin waa 
place it secured 

l> the inscription 

I he Qoveriiment 

' ' ^^lw, mid faelened in a 

.^40 it inscribed meaaurei 
^t.aad arc well preserved. 
, ^nikrii, the inacriptiou 
: many iuslancet irregular. 

•fid *T«T line 28. ITTWI 
rnrt line Itj. (419^3^ hue 

■.n, wr?^ line &, m^ 

fff iine 34 arc imperfectly form- 
\^friri\ line 14. Inline 29 the 
-^,fTH and is put in the margin. 
. -.1. lff«Prr lirieO, ?(jpft line 11, 
-1 .: ;Hinr as 5rr«W and onvfl' line 
, . nrtrli'ie 31. The use of ^ for )H 
^ff^ line 34. Tp^nVf S" SWflT»f 
, « UliWt 'or V{m^K line 7. «rT^lf^ 



INSCRIPTION AT AllMEDiBAI). 349 

The substance of .the inscription \9 as follows: — 

That oh a visit of the revenue officers of Fatesingh Gayakawad, 
Regent of Baroda, to Ahmadabad in October 1812, the citizens of 
Ahmadabad presented a petition through the Nagar Sheth Wakhat- 
chand Khushalchand, before Captain James Rivett-Carnac, British 
Resident at Baroda, and his chief Kdrbhdri, Gangadhar Shastrl, 
staling the following grievance, that in case a man died leaving 
only female heirs. Government interfered with the ancestral property. 
The petition asked a redress of this grievance. The justice of the 
request was recognized, and an order was pasaed that both son and 
daughter were to be considered as heirs. In case there was only a 
daughter she should be considered as heir until she herself should 
have offspring. The two Mdmlatddrsy namely, Haghu Ramchandra, 
called the city Mamlatdar, and Bapuji Oovind, of the Haveli, repre- 
senting the Gayakawiid's Governmenr, were charged to see that the 
order was carried out. The order was to be engraved on stone, and 
placed in a prominent position in tbe bazar. 




?fir ^i^HiR ^^'' II 

3 II »fr% TOTRmd >sfr ^ ym ^ II 

4 II ^mJ^^ «iH^rft arr^ ^rr^ ^w ii 

5 II «m H ^r^^ ?fhfr ^f^^REft gnrj ^rr* II 

6 II ^^^^ «ift^ 'ftpfKnr qpTOrfT ^ « th ii 

7 II ^TfT BTSfT^ ^r? 'rnft rwr 'jft yrr ^n^ ii 

8 II Mwi^ ^> nHtt to^'* ^ri^?r ^Tf II 

9 iiTift^f»T'Tr?RnT2"'<>i'»fhm'» niprflr'^ftll 
30 II iRnft T%^T^ "* «ift M^nm-fTf iitfrc n 

11 II %f *r B^r^mft ^v^fxTk '•fW?! ^rm^ w ii 

12 II oiw^ ni^T^^nr ^Hi^i^^w «H*ic II 

13 iiiTTfTC ^rrr *? 'rfVw nihft ^Wft«m n 

14 II ^ iTRrar^T %f'TT»Tf^ W^tft Jiifre^ II 

15 ii^rf5ft^^r*Hfca?»T^nrrT»Tr3Trft^!in^w n 

16 II ifH^'T^^rrfiT^'TnrtftrsTinT^Fr^ii 

17 II v;^ %xm fr^fm' ^srr n^r^iiKHrO % ii 

18 II ^^TTf^sr^TW ^CT^hift 'tTT^ ^Tf«t ?t II 

19 11 rrr wrw %f^ ^H^n i ^^ r ^* 'rijRf'^ ii 



350 IN8CBTPTI0N AT AHMBDABAD. 

24 It ^ 3Trirr air^ ^ ^raR^ ^ror 4h^ ^\mw wr^ ii 

25 II *Rrr% ^RTHLT f>^ ^^iT gir?^ tT^ ^rwiK irr^ ii 

26 n P5 Wx^^^ t^^ wi^ ^^Wm f^ ^Kw^ B?2 'jft II 

27 II •'TCS^ 'T^ ^9^ ^rr^ M<^K hh;^ Tijnr s^ li 

28 II f ^c 5T^ ^ ^hfi% ^r^^<» il^ilHrfft Iff^ II 

29 11 5Tr ^rnrnnr ?nTr w^^ THRr^rr^r »ir»Trr^r^ tt Ii 

31 II c^Tlft ^X[J TI^TTT ^<T^ qf JTHT^ rtf^^ it^liHr II 

32 II lUTt ^ HTK^ *r^ »?T*rT 5irT% fft 3m "Jft ^^ II 

33 II qjT ^%»T% vrfr^^TRT^^ 'fmnfr ^ ^ ^c^w u 

34 II H?5fW«T s^rm^* irrTifrnT q^ht ^t^ 4ari< ii t? i ii 

35 II cRYf ^^^^!^ m ^^ 'jft »r^>^ fr'> j^ ii 

36 II f^HM^ ^fT fHTT ^g?^ 5^ ^f^ TTTsff II 

The 7r mslation is as follows : — 

*' 5An Oaneshayanamah, Om. In Samvat 1868, and Saka 1734 car- 
rent, when the sua was in the south, in the autumn season, in the 
good and auspicious month of Ashwin, in the bright half of the 
month, on the 5th day, on Saturday, in the Samvatsar called 
Subhanu, in the days of the Dehli Emperor, Shri Padshaha Akbar 
Shah Ghazi, also at Shri Poona the ruler Shrimant Peshwa Bajerao 
Sahebji, and his youngest brother Shrimant Rajeshri Chimnaji 
Baghunath, governor of Shri Ahmadabad. When by his command 
the adhikari Shrimant Rajeshri Anandrao Gayakawad Senakhaskhel 
Samser Bahadar's brother Shrimant Rajeshri Fatesinghrao 
Gayakawad* 9 Kumavishdari from Baroda, came to the City of 
Ahmadabad, the Sheth of the city of Ahmadabad, Wakhatchand 
Khushalchand, with all the merckants and rayaig, present-ed a petition 
before the Hon. Carnac Saheb, representing the Hon. Company Baha- 
dar, and present in person, and before his chief harbhari Vedasbastra- 
sampanna Rajeshri Gangadhar Shastri as follows : — * In the case 
where a daughter represents the family line, Government interferes 
with the ancestral property, there would be great merit in the cancel- 
ling of this rule.' Hearing this, pity was felt and an order was 
passed that a son and also a daughter may be heir, or if a daughter 
has no offspring she shall herself be heir until she has offspring ; so 
long as moon and sun endure let no one connected with Gtoyernment 



INSCRIPTION AT AHMEDABAB. 351 

interfere. So saying, he ordered Rajesbri Raghu Ramchandra, the 
City Mamlatdary also Bajeshri Bapaji Goviod, ihe Mdmlatddr of the 
Haveli Gayakawad, to see that the above was observed, and being 
engraved on stone be set up in the bazar, in order that no one may 
transgress it. If any one transgresses it the Lord of the Universe 
will inquire into it, and he will forfeit his religion. Shrirastu, 
The scribe is Vyasa Pranajivan Sukharam Bakshi, keeper of the 
documents. If any one speaks aught against this, if he is a Flindu 
Shri Mahadev will enquire into it, if a Musalman, God and the 
Prophet will enquire into it. Accept this as the truth.'* 

This inscription is an interesting monument to the troublous times 
that characterized the close of the I8th, and beginning of the present, 
century* It mentions by name many of the chief actors of that 
period of struggle between the Peshva and Gayakawad, and the rapid 
ascendency of the East India Company. 

Tbe DATS of the inscription is Saturday, the 5th day of Ashvin, 
in the bright half of the month, in the Samvatsar called Subhanu, in 
Baka 1734 and Saihvat 1868. This corresponds to the 10th of 
October 1812.1 

The places mentioned in this inscription are Dehll, Poona» 
Baroda and Ahmadabad. 

The pbrsons mentioned are — 

1. Muhammad Akbar II.» next to the last of the Mughal 

Emperors. 

2. B§jirao Peshwa, 

3. Chimnaji Raghunath, brother of Bajerav, and nominally 

Governor of Gujarat, 

4. Anandrav Gayakawad. 

5. Fatesingh Gayakawad, Regent of Baroda. 

6. Captain James Rivett-Carnac, then British Resident at 

Baroda. 

7. Gangadhar Shastri, the Gayakawad's Minister. 

8. Wakhatchand Khushalchand, the Nagar Sheth of Ahmad 

abad. 

9. Kaghu Ramchandra, City Mamlatdar. 

10. Bapuji Govind, Mamlatdar of the Haveli. 

11. Vyasa Pranajivan Sukharam, the scribe. 

* Mr. Vinayak N. Nene, of the Colaba Observatory, kindly calculated for 
me the corresponding ChriBtian date. 



35)} INSCRIPTION AT AHMEDABAD. 

A« nearly all the persons mentioned in this inscription are well 
kii<>wa in modern history, the briefest reference, sufficient to identify 
tht»ni, mnd coimect them together, seems all that is necessary. 

1. Muhammad Akbar IL, H. 1221-1253 A.D. 1806-1837, 
Ufxt to the last of the Mughal Emperors, and pensioner of the 
Hrit4«h. With the close of Aurangzeb*s reign, A.D. 1707, came to its 
end the glory of the Mughal Empire. Between the English and 
MarAthfts the empire was completely dismembered. In 1800 (H* 
1221) Shah Alam died as a pensioner of the British, and Akbar 11^ 
Nucoeeded him to that degraded position. He died in 1837 
(II. 1253). (See Mughal Emperors of Hindustan, by Stanley Lane- 
I'uole.) 

It seems strange that Akbar II. should be acknowledged as 
PUdstiah by the Mar&thas when he possessed no authority, and was 
mert^ly a pensioner of the British. It appears, however, that he was 
still reoogniaed aa titular sovereign, for even at the time of this 
inscriptiuu the Mar&th&s coined in his name. Coins minted in Ahmad- 
Ihad in Akhnr'a name are described in C, J. Rodgers*s Catalogue 
of (he Lahore Museum Coins, No. 5, page 244 (Mughal Emperor 
volume), and in Pnrt II. of his Catalogue of the Calcutta Museum 
|5iiinM, N(i. Hrt4i, paj^e Bh, Rev. Geo. Taylor, of Ahmad5bad, has 
Mdvt^ral of thcMe cuius. 1 have also one dated H. 1233, A.D. 1817, 
with Akhnr*H uanin, and coined at .Ahmadabad. 

*«\ llajt^rav Poshwa. The Marathas first began their invasion of 
thijnvat in 170r>, two years previous to AurangzeVs death. By 
1757 Oujnial \\m\ cofne completely into the hands of the Maratlias, 
hut thti rovt'uurM were shared by the Peshwa and Gayakawad. In 
i71M) Hnjorav Uaghunuth received the insignia of Peshwa. In Oclo- 
hor IHDO, an agreement was concluded between the Peshwa and 
(iayakawiid for the Inlter to take on a five years' lease the Peshwa*s 
share of the revenues of GujarHt. This was renewed in 1804 and 
continued until 1814, so that this was the arrangement in 1812, the 
time of our iaioription. Dajorav surrendered to the English, June 
3nl, 1818. (Sen Duff^s History of the Marathas.) 

•i. Chimoftjl Uaghunath, was the brother of Bajerav Peshwa, and 
was appointed by him as Governor (Subedar) of Gujarat, This 
ap point iiieut was nominal only, the active duties being performed by 
deputies. (See UufTs History of the Marathas.) 

4. Anandr&v G&yakaw&d. Govindr&v died on the 18th September 
1900, and Anaudr&v was immediately placed on the throne of Baroda. 



INSCRIPTION AT AHMEDABAD. 353 

He was in every way a weak prince, a puppet iu the Iiands of others. 
The administration of the Slate was phiccd in the hands of his 
younger brother, Fatesiiigh. Anandriiv died October 2nd 1819. 
(See Bom. Gaz. of Raroda, aiui Watson's History of Gujarat.) 

6. Fatesingh was the younger brotlier of Auandruv, and on 
account of his brother's incapacity he was made Regent. He joined 
the Darbar in 1807, and continued as Regent until his death, June 
£3rd, 1818. (See Bom. Gaz., Baroda.) 

6. Captain James Rivett-Cainac. The predecessor of Captain 
Carnac as Resident at Baroda hai beeu Major Walker. The latter 
left on sick leave in 1810 and Captain Carnac succeeded him as 
Resident. " Cajnain, afterwards Major-General, Sir James Carnac, 
Bart,, belonged to the Madras Army. After completing his service at 
Baroda he was Member of the Court of Directors from 1829-1833 
and for some of the time Deputy Chairman and Chairman, and finally 
he was Governor of Bombay from 1839-1841." (See Bom. Gaz., 
Baroda, pajre 216.) 

7. Gangadhar Shiistri Patuardhan. One of the best known 
characters in the Idstory of that period. Oriitinally from the Dcccan, 
he entered the Gayakawad's service in Baroda in 1802. In 1803 he 
was nominated confidential medium with the Darbar, and rapidly rose 
to great influence. In June lltb, 1813, the year following our 
inscription, he was created Mutaiik Diwan on a salary of Rs. 60,000. 
He went to Poona in 1814 to settle questions between the Peshwa 
and Gayakawad Governments, and was murdered at Pandharpur on 
the night of the 14ih July 1815, wifcli what was believed to be the 
full connivance of Bajerav Peshwa and Trimb>«kji, his minister. (See 
Duff's History of the Marathas, and Bon-. Gaz., Baroda.) 

8. Wakhatchand Khnshalchand.^ The office o( Nagar S/iethj while 
not peculiar to Ahma<iabad, has special significance in that city in that 
the otfice v^as conferred on one of its merchants for special services 
rendtjred to the citv. The ofiice has descended from father to son. 
The present member of the family to bear the ofiice of Nagar Sheth is 
Miabhai Premabhai. 



1 The history of this family I liavc prepared cbiedy from information supplied 
to me by Mr. Alanibhai Prenmbhui, brother of the present If agar Shethj and 
Vice-President of the Ahmadabad Municipal ity, but also from references to 
members of the family in the travels of Mandelslo i.nd Ihevenot, (See also 
Bom. Gaz., Ahmediibad, 113, 257 note.) 
46 



364 INSCRIPTION AT AHMEDABAD. 

The genealogy of the family is as follows : — 

1. Padmashali. 

I 

2. Vnchashalu 



3. Sheskarana, 

I 

4. Shantidus. 

I 

5. Lakhmichauci. 



6. Khuslialclmnd, 

I 

7. Wakhatchand. 

I 

8. Ilimabhai. 

I 

9. Premabhai. 



10. Miabliai. 
The family claims to be of the solar dynasty, and of the Kakul 
and Sisodia race. Xothinp; is known of Padmashab, Vachashah, or 
Sheskarana. Shuntidfis is better known. He was a merchant of 
great wealth and built a Jain temple at Saraspur about a mile to the 
east of Ahraadabiid. It was visited and described by Mandelslo^ in 



• Mandelalo'a Voyages, Vol. II., page 114. 

'• The oliiof Mosque of the Benjant is one of the finest structures tbat ever 
I saw, it being but lately built then ; and stands in the Centre of a vast Court, 
furnished witli a very high wall of Free-stone, all about which is a Piazza 
divided into Cells, in each of which stands a Statue, either white or black, 
representing a naked woman sitting with her legs under her, acoording to the 
Eastern fashion. S3me of these Cells had three Statues, to wit, a great one 
between two little one.s. 

•* As soon as you enter the Mosque, you ?ee two Elephants of black marble 
done to the life, and upon one of thorn the eflSgies of the founder, a rich 
Benjan merchant, named Santidet. The mosque is vaulted, and the wall 
adorned with the Figures of men and other living creatures. There was not 
the least thing to be seen within the ^fosque^ except three Chapels, which were 
very dark, and divided only by wooden rails, wherein were placed statues of 
marble like those in the cells, the middlemost having a lamp hanging before 
it. We saw the priest busie in receiving from puch aa wore performing their 



INSCRIPTION AT AHMEDABAD. S55 

1638 when just completed. When Aurangzeb was Viceroy in 
1644 — 1646 he defiled and mutilated the temple. On complaint 
being made to his father, the Emperor Siiah Jahiin, he was rebuked, 
and tlie restoration of the temple was ordered.* This mast have been 
much against Aurangzeb*s pride, for no sooner was he Emperor than 
he utterly demolished the temple. 

The title of Narjar Sheth was conferred upon Shantidas by the 
Mughal Emperor,^ probably Shah Jahan. The Tliiikor of Palitana 
gave him the full and unconditioned ownership of the Palitana Hills. 
The dates of bis birth and death are not known. Of Lakmichand 
nothing is known. His son Khushalchand was born in A. D. 1674, 
He was of great service to the city in stopping its pillage by the 
Marathas^ and in grateful recognition of his efforts there was given 
to him and his heirs in 1725* the special privilege of taking octroi 
duty,7 which has since been commuted by the British Govern- 
ment into an annual pension of Rs. 2,133 payable from the Public 
Treasury. He died in 1748. 

His son Wakhatchand, of our inscription, was born in 1740 and died 
in 1814. He seems to have been a favorite with the Gayakawad 
Government, who gave him a present of a village called Ranchorda, 
the income of which is still enjoyed by his heirs. He rendered 
valuable assistance to the English. He was a man of wealih, having 
shops and firms in many places. As we see from the inscription 

DevotionB there, Flowers, Oyl, Wheat and Salt ; with the first he adorned the 
Images, his Mouth and Noso being covered with a piece of Callicoe, for fear 
of prophsning the Mystery by the impurity of his breath ; the Oyl was 
intended for the Lamps, and the Wheat and Salt for the sacrifice. He muttered 
aut certain Prayers over the Lamp, and washed erer and anon his hands in 
the smoak of the flame, out of an Opinion they have that, Fire having a greater 
Power of purifying than Water, they may without offence lift up their Handg 
to God." 

* Thevenot's Trarels (A. D. 1687), Part IIL, page 10. 

* Aooordmg to the Rom. Gaz., Ahmadabad, p. 113, the title of Ifagar Sheth 
was conferred on Khushalchand in 1725 for special services in preventing the 
pillage of the city by the Marathas. It is possible, however, that Shantidas 
first received the title, but that it was confirmed with special privileges to 
Khushalchand in 1725. 

* The reference to Khushalchand in Briggs's cities of Gujarashkra, 212, 218, 
as rendering this service in 1781 on the occasion of General Goddard's Capture 
of the city, arose from mistaking Samvat 1781 (A. D. 1725) for A. D. 1781 
the date of Gen. Goddard's siege. (Bom. Gaz,, Ahmad. » p. 257, note.) 

* Bom. Gaz., Ahmad., p. 114, note. 



356 INgCUIPTJOX AT AHMEDABAD. 

he represented the citizens of Ahmadabad on the occasion oF 
their presenting the petition, and secured the redress of their 
grievances. His son, Himabhai, born 1785 and died 1857, was known 
for his many charities, and for the assistance rendered to the British 
during the sepoy rebellion of 1857. His son Preinfibhai was born in 
1815 and diel in 18S7. The present Nagar Sheth is, as has been 
mentioned above, Miabhai Premabhai. 

9-10. Hiiuhu Rfimchandra and BiipujI Govind, the one called 
the Citv Mamlatdfir, the other the Mamlatdar of Haveli Gavakawad. 
1 have been ahle to find no otlier reference to these than that of the 
inscription. I have been informed, however, that there are descendants 
of Bapuji Govind living in the city. The Haveli Gaynkawfid is the 
name of n citadel in the south-west corner of the city between the 
llaykhad and Klifin Jahan gates. It is supposed to have been built 
in 1738 when the Government of the city v^as divided between 
Momin Khan and the Marathas. After 1757, when the city was 
divided between the Peshwa and Giiyaka>vad, the Haveli was nccjpied 
by the agents of the CJiiyakawad, in whose possession it siill remains. 
(Bom, Gaz , Ahmad. 260.) 

11. Vvas Praniivan 8ukharam, the scribe. I have found no 
reference to him other than that of this inscription. 

In the books at my disposal I have found no reference to the 
occasion which bi'ought Captain Carnnc and Gangadhnr Shastri to 
Ahmadabad. It is interesting to note, however, that this year, 181'J, 
was the year of the great famine in Gujarat, an account of which is 
given by Captain Carnac, from personal obstrvaiion, in the TransaC' 
tions of the llvmhay Literary Society^ Vol. I., pp. 321-329, in 1815. 
This fact may explain the visit which was connected with the collec- 
tion of revenue. It may also explain the immediate occasion of the 
petition, since many families must have been left without male heirs, 
and if the pro|)erty of such was interfered with by the Government 
the community must have necessarily felt the increased hardship. 



857 



Art. XXl.—A Chapter from the Tuncfija Brdhmam oftlis Sdma Veda 
and the Laiyayana Sutra^ on the admission of the "N on- Aryans 
into Aryan Society in the Vedic Age. By UajahIm 11am- 
KRiSHNA Bhagavat, Esq. 



[Kead 21st December i89fi.] 



It has always been a moot question with the students cf Indian 
history how the Aryan settlers in India succeeded in incorporating 
the non-Aryan races in all parts of the country into a common system 
of religious faith and social life. Indian society, as we now find it 
with its system of caste-organisations, mutually exclusive of one 
another, seems wholly incapable of such an expausi.n, and vet there 
can be no doubt that at some early stage of its growth this caj acity 
of expansion was its chief' cliaracteristic. Sir Alfred Lynll has indeed 
noticed in one of his essays this elasticity of the Aryan system of 
faith, and he has traced the process by which even at the present day 
the aboriginal tribes in large numbers are being converted to a 
nominal allegiance to Hindu gods and veneration for the Brahman 
and the cow. This modern expansion, however, is essentially different 
from what must have taken place when the Dravidian races and the 
Trans-Gangetic tribes were first Tiryanized and became in their turn 
the staunchest adherents of the old orthodox creed. The mvtho- 
logical as also the classical Sanskrit literature throws but little lio-ht 
on this interesting period of the Aryan settlements. Some glimpses, 
however, are afforded by the ritualistic writings, notably the Tdndya 
Biahmana of the Sama Veda and the Latyayana Sutra in connection 
with the description of the Vrjltya-Stoma or the prayer for the 
Vratyas, a brief summary of which is propostd to be given in the 
following paper. 

An English Translation of the Text. 

The TAndya Brahmana of the Sama Veda in its 1 7th chapter has 
the following myth and remarks on this subject : — 

**\Vhen the Devns (gods) retired to the u})per world called Svar^-a, 
some of them who still wandered about on earth in the disguise of tho 
vrdiyas (outcasts) had to -remain below. These, longing to join 
their more fortunate brethren, now came to the spot whence the Devas 
(gods) had ascended to heaven ; but not knowing the necessary hymn 



353 A CHAPTER FROM THE TANDYA BRAQMANA. 

with the metre, were in r fix. The gods sympathising with their less 
fortunate hrethren below, asked the Maruts to teach them the 
necessary hymn with the metre. Thereupon the less fortunate atnong 
the gods duly received from the Maruts the necessary hymn called 
shodasha with the metre called anustubhy by means of which they 
subsequently ascended to heaven." 

*' The /if7za (depressed) vrdtyas are certainly those who neither 
practise brahma-charya nor can till land nor carry on trade." 

'* Tliis prayer has the power of elevating tliem. This prayer can 
make them all equal." 

**In this prayer the priest recites the »Sama called chjonidna,^^ 

"The Saina is so called because the chief house-holder of the 
depressed gods was named DyutAna. He belonged to the fallen 
Marud-ganas: he with his fallen followers performed tjie sacrifice 
and chanted this prayer and became prosperous.'* 

** Those are called garagtr (swallowers of poison) who eat the 
food to be eaten by the Brahmans, who, though not abused, cranplain 
of being abused, who punish those not deserving punishment, who, 
though not initiated, s()ealv the language of the initiated.** 

" This prayer, called shodasha, has the power of destroying sins." 

The TAndya Brahmaaa, after this introduction about the vrdtyas 
and the merits of tho prayer, proceeds to describe the ceremony to 
be obs^-rved.on the occasion. 

** The vrdhja house-holder who wishes to perform this sacrifice 
should secure a turban, a whip, a small bow, a chariot, a silver 
coin, 33 cows, etc.; his followers should do the same.** 

'* In this way the vrdtya who deposit their wealth with their old 
brethren or with the noniiual Brahmans of the province of Bihar are 
raised and join the ranks of the Aryans." 

" Thirty-three vrdtyas come with their chief house-holder to the 
sacrifice and attain elevation and prosperity." 

** The vrdtyas are those who wear a turban on their heads, which 
they put on one side. They carry a whip in their hands and a small 
bow without arrows, by which they make depredations and trouble 
people. They ride in carts with bamboo seats, without cover and 
drawn by horses or mules. They wear on their bodies white gar- 
ments with black borders or garments made of wool with red stripes 
or sheep skins. They use silver coins. * These articles should be 
procured by the grihapati (the vrdtya house-holder).'* 

The same prayer and rite is prescribed by this Brahman for the 



1 CnAPTER FROM THE TANDYA BRAHMANA. 859 

admission of the Mna (defijraded and depressed) tribes into the Aryan 
community as also of the condemned criminals, and young Aryans 
rpturning after a short sojourn among non-Aryan people, and lastly 
of those Aryans who, after having spent their lives among the 
non-Arynns, return home in old age. This is the substance of the 
Tandy a Brahmana. 

The Latyayana Sutra of the same Veda in the 6th section of the 
8th chapter tries to explain some of the obscure terms found in the 
Brahmana and supplies additional information in regard to vrdtya 
8acri6ces. It states that ** the vrdtyas, \^ho wish to perform this 
sacrifice should select the most learned or the purest in descent or the 
richest among them, as their (jrihapnii (ch'iei house-holder) and they 
should partake of tho sacrificial food after their chief; also that 
•* there should be at least 33 vrdtyas for performing this sacrifice." 

The Sutra makes references to the Tandya Brahmana, and after 
having given explanations of some of the obscure terms, finally states 
that " when such sacrifices are performed the vrdtyas y having secured 
the rights and privileges of the dvijas or the first three regenerate 
castes, may afterwards learn the Vedas, perform sacrifices, and make 
presents (to Brahmans), and the Brahmans may teach them the 
Vedas, perform sacrifices for them, and receive presents at their 
hands, an i even dine with them, without beinoj required to submit 
to penance." This is the brief summary of the Brahmana and the 
Sutra. As it is not likely to be quite intelligible without further 
explanations, the following observations and remarks on the Brahmana 
and the Sutra, of which a brief summary has already been given, are 
placed before the audience. 

Remarks and Observations, 

The word vrdti/ay as explained by Sjiyana, means * fallen.' The 
word vrdtya-stoma thus means ** a prayer (to be chanted) in the 
anushstuhh metre for (the regeneration of) the fallen." There were 
four kinds of vrdlya-stomas. 

The first kind of vratyn-stoma, which on account of the number of 
the necessary hymns being four, was known as chatuhs/iodashi was 
performed for those who belor)ged to the de[)ressed race (hina) and also 
those who were degraded (garagi?-). Those of the depressed race who 
had the vratya-stoma performed for them were treated as their equals 
by the followers of the Vedas. The degraded xVryans were collectively 
described as ** swallowers of poison.'* In the case of the degraded, the 
question was more of re-admission than of conversion. The depressed 



860 A CHAPTER FROM THE TANDTA BRAHMANA. 

race though described as ** not studying the Vedas tilling the soil or 
trnaing *' is said to have been divided into two classes, the upper 
and the lower. The former class is described as " wearing a turban, 
carrying a whip or a javelin and a bow, possessed of a carringe, clad 
iif (white) garments with black borders, wearing sheep-skins and 
using coins of silver," while the latter seems to have been ** clad in 
sheep-skin or in garments of wool interwoven lengthwise with threads 
djed red'* and to have ** used shoes." These sundiy articles formed 
the wealth of the depressed people who were known as ihe vnVyas 
and who were regenerated generally in bands of thirty-three, their 
chief being the thirty-fourth. The legend declares the number of 
the depressed among the gods to have been thirty-three, their chief 
Dyutana being the thirty-fourth. Corresponding to the original 
number of the depressed among the gods the number of the depressed 
on the occasion of any particular sacrifice was fixed at 33, or with the 
chief at 34, among the children of Manu. This certainly was cou» 
version en inasse pure and simple and not re-admission. 

The second kind of vrdtva^sioma was performed for re-admitting 
those who were '* guilty of manslan^hter.** These having tied from 
jusiice or being condemned to lianisliment, after j»assing some years 
amonj' alien races, naturally yearned to return to their kith and kin. 
The number of neressary hymns to be chanted being: six, this 
vriUya-stoma was called shaf-shodas/ii, the gudty persons being called 
the nindit^ (condemned). 

The third kind of vrdtya-stoma was intended for the re-admission of 
those who, having lived from childhood for a limited number of years 
among the depressed races, were nearly denationalized. Such dena- 
tionalized Aryans were cla>sed with the depressed race and called the 
Icanishtha (juniors). Owing to the nnmbcr of the necessary hymn 
beino- two, this vratya-stoma was called dvi-shodashi. 

The occasion for the fourth kind of vriUya-stoma was the return ia 
old age of a follower of the Vedas from the midst of the def»rcssed 
people. Such old men also were classed with the vrutyas and called 
t\\e jyeshtha (seniors) or shaina-n'd.hdme-dhrai (the impotent). The 
first to perform the sacrifice was kushitaka. This was also a case 
of re-admission and not of conversion. 

The Latyayana Sutra says that ** He who is superior in edacation, 
birth or wealth should be acknowledged as their chief by the thirty, 
three vrdlyas, who should each have a separate fire for pouring the 
oblations into." Though not quite clear on the point, Latyayana 



A CHAPTER FROM THS TANDTA BRAHMANA. 861 

seems riot to insist on the number 33; but the commentator having 
inserted the number of 33, is evidently not prepared to celebrate the 
yratya-stoma unless 33 of the depressed community seek him in a 
body. The word shama-ntchd-medhra, according to LAtyayana, means 
•* those men who through old age have lost the power of procreation." 
There were times, it seems, when the .vrdtyas bow in hand "made 
depredations," owing to which the followers of the Vedas did not 
think life quite a blessing. Those of the depressed races who had 
the vrdtya-stoma performed for them assumed a new habit, casting off 
their old one, which was recommended to be given away to those who 
were not yet tired of their life as vrdtyas ; and in case the latter had 
disappeared, to the nominal Brabmans of the province of Behar. 
The vratyas who were fortunate enough to be thus enfranchized 
could, by the right of enfranchisement, engage in any of the callings 
considered honourable by the followers of the Vedas who no longer 
disdained to mix freely among them on terms of equality. From 
the manner in which the explanation of the words vipatha and 
hrishnasha is attempted, there is room for entertaining a suspicion 
that when the autlior of the Sutra flourished, the vrdtyas having well 
nigh disappeared some of the words denoting things peculiar to them 
had become unintelligible and even obscure. Even the shoes worn by 
the primitive vratyas which, according to Shandilya, were black and 
pointed, were almost forgotten, and it became customary to substitute 
any ordinary pair for them. 

The graphic description of the Brahmana clearly establishes that 
the word vrdtya originally denoted some non-Aryan tribes. As these 
non-Aryan tribes had a covering for the head to keep the sun off and 
were clad in white garments, with black borders, and had a silver 
currency and pointed shoes, they cannot be said to have been savages. 
They must have been semi-civilized. When we come down from the 
Brahmana to the Sutra we find that the society of the vrdtyas acknow- 
ledged the three grades of the educated, the high-born and the wealthy, 
which perhaps formed its upper classes, and which at times, with 
its masses, made attempts to overwhelm the followers of the Vedas. 
The plan of assimilation by conversion was, perhaps, suggested to the 
Aryans hy the necessity for expansion. A belief in the integrity of 
the Trayi or the three Vedas and an unshaken faith in the virtue of the 
Mantras contained therein combined to produce a wonderful cohesive- 
ness, which enabled the Aryans to present a united front to the vrdtyas. 
The expansive force of a people without is generally in direct ratio to 
47 



362 A CHAPTER FROM THE TANDYA BRAEMANA. 

the cohesive force within. There was, perhaps, a necessity for expan* 
fiion on the part of the vrdtyas also. Bat the elements of cobesiyness 
being absent, a very compact combination for offensire, or even 
defensive, purposes became an impossibility, and the vrdtyas had 
eventually to retire ignominiously from the unequal contest, leaving 
the combined Aryans musters of the field. 

Such a glowing picture cannot be drawn of the Brabmanism of 
to-day. For all practical purposes it has become a dead organism by 
reason of the crystallization of castes whose sab-divisions, looking down 
upon one another, as if forming so many distinct races, refuse inter- 
marriage, and in some cases even interdining. But if we ascend 
higher and higher, and at last reach the crowning summit of the 
Vedic times, wo shall find that the old Brabmanism, being a living 
organism, and having, therefore, a cohesive as well as expansive force» 
was blessed with a wonderful power of assimilation which naturally 
refused crystallization into castes, though the distinction of classes 
was not unknown. 

The word vrdtya which thus originally denoted a barbarons or a 
non- Aryan people, ex me in course of time to be applied to those 
Aryans who hap|>ened, or were forced, to spend some years of their 
life amongst such. The word shama-niiylid-medhra is, as explained by 
the commentator, somewhat suggestive. S«»me of the Aryans perhaps 
associated too freely with the licentious or gay women of the vrdtya 
community, and having lost their bloom and health by excess 
returned home in old age with shattered constitutions. The 
stoma called by this name was, perhaps, originally intended for such 
dissolute and depraved specimens of humanity. In no other way 
can a connection be established between the loss of procreative power 
and a residence among the vrdtyas. Gradually those also who 
degraded themselies by violating the approved rules of conduct were 
held to have become vrdtya and classed with them. The word 
vrdtya in the Vedic language will thus be found to have a three-fold 
significance. It is a pity that there is no clue in the Brahnaana to 
determine the native country of the vrdtyas. The Sutra holds that 
'* the chariot used by the vrdtyas'' was the same with that i» use 
** among the eastern people," thereby hinting that the vrdtya should 
be considered an eastern people. The custom of giving away th© 
habit of the enfranchised vrdtya to a Brahman of the province of 
Magadha (modern Behar) in case a vrdtya were not found at hand to 
receive it, pretty conclusively establishes the original home of these 



A CHAPTER FROM THE TANDYA BRAHMANA. 363 

non-Arynns, The Vedic tradition at least as embodied in the Sutra 
of Latyayana points to the province of Behar (Eastern India) as being 
the cradle of this non-Aryan race. 

In course of time the vrdtijas seem to have disappeared as a 
race partly by Hbsor()tion and partly by extinction. The memory 
of their having been a nnn-\ryan race was, however, prejseived 
and the word naturnllv came to denote those amona: the Brah- 
mans, the Rshatriyas and the Vaishyas, who, their thread ceremony 
not being performed for 16, 22, or 23 years respectively, either 
from birth or from conception, had lost their claim to tho 
honor of being; called brethren by (he three reo^enerate castes. 
AshvalAyanain his Grihya-siitra calls all those yonths who have passed 
the limit of age fixed for each caste without being regerf^ratcd 
by the thread ceremony TnUija^ and lays down that no inter- 
course should be held with them. The vrdff/a-^ having tlius disap- 
peared, the last three of the four crd/ja-stomas were coirpletely 
forgotten, and the only occasion \Aas for the first vrdtya-sloma called 
chatiih'sliodashly which Apastamba, as quoted by SAyana, while 
annotating the legend of Dyatana, seems to recommend for the 
unregenerate youths of all au:e< of the three regenerate castes. In 
the Uharma-butra ascribed to Af>astamba the word vrdtya^ however 
does not occur, though Apastamba divides the unregenerate Aryan 
youths into three classes. The first class comprises those who have 
l-assed the limit of age fixed for the performance of the thread 
ceremony. Those whose fathers and gra(idfathers have died without 
tiie thread ceremony are put into the second class, while the third is 
reserved f(»r those whose great grandfathers also have departed this 

A 

i^orld without the sacred thread. Apastamba prescribes penance, 
which such unregenerate Aryans must submit to before they can ask 
to have the thread ceremony performed for them. The original 
vrdtyas being no more found there are no occasions for the perform- 
ance of any of the four vrdtj/a-slomas in these days. The modern 
Brahman takes good care not to put off the thread ceremony of his 
son later than the tenth or eleventh year as preliminary to his enrly 
marriage, and stoutly holds that ihe Kshatriyas and Vaishyas 
have become quite extinct in this age of Kali. There are, there- 
fore, nowadays no occasions even for tho pcnancei prejcribed by 
Apastamba. 

The orthodox Brahman priest of to-day, having tiius had no oppor- 
tunities to perform the vrdhja-slcma himself, or to see it performed for 



864 A CHAPTBB FROM THE TANDTA BBAHMANA. 

others, is unable to throw any light on the working of its details. 
Besides, the ceremony in question being treated of at some length in 
the Sama-Teda which has no followers among the Maratha Brahmans 
who belong either to llig-veda, which makes no mention of it, or to 
Tajur-veda, which seems to allude to it only casually, the ignorance 
prevailing in regard to it throughout the length and breadth of 
Maha-rashtra ought not to excite surprise. Curiously enough the 
word vrdtyais still preserved in the sense of '' naughty, unmanageable, 
playing pranks" in the e very-day language of the Maratha people. 



365 



Art. XXII. — The Belief about the Future of the Soul among the 
ancient Egyptians and Irdnians. By Jivanji Jamshedji 
Modi, B.A. 



[Read, 17th June 1897.] 



The belief of the ancient Egyptians about the future of the soul 
after death was similar to that of the ancient Persians in several 
points. The object of this paper is to determine and examine those 
points. 

I. 

Firstly, according to Dr. Wiedemann, the ancient Egyptians be- 
lieved that '' in addition to his body, man had also an immortal soul. 
This was not considered, as among most races, a simple entity, but a 
composite one : in life, the component parts had been united, at 
death they parted, each to find its own way to the gods.*'^ The 
A vesta has a similar belief. Man is made up of body {tanu or 
hehrpa) and soul. As the mortal body is made up of several 
material parts, so is the immortal soul made up of several spiritual 
parts or faculties. On death, the body decomposes and its consti- 
tuents are mixed up with the different so-called elements of this 
earth, but the soul ascends to heaven, where all its spiritual consti- 
tuents part company. 

According to the ancient Egyptians, the spiritual constituents of 
the soul are Ka, Ab, Ba, Sakhem, Sahu, Khaib, Khu and Osiris.' 

We read in the A vesta : 

^>JfO -*>^C{jJw»/> ^)iaJA»(oi-Mj -^600^ -">>6^«y^ 

(Ya^na Ha XXVI.— 6.) 
" We invoke here the life, conscience, intellect, soul and the 
guiding spirit of the pious males and females of the Nabanazdishta." 



* Eeligion of the Anoieat Egyptians, by Alfred Wiedemann, Ph. D • p. 240, 
« Ibid, p. 243. 



SGf) THE FUTURE OP THE SOUL. 

We learn from this passage that the ancieat Persians beb'eved in 
the existence of five spiritual parts in a man. On the death of a 
man, his body (jtanu) remains in this world and the five spiritual facul- 
ties go to the spiritual world. These five faculties are as follow :— 
(1) Anghu t. c, life or vitality ; (2) Daena, t. e., coDScience or 
the inherent power which reminds him to do good and shun evil ; 
(3) Baodhangh, t. e., intellectual faculty ; (4) Urvana, t. e., soul which 
has the freedom to chose good and evil; and (5) Fravashi, i. c, the 
guiding spirit. We will now examine how far some of the Avesta 
spiritual constituents of the soul agree with the Egyptian 
constituents. 

1. The first of the component parts of a man's soul, according to 
the Egyptians, was Ka. Ifc corresponded to the Fravashi (Farohar) 
of the Avesta in several ways. 

(a) The Egyptian Ka was imagined to be ** similar to a man and 
yet not a man." According to the ancient Persians, the Fravashi of a 
person is the exact prototype of that person and yet not that person 
himself. On the ruins of the Achemenian palaces, wo see pictures 
of kings worshipping God. Opposite to them and a little above, 
hovering in the air, we see winged figures which are the exact proto- 
types of the worshipping monarchs. These figures are the Fravashis 
of the monarchs. They are similar to the monarchs but not the 
monarchs themselves. 

(&) The Ka " was believed to be an indispensable constituent of 
every being which had life, Kas being ascribed to the gods them- 
selves."^ This is true of the Fravashis as well. According to the 
Fravardin Yasht we have the Fravashis of all living beings. Even the 
Yazatas, t. r^^ the angels, the Ameshaspentas, t. e., the archangels, 
and Ahura Mazda, the Lord himself, have their Fravashis. (Yacna 
XXIIl.— 2). 

{AM^iifi )Oty^oo^ii ^2^\»»ii/e)Au ^^•»0)0?HD ;o^*)0^^^ 

"I invoke with praise the Fravashis of Ahura Mazda and the 
Amesha spentas, together with all the holy Fravashis of the heavenly 
yazatas.'* 

^ Wiedemann, p. 242. 



THE FUTURE OF THE SOUL. 8G7 

(c) Again, with respect to Ka the Egyptians believed that man 
** included a second self able to pass through walls or barriers bound 
neither by time nor space, and which might exist for thousands of 
years."^ This is true, to a certain extent, of the Fravaahi of the 
Avesta. The Fravashi of a man existed thousands of years after his 
death. Not only that, but it existed long before his birtb. The 
birth of a man is not a new event in the history of creation. His 
Fravashi was created bv God with the creation of the world. It 
existed somewhere in the universe, helping in the work of creation. 
With the birth of the m»in it came into existence in this world and 
after his death it still existed somewhere in the universe, and irres- 
pective of time and space it came to this world when piously invoked 
by the living. 

(d) " The Ka, which had been the companion of the body in life, 
at death attained to independent existence. It was to the Ka that 
fmieral prayers and offerings were made.''3 This is true of the 
Fravaslii of the Avesta. In the Fravardin Yasht, wherein the depart- 
ed worthies of ancient Iran are remembered, it is their Fravashis 
or Faruhjlrs that are invoked, and not their ruvuns or souls in simple 
entity. It is in honour of the Fravashis that the funeral prayers 
and offerings are made. 

2. Ab, or heart, was the second of the immortal parts of an 
Egyptian's soul. According to Wiedemann, ** a distinct doctrine was 
gradually formulated as to the part played by the heart in the next 
world and how it was to be recovered by its owner. This taught 
that after death the heart led an independent existence, journeying 
alone through the Underworld until it met the deceased in the Hall 
of Judgement." 

From this description it apf)ears that the Egyptian Ab corresponded 
to the Daena or conscience of the Avesta^ in several ways.(flf) Just 
as the Egyptian Ab journeys alone and meets the deceased in the 
Hall of Judgment, so we find from the Avesta and Pehelvi books that 
Da6na, after being separated at death, meets the deceased a^ain on the 
third day after death in the Judgment Hall before Meher Davar, i. e., 
Meher the Judge. 

If the deceased had led a good and virtuous life, his Daena or 
conscience appears before him in the form of a handsome maiden. 
We read in the Vishtasp Yasht (Yt. XXIV.— 56). 

1 Wiedemann, p. 240. ■ Wiedemann, p. 241. 

* The Pehelvi equivalents of DaAna are kunashnS or kevilXr^ i. e., deeds. 



368 THE PUTUHE OF THE SOUL. 



-A»»ty -*** 



«i(^)JUI^i(^^»l/D jj^ gAU^ -J^c9^)«0 -»^'>i*^^ 

"It appears to him as if in that (wind) comes his own Daena 
(conscience) in the form of a maiden that is handsome, beautiful, white- 
nrmed» brave, well-formed, tall, with large breasts, and well-formed 
body; well-born, of noble descent, of fifteen years of age, as beautiful 
in the growth of her body as the most beautiful object in creation." 

The Haddkht Nask (II., 22,-23) and Viraf-nameh (IV., ]8.20)gire 
similar passages. The Miuokherad says the same thing about the 

))HD)l^ Kuneshne of a deceased person (II., 125). Here Kuneshn^ 

is the Pehelvi equivalent of the A vesta Daena and means one's deeds 
or actions. 

The Vendidad (XIX., 29) also gives a similar passage, but the word 
there used is Baodhangh, which, though one of the immortal consti- 
tuents of the 8oul,'is, according to the Avesta passage, a little different 
from Da^na. The Vendid seems to use it as an equivalent of Da6na. 

Again, if the deceased had led a bad and vicious life, his Da8na 
appears before him in the form of a hideous ugly woman. We read 
in Viraf-nameh (XVII., 12). 

** He saw in that wind his own conscience and deeds (in the form 
of), a woman, loose, dirty, polluted, furious, with bent knees, back- 



& 



THE FUTURE OP THE SOUL. 869 

hipped, 80 endlessly spotted that one spot over reached another spot 
as if she were a polluted, dirty, stinking, noxious animal.*' 

The Minokherad also savs that in the case of a vicious man his 
conscience appears before him in the form of an unmaidenly maiden 

(ir., 167). (^*»y«^>« -^ y*»y)^ \)^y\>^) 

This is what is termed a '* noble allegory " by Dr. Cheyne, who 
hinks that ** at any rate this Zoroastrian allegory suggested the 
Talmudic story of the three bards of ministering angels who meet the 
soul of the pious man, and the three bards of wounding anjcels who 
meet the bad man when he dies." (Bampton Lectures. — The Origin of 
the Psalter, p. 4o7.) 

(5) Again, the belief of the Egyptians about this Ab (Heart) was 
that ** it is not the heart which sins, but only its fleshly envelope. 
The heart was and still remained pure and in the Underworld 
accQsedits earthly covering of any impurities contracted. Only if the 
latter was pure did it return to its place ; otherwise it probably dwelt 
in a place set apart as the Abode of Hearts and so devoted its former 
possessor to destruction."^ 

Well nigh similar is the case with the Dacna, or conscience of the 
Avesta. When it appears before the deceased in the form of a 
woman on the third day after death at the time of his being judged 
by Meher the Judge, he gives credit to tlie deceased for her being 
comely and handsome or accuses him for her being ugly and irksome, 
according as the man is virtuous or vicious. 

In the case of a virtuous man, his Daena (conscience), appearing 
in the form of a beautiful damsel, praises the good actions of the 
deceased, or, as the Egyptians said, gives evidence in favour of the 
deceased and gives all credit for her being handsome to him. She 
Bays, ** I am thy good thougths, good words and good deeds .... 
thou hast made me more lovely, more beautiful, more desirable, &c.*' 
(Hadokt Nask II., 25-30). In the same way in the case of a vicious 
man his Dacna, or conscience, appearing before him in the form of an 
ugly wo'nau, accuses him of having made her ugly and filthy. She 
says, " Oh man of evil thoughts, evil words and evil deeds! I am 
thy bad deeds. It is on account of thy desire and deeds that I ani 
ugly and hideous &c." (Viraf XVIL, U, 15). 

3, The third component immortal part of a man, was, according 
to the Egyptians, the Ba. which. Prof. Wiedemann say?, **cor- 

* Wiedemann, p. 287. 
48 



*570 THE FUTURE OF THE SOUL. 

responds to our idea of the soul. It was imagined as being in the 
form of a bird usually with human head." This Ba of the Egyptians 
corresponds te the Urvan, or ' soul, of the Persians, but there is one 
important difference, viz., that when the Eajvptians imagined the 
Ba, 1. e., the Avesta Urvan, or soul, to be in the form of a bird, the 
ancient Persians imagined the Fravashi (the Ka of the Egyptians) 
to bo in the form of a bird. 

According to the Fravardin Yasht (Yt. XIII., 70), when a pious 
king invokes the Fravashis to his help, they fly to his help in the 
form of a bird-like man with wings. 

4. The Sekhem was another important immortnl component of 
the soul among the Egyptians. According to Wiedemann, it is •' the 
personified power of strength of the deceased." This seems to cor- 
respond with the ** Anghn" of the Avesta, which is the life-giving 
faculty or the power of vitality. In chapter LV of the Ya9na (s. 1) 
where the mortal and the immortal component parts of a man's body 
and soul are spoken of, we have the word * Terislu * used in place 
of * Anghn' in the passage we have quoted in the beginning. This 
shows tliat *Tevishi* was understood to be an equivalent of * Anghu,' 

Now the word Tevishi derived from >^ = = H(^i-Jl^3, i.e., to be 

able, to be strong, means strength or power. This, then, corresponds 
exactly with the work of the Sekhem of the Egyptians, as described 
by Wiedemann. 

Now, there remains one word of the Avesta passage which 
remains to be compared, and that is Baodhangh. But, as we 
said above, the Vendidad uses the term as an equivalent of Da6na. 
In the above passage of the Yacna (LV., 1) also, the word 
Daena is altogether omitted, and the word 'Baodhangh* is used. 
This shews that there was a very slight shade of difference 
between Daena and Baodhangh as two immortal component parts of 
the soul. 

II. 
The next point, wherein the Avesta and Egyptian beliefs about the 
future of the soul agree, is that of the judgment after death. 

According to the Egyptians, the deceased went before Osiris to be 



THE FUTURE OF THE SOUL, 371 

jiKlged for his past actions.^ According to the A vesta, it is before 
Mithra or Meher that the souls of the deceased appear to he judged. 

(a) It is SHid that an ancient name of Osiris was Hysiris, which 
meant 'many-eyed.* In the same way, according to the Avesta, Mithra 
was called BaSvar^-Cliashmana, t. e„ **a thousand-eyed.*' 

(^) Again, Osiris was considered to be a Divinity of the Sun ;2 
so was Mithra acknowledged to he the angel presiding over Light. 
Mithra is always associated with Hvar8-khsha^ta or Khorshed, t. e., 
the Sun himself. 

(c) Osiris holds a sceptre and a flail which is a club-like instru- 
ment, as symbols of his power.3 Mithra also has his *vazra,' i. e., 
mace, or club, as a symbol of authority to be struck over the heads of 
vicious persons (KamSredha paiti dn^vanam, Meher Nyash, 15). 

(c?) As Osiris has a weighing scale before him to weigh the irood 
and the bad actions of a person,* so has Mithra one before him (Mino- 
kherad II., 119). 

(e) Both among the Egyptians and the ancient Persians, the souls 
of the deceased are led before the presiding judge by some god or 
angel. Among the Egyptians it is Annubis that leads them before 
Osiris and among the ancient Persians it is Sraoshn, Ram and Beheram 
that lead them before Mithra (Minokherad II., 115). 

(/) Osiris is helped in his work of Judgtement by some other 
gods. So is Mithra helped by some other Yazatas, i. «., angels. 
(Viraf, v., 3.) 

It is Anubis that is in charge of the weighing scales among the 
Egyptians. It is RaHhn^ that holds this office among the Persians. 
(Kiaf, v., 3.) 

As it is Horus among the Egyptians that superintends the work 
of weighing, so it is Astad among the Persians that does a similar 
work. As the Horus of the Egyptians is a god of truth, so is 
Astad, among the Persians, an nngel of justice and truth. 

Among the Egyptians Thoth acts as a scribe of the gods and sets 
down the result of the proceedings, but among the Persians MithraS 

\\ 

himself is an account-taker. ^y*^£^ '^^Y) nyoHsh hamdrgar 

(Dadistan-i-Dini XIV., 3). 

* Wiedemann, p. 217. • Wiederaann, p. 216. 

3 Wiedemann, p. 217, 248. ♦ P. 248. 

' The names of the Zoroastrian angels taking a part in the work of judg- 
ment suggest :i '^lifferent kind of oomparison between the ancient Egyptiand 



372 THE FUTURE OF THE SOUL. 

2. In both the nations the souls of the deceased go into the Higher 
world repeating some words expressive of their feeling. According 
to the Egyptians the deceased, while entering the Judgement Hall, 
said : 

" Hail to you, ye lords of the Two Truths! Hail to the Great God, 
Lord of the Two Truths .... 1 bring unto you Truth, I 
destroy the Evil for vou." 

Compare with these, the words of a pions soul among the Zoro- 
astrians. tTshtJi ahraai yahmAi ushta-knhmaichit, i. e,, ** Hail to him 
who (brings) happiness to others.'* (Yacna XLIII., 1.) 

III. 

Both the nations believed in Resurrection. As Pettigrew says :^ 
** Believinjc in the immortality of the soul, the ancient Egyptians 
conceived that they were retaining the soul witliin the body as long 
as the form of the body could be preserved entire, or were facilitating 
the reunion of it with the body, at the day of resurrsction, by 
preserving the body from corruption." 

Thus we see that one of the two objects and the principal object of 
the Egyptians in preserving their bodies entire as mummies was to 
provide for the resurrection. They embalmed and presurved not only 
the body, which they called Kha (or Xa), but also the intestines, the 
heart, lungs and liver.2 These four internal organs were, as it were 

and Zoroaatrians. According to botli, the clays of the month and the months 
are assigned to some gods or angels. 

According to Herodotus (II., 82), " each month and day is assigned to some 
particular god" among the Egyptians. We find the sanift among the 
Zoroastrians. All the 30 days of a Parsee month and all the 12 months of a 
Parsee year are named after particular 'yazatas ' or angels. 

The Egyptians intercalated five whole days at the end of the three hundred 
and sixty days of the Egyptian year. As Dr. VVierlemann says '* The old 
Egyptian year consisted of twelve months of thirty days each, and in order to 
bring this into closer conformity with the true year there were added to it the 
so-called Epagomenal days, which even at an early perio<l were celebrated 
in certain temples as those on which the five go<l8 of the Osirian oyole 
were born*' (p. 21). 

The Zoroastrians have a similar interoalation of the year, and even now the 
last five days of the year so added, known as the ^g^thd' days, are celebrated 
in the temples as the most sacred of Parsee holidays. They are named after 
the five 'gtUhls, * or saored hymns, in honour of Grod and His Realm written 
by Zoroaster himself. 

» A History of Egyptian Mummies, by Thomas Jos'^ph Pettigrew. p. 13. 

« Wiedemann, p. 2.34-35. 



THK FUTURE OP THE SOUL. 878 

given at the time of burial in the charfre of four gods to be preserved 
entire and to be reproduced at the time «»f resnrrection. 

Now the ancient Persi^^ns also believed in the resurrection, but 
they did not think it necessnry to preserve the dead bodies entire 
for that purpose. At first they thought that the preservation of the 
bones was sufficient for the purpose of resurrection. One Saoshjant, 
that will appear at the end of this cycle, ^ill raise the dead from 
their bones (Ast). He wns called Astvat-erata, t. e., lie who makes 
the posspss(»rs of bones rise u\k Hence arose at one time in ancient 
Persia the custom of preserving the bones (Ast. MT^^ L. os ^,}^ar**t) 
in Astoduns or Ossnarips.^ 

Latterly the necessity of pre«erving the bones in separate asioddns ^ 
( receptacles of bones ) or os»uaries, was gradually done away with, 
and we find that the Bundehe!»h gives a more rational way of dealing 
with the ancifut belief of rHising the dead from the bones. It says 
that when God will resuscitate this world and raise the dead he 
Would do so from the materials of this earth to which the different 
material components of a man's body are entrusted. It says that at 
the time of the resurrection, when the dead uill he nade to rise 
Again, their bones will be claimed from the earth, where they have 
been reduced to the ^t♦«te of dust, their hlood from water, their hair 
from trees and their life from fire (XXX., 6). 

Now rises the question, How shall we account for the above 
points" of marlwied similarity between the beliefs of these two ancient 
nations, the Egyptians and the Persians? **■* " ' ' 

The answer is that, both these nations had their homes in Central 
Asia. The ancient Egyptians were Asiatics by origin and not Afrioms. 

Wilkinson* says : — ** Every one who considers the featiires, the 
language and other peculiarities of the ancient Egyptians, will 
feel convinced that they are not of African extraction, but that 
they bear the evident stamp of an Asiatic origin • • • • 
And if features and other external appearances are insufficient 
to establish this fact, the formation of the t>kull, which is 
decidedly of the Caucasian variety, must remove all doubts of 
their valley having been peopled from the East • • . . There 

* Vide my paper on ** A Persian Coffin said to be 3,0(0 yeats old eenl to the 
Moseum of the i^ociety by Mr. Malcolm of Bushire,'' in the Journal of tte 
Anthropological Socifty, Vol. I., No. 7. 

* Manners aud Customs of the Ancient Fgyptiann, by J. Q. Wilkinson, 
Vol. I., p. 3, 

49 



874 THE FUTDLB OF THE SCUL. 

IiAS always been a striking: resemblance between the Egyptians 
and Asiatics, both as to their manners, cuHtoms, language and reli* 
gion ; and some authors have considered the valley they inhabited 
to belong to Asia rather than to Africa. • • • In manner, Ian* 
guage and many other respects, Egypt was certainly more Asiatic 
than African. It is not improbable tlmt those two nations (the 
Hindus |iiid Eery ptians) may have proceeded from the same original 
stock and have migrated southwards from their parent country in 
Central Asia." 

Not only were they foreigners to a certain extent in Africa, but in 
their adopted country of Egypt itself they, as Dr. Wiedemann says 
♦• did not exchide foreign deities from their pantheon. '1 hey never 
questioned the divinity of the gods of tlio r^ices with which ihey 
CHmc in contact, but accepted it in each case as an established 
fact. To them, an ejcef)tionally powerful nation was in itself a proof 
of that nation*s possessi-n oi an exceptionally mighty god, whom the 
dwellers in the Valley of the Nile were, tberefure, eager to receive into 
the ranks of Egyptian deities, that they might gain his (irotection 
for themseh^es by uieans of prayers and offerings and at the same 
time alienate his afiections from his native land.''^ 

Among the deities of the Asiatic origin so adopted was one Astarte 
which WHS the Ardvi^ura Anuhita of the ancieut Persians, theAuaiiis 
of the Homans. 



^ Wiedemazuif p. 118. 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE BOMBAY BRANCH ROYAL 

ASIATIC SOCIETY. 

(From January 1895 to June 1896.) 



The Annual Meeting of the Society was held on Thursday, the 
31st January 1895. 

Presents 

The Hon*ble Mr. H. M. Birdwood, C.S.I., President, in the 
Chair. 

The Honorary Secretary read the Report for 1894. 

ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1894. 

MEMBERS. 

Resident. — During the year under review 31 members were elected, 
ono of whom paid his subscription for life, and two non-resident 
members came to Bombay ; 16 members resigned, 4 died, 3 retired, 
and 2 having left Bombay, were transferred to the non-resident list. 
The total number at the close of 1894 was thus 253, including 14 
life members. Of these 39 were absent from India. The number at 
the end of the preceding year was 245. 

Non- Resident, — Two members were elected under this class, and 

2 were transferred from the list of resident members. One withdrew, 

3 died, 1 retired, and 2 were added to the resident list. The number 
at the close of the year was 60, that at the end of 1893 \Vas 63. 

OBITUARY. 

The Society have to announce with regret the loss by death of the 
following members :— 

Resident, 

Vinayak Wasudeva, Esq. 
Sorabji Framji Patel, Esq. 
C. E. Kane, Esq. 
Jivandas Mulji, Esq. 
c 



Xiv ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDIKGS, 

Non-Besident, 

Kabi Raja Samaldas. 

Yeshwant Wasudeva Aihale, Esq. 

Shankar Pandurang Pandit, Esq. 

Origmdl Communicait'ona, 

The following papers were read before the Society during the 
year : — 

(1) Madame Dnpleix and the Marquise de Falaiseau. By Dr 
J. GerEon da Cunha. 

(2) Paraskara Grihya Sutras. By H. H. Dhruva, Esq. 

(3) Nadode Inscription of King Alhanadeva, of Yikram Samvat 
year 1218. By H. H. Dhruva, Esq. 

(4) Date of Kalidasa. By K. B. Pathak, Esq. 

(6) Partabgarh (Pratapgad) Fort and the Mahratha version 
of the Afzulkban Tragedy. By R. P. Karkaria, Esq. 

(6) On the Authorship of the Buddhist work Nyayabindhu, By 
K. B. Pathak, Esq. 

(7) The Bas-relief of King Beharam Gour at Kaksh-i-Rustam 
and his marriage with an Indian Princess. By Jivanji Jamshedji 
Mody, Esq. 

The following were communicated to the Society :— • 

(8) Note on brick figures found in a Buddhist tower in Kahu 
near Mirpur Khas, Sindh. By A. Woodburn, Esq., I.O.S., with an 
introduction by J. M. Campbell, Esq., LC.S. 

(9) Wilson Philological Lectures. By H. H. Dhruva, Esq^ 
(Lecture L) 

LIBRARY. 

Issues of Books. 

The issues of books during the year under review were 16,300 
volumes of new works, including periodicals, and 10,283 of old 
books, compared with 16,004 volumes of new books and 9,976 of the 
old in the preceding year. 



OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. 



XV 



A detailed statement of the monthly issues is subjoined : — 



January 
February 
March ... 
April ... 
Hay- 
June ... 
July 
August 
September 
October... 
November 
December 



••• 





Old 


New 




Books. 


Books. 


• •• 


959 


1,453 


• •« 


1,163 


1,172^ 


• •• 


638 


1,211 


• •• 


762 


1,190 


• • • 


1,049 


1»316 


• •• 


862 


1,648 


••• 


832 


1,529 


• •• 


736 


1,455 


• •• 


652 


1,007 


• •• 


1,028 


1,367 


«•• 


796 


1,494' 


• t* 


806 


1,655 


Total... 


10,283 


Total.. .16,300 



The volumes of each class of books, new and old, issued during the 
year are stated in the following table : — 



Classes. 



Volumes. 



Periodicals, Magazines, &o. ... 

Novels, Romances and Tales ... 

"*^**'g^ ••P"j' ••• ••• ••• ••« ... >•• ... ... .*• 

Miscellaneous, and Works on several subjects of the same Authors... 

Toyages, Travels, Geography and Topography 

History, Historical Memoirs and Chronology 

Oriental Literature and Religion 

Transactions of Learned Societies, Encyclopasdias and Periodical 
Works 

English Poetry and Dramatic Works 

Politics, Political Economy and Statistics 

Natural History, Mineralogy, Cieology and Chemistry ... 

Theology and Ecclesiastical History 

Foreign Literature 

Philology, Literary History and Bibliography 

Fine Arts and Architecture 

Classics, Translations and Works illustrative of the Classics... 

Medicine, Surgery, Physiology 

Antiquities, Numismatics, Heraldry and Genealogy 

Logic, Rhetoric and Works relating to Education 

Metaphysics and Moral Philosophy 

Natural PhiUophy, Mathematics, Mechanics and Astronomy... 

Jurisprudence . 

Public Records, Statutes, ifcc 

Botany, Agriculture aud Horticulture 

Grammatical Works and Dictionaries 

Science of War and Works on Military Subjects !!! 



... 



... 



•*• 



... 



Total.. 



8,457 
8,427 
1,602 
1,031 
1,017 
971 
631 

608 

685 

575 

360 

369 

295 

180 

179 

177 

170 

166 

163 

146 

106 

100 

90 

83 

63 

62 



26,583 



XVI 



ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEmNQS, 



Additions to the Library. 

The book accessions in ]894 numbered 901 volumes ; 575 of these 
were purchased and 326 presented, compaA'ed with 541 volames 
purchased and 299 presented in the year before. The presents of books 
were as usual received chiefly from the Bombay Government, the 
Secretary of State for India, the Government of India, and the other 
local Governments and from individual authors. 

The number of volumes of each class of books added to the Library 
during tlieyear under report by purchase and by presentation is shown 
in the following table : — 



Classes, 



Purchased. 



Presented , 



Theology and Ecclesiastical History 

Natural Theology, Metaphysics and Moral Philosophy... 
Logic, Rhetoric, and Works relating to Education 
Classics, Translations and Works illustrative of the 

vld.ODlv/a ... ... ,,, ... (a. ... «.« 

Philology. Literary History and Bibliography 

History, Historical Memoirs and Chronology 

Politics, Political Economy and Statistics 

Jurisprudence 

Public Records, Statutes, &c. 

Biography and Personal Narratives 

Antiquities, Numismatics, Heraldry and Genealogy ... 
Voyages, Travels, Geography and Topography 

English Poetry and Dramatic Works 

Novels, Romances and Tales 

MiscellaneouB, and Works on several subjects of the 

same Authors 

Foreign Literature 

Natural Philosophy, Mathematics, Mechanics and 

Astronomy 

Fme Arts and Architecture ... ^. 

Science of War and Works on Military Subjects ' 
Natural History, Mineralogy, Geology and Chemistry... 
Botany, Agriculture and Hortioulturo ... 
Medicine, Surgery, Physiology, &c. ... !.*.* "! 
Transactions of Learned Societies, Encycloptediaa and 

Periodical Works 

Dictionaries, Lexicons, Vocabularies and Grammatical 

Works 

Oriental Literature 



t»« 



Total. 



13 
12 



6 
10 
32 
42 

3 

8 
49 

3 

31 

18 

133 

71 

(> 

4 

8 

19 

21 

19 

22 



39 



575 



22 
1 



29 

2 

188 

"9 
16 



1 
3 



3 
3 
2 



10 
34 



326 



OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. XVU 

SIR RAYMOND WEST MEMORIAL. 

There were besides, 218 volumes added to the Library in connec- 
tion with the Sir Rayniond West MemoriaL The books ordered for 
the Memorial were received during the year. These have been placed 
in a separate case headed the ** Sir Raymond West Memorial." 

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 

The Newspapers, Periodicals and Journals of Learned Societies 
subscribed for, and presented to the Society, during the year were : — ■ 

Literary Monthlies . ... 13 

Illustrated ... ... .«. ... ... 16 

Scientific ... ... ... ... ... ... 33 

vTeDcrai ... ... •.« .•• ... ... o 

xvcviews ... ... ... •• ••• .•• Ao 

English Newspapers 17 

English and Foreign Registers, Army Lists, 

Directories, &c. ... 14 

Foreign Literary and Scientific Periodicals ... 19 
American Literary and Scientific Periodicals .•. 12« 

Indian Newspapers 19 

Indian Journals, Reviews, &c. ••. .«. ... 28 

At a Meeting of the Society held in November, under Article 20 of 
the Rules, it was resolved to subscribe to the following Newspapers 
and Periodicals from the beginning of 1895 : — 

Le Museon. 
Lady's Pictorial. 
Indian Church Directory. 

Coin Cabinet. 

During the year 78 coins were added to the Society's Cabinet. Of 
these, 3 were presented by His Highness the Nawab of Cambay ; the 
rest being received from different Governments under the Treasure 
Trove Act : — 

49 from the Bombay Government. 

6 from the Punjab Government. 

7 from the Bengal Government. 
13 from the Government of Assam. 

Of the total 78, 1 is gold, 35 jsilver, 40 copper and 2 of mixed 
metal. 



\ 



XVili ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS, 

The following; is a detailed descriptive list of the coins : — 
Presented by the Bombay Government : — 

1 silver coin of Shah Jehan, found in the Village of Napa, 

Taluka Borsad, Kaira District. 
1 silver coin of Akbar, found in the Village of Napa, Talaka 

Borsad, Kaira District. 
1 silver coin of Jehangir, found in the Village of Napa, 

Taluka Borsad, Kaira District. 
1 silver coin of Aurangzeb, found in the Poona District. 
1 silver coin of Aurangzeb, found in the Poona District. 
1 silver coin of Shah Jehan, found in the Poona District. 

1 silver coin of Muhammad Shah, found in the Poona District. 

2 Ahmedabad rupees of mixed metal, found in the Broach 

District. 
40 copper coins of the following early Sultans of Delhi (so- 
called Pathans), found in the Palanpur District : — 

6hiyas-ud-din Bulban, 2. 

Muzz-ud-din Kaiqubad, 2. 
• Jalal-ud-din Firuz, 3. 

Ala-ud-din Muhammad, 7. 

Qutb-ud-din Mubarak, 10. 

Ghiyas-ud-din Taghlag, 12. 

Muhammad bin Tughlag, 4. 

Presented by His Highness the Nawab o/Camhay .— — 

3 silver coins of Akbar, found at Cambay. 
Presented by the Punjab Government : — 

2 silver coins of the Moghal Emperor Muhammad Shah, 

found in the Kangra District. 

4 silver coins of the Moghal Emperor Muhammad Shah 

found in the Delhi District. 

Presented by the Bengal Government : — 

1 silver coin of Sikandar Shah bin Ilyas, found in the 
Jessore District. 

3 silver coins of the following Moghal Emperors : — 

Ahmed Shah, 1. 
Alamgir II., 1. 
Shah Jehan III., 1. 

Found in the Patna District. 



OFFICIAL, LITEKARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. XlX 

1 gold coin of Chandragupta II., found in the Muzsaffar- 

gar District. 

2 silver coins of Ilyas Shah, found in the Bhagalpur District. 

Presented by the Assam Government : — 
Moghal Coins -' — 

7 silver coins of — 

Shah Jehan, I. 
Aurangzeb, I. 
Muhammad Shah, 2. 
Ahmed Shah, 1. 
Alamgir II., 2. 

Assam Coins : — 

5 silver coins of Rudra Singh. 

1 silver Jajantipur. 

Found in the Sibsagar District. 

JoumaL 

No. 49 A, an extra number, containing Professor Pqterson'a 
Report on the Search for Sanskrit MSS. in the Bombay Circle, 
1886—92, and No. 60 vrere issued during the year. No. 60 com- 
pletes Vol. XVIIL of the Journal. An index, title page and 
contents of the volume vrill be supplied with No. 61, which is 
in the press, and will shortly be ready. 

The following is a list of Governments, Societies, Institutions^ 
&c., to which the Journal of the Society is presented : — 

Bombay Government ; Grovemment of India ; Govenment of Bengal j Govern- 
ment of Madras ; Punjab Government j Government, N.-W. Provinces and 
Oadh ; Chief Commissioner, Central Provinces ; Chief Commissioner, Coorg ; 
Besident, Hyderabad ; Chief Commissioner, Burmah ; Geological Survey of 
India ; G. T, Survey of India ; Marine Survey of India ; Bengal Asiatic Society; 
Agricultural Society of India ; Literary Society of Madras ; Provincial Museum ; 
Luoknow ; Bombay University ; Madras University ; Punjab University ; R. A. 
Society, Ceylon Branch ; B. A. Society, North China Branch ; the Asiatic 
Society of Japan ; Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences. 

Strasbourg Library ; Geographical Society, Vienna ; London Institution of 
Civil Engineers; Royal Geographical Society, London; Statistical Society, 
London ; Royal Astronomical Society ; Literary and Philosophical Society, 
Manchester ; Imperial Academy of Sciences, St. Petersburgh ; Smithsonian 
Institution, Washington ; Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries, Copenhagan ; 
Royal Society of Edinburgh ; Deutsche Morgenlandischc Gesellscahft, Leipzig ; 
Literary and Philosophical Society, Liverpool ; British Museum, Loudon ; Royal 



XX ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY S PROCEEDINGS, 

Society, London ; Royal Asiatic Society, Great Britain and Ireland ; Academic 
Real das Scieucia de Lisboa, Lisbon ; Societe de Geographic Commeroiale de 
Bordeaux ; Societe de Geographic de Lyons ; Hungarian Academy of Sciences 
(Buda Pest); Socictlad Geografica de Madrid; Royal Dublin Society; Societe 
Geographie de Paris; Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences; United 
States Surrey ; Kaiserliche Akademie de Wissonschaften, Vienna ; United 
Sertioe Institution ; M'ninesota Academy of Natural Science ; India Office 
Library ; London Bible Society ; Vienna Orientalische Museum ; Boston Society 
of Natural History ; Musee Guimet, Lyons ; Victoria Institution, London ; 
Koyal Institution, Great Britain American Geographical Society ; American 
Oriental Society ; Hamilton Association, America. 

Accounts. 

A statement of Accounts, detailing the items of receipts and ex- 
penditure for 1894, accompanies the report. The collection of sub- 
scriptions during the year amounts to Rs. 9,768-5-3, including arrears 
Rs. 30. The amount received in 1893 was Rs. 9,423-6-4. There 
were also received on account of life subscription from one Resident 
and one Non-Resident Member, Rs. 620. Of this, Rs. 600 have been 
duly invested in Government Securities in accordance with Article 
XVI. of the Rules. 

The balance in favour of the Society on the 31st of December 1894 
was Rs. 1,016-8-10, and the arrears due on the same date Rs. 270. 
^42-12-6, due to Messrs. Kegan, Paul, Trench, Triibner & Co., up 
to 31st December last, have since been remitted. 

There was an addition during the year of Rs. 1,600 to the invested 
funds of the Society, which now amount to Rs. 11,400. 

Dr. De Monte proposed that the report be adopted, and thanks 
voted to the Committee of Management and the Auditors for their 
services during the past year. 

Dr. Balchandra Krishna seconded the proposition. 

The Chairman, in putting the proposition before the meeting, said : 
Gentlemen, — I had hoped before putting this resolution to the 
meeting to be able to say a few words myself with reference to the 
work of the Society during the past year, but unfortunately I have 
been suffering from a sore-throat for the past week and find some 
difficulty in speaking audibly at all. In the circumstances I fear it 
would neither be wise for me nor agreeable to yourselves if I were to 
attempt anything of the kind. I will, therefore, simply put the 
resolution to the meeting. 

The proposition was agreed to unanimously. 



OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. XXl 

The Hon'bie Mr. Justice Candy proposed that the following gnctle- 
mcn form the Committee of Management and Auditors for the year 
1895 :— President— the Hoi/b eMr. Justice Jardine ; Vice-Presidents 
— Dr, P. Peterson, Dr. J. Gns )n da Cunha, the Hon'ble Mr. Justice 
Candy, and the Hon bleMr. W. R. Macdonell; Members— the Hon'ble 
Mr. J. U. Yajnik, Mr. K. R. Kama, Dr. Atmaram Pandurang, Dr. 
D. Macdonald, Professor M. Macmillan, Mr. G. A. Kittredge, Pwcv. 
R. Scott, Mr. James Mac lonald, Hev. K. H. Gray, the Hon'ble 
Mr. Justice Ranade, Mr. N. G. Chandavarkar, Major A. B. Mein, 
Surgeon-Captain B. B. Grayfoot, the Rev. Dr. D. Mackichan, and 
Mr. J. T. Hathornthwaite ; Honorary Secretary — the Hon'ble Mr. J. 
U. Yajnik ; Joint Honorary Secretary — Dr. J. Gtrson da Cunha ; 
Honorary Audi tors — Messrs. D.R. Chichgar and H. B. H. Wilkinson. 

In moving the above proposition, Mr. Justice Candy said that he 
very much regretted thnt the President of the Society had felt it 
incumbent on him to resign his office. He had continued to be the 
President to this dny, and they must feel the loss of his withdrawal,. 
It was some satisfaction, hoi^ever, to know that Mr. Justice Jardine 
would take his place. 

Mr. K. R. Cama seconded the proposition. 

The Chairman said : Gentlemen, — Before puttino: this resolution to 
the meeting, I sliould Like to express my sense of your kindness in 
electing me to the honourable office of President of this Society a 
year ago. I feel very sure that you would be willing to place me 
once more in the office if I myself desired it. But I do not desire it 
for this simple reason that my official duties keep me out of Bombay 
for eight months in the year, and during the four months that I am 
here I find it difficult to attend the monthly meetings of the Society. 
My continuance in office would, therefore, be unjustifiable ; for it 
would partake of the nature of a sham; whereas what you want is a 
resident Chairman who will be capable of attending to the duties of 
the office and devoting to those duties the constant care and attention 
which they demand if this Society is to maintain its rightful place 
among the great institutions of this city. It gives me much pleasure 
to know that, while accepting my resignation, you have chosen as my 
successor so accomplished a scholar and so zealous an Orientalist as 
Mr. Justice Jardine, in whose hands the best interests of this Society 
will a ways be safe. 

The resolution was agreed to unanimously ; and the proceedings 
concluded with the customary compliment to the Chairman. 



xxu 



ABSTRACT OF THS SOCIETY § FBOCEEDINGSj 



Dr. 



BOMBAY BRANCH OF THE 

GENERAL STATEMENT of Receipts and DisbureemenU 



Balance of last year (including Bs* 1,000 on 
aoconnt of Life Subscription, and Rs. 952*6-0 
on account of Sir fiaymond West Testimonial 
Fund Subscription) 

Subscription of Eesident Members ... .•• „ 

Do. of Non-Resident Members 

Do. in Arrears ... ■•• ... 



Do. of Life Members 



M« 



• •• 



(Government Contribution ..• 
Sale-proceeds of Journal Numbers ... 

Do. of Waste Papers ... 

Do. of Catalogues 

Do. of Duplicate Books ... 
Interest on Society's 4 per cent. Gk>yemment 



Bsfe a. p. 



9,r85 13 8 

662 8 

30 

620 

4,200 

278 8 2 

13 13 

33 8 

52 6 



Paper... 



••• ••• •*• ••. ... ... 



567 18 8 



Total... Bs. 



Rs. a. p. 



3,162 1 



15,684 8 1 



16,696 8 2 



Examined and found correct. 



DARASHA RATTOKJI CHIOHGAR ) .„,., 
H. R. H. WILKINSON, '^[Auditors. 



OFFICIAL, LITKBABY, AND SCIENTIFIC. 



XXIU 



ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. 



from \tt January to 31s/ Dteember 1894. 



Cr. 



Books purchased in Bombay 

Bemittances to Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench, 
TrUbner & Ck>., Books (£82-811), and English 
Kewpapers and Periodicals (£99-1^-0), in all 
(£132-0-11), equivalent of ... 

Subscriptions to Newspapers paid in India 

Printing ... ..• ... 

Binding ... ••• ••• .•• 

General Charges 

Stationery ... 

Postage and Receipt Stamps 

Shipping and Landing Charges •.. .•« 

Gas Charges 

Gk)yemment 4 per cent. Paper purchased .., 

Office Establishment 



••• 



••• 
••• 
••• 
••• 



••• 



Printing of Journal— 

Nos. 49 a^d 50 

Contribution towards printing Dr. Peterson's 

Report on Sanskrit MSS 

Facsimiles of Inscriptions for Dr. Bhandar- 

kar's Paper 

Sir Raymond West Testimonial Fund — 

Amount paid to Messrs. Combridge & Co., 
being the balance due on account of Books 
for the Memorial 

Balance in Bank of Bombay 

I>o. in hand „ •, 



Total...Bs. 

Bs. a. p. 

Arrears of Subscription 270 

*Due to Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench, 
Trtibner & Co., up to end of SIsc 
December 1894 £ 42 12 6 

INVESTED FUNDS. 

Government 4 per cent. Paper of the Society 
Premohand Koychand Government 4 iper cent. 
Loan Fund , 



Bs. a. p. 
2,312 5 10 



2,887 

895 

B76 

688 

483 

106 

104 

45 

71 

1,600 

6,615 



12 8 
6 



10 

2 

1 

6 
14 6 

13 3 

14 4 


12 



1,418 15 
400 
680 14 



963 7 4 
63 1 6 



Ba. a. p. 



14,288 2 4 



8,400 
3,000 



2,499 IS 



892 



1,016 8 10 



18,696 8 2 



11,400 



• The amount has since been remitted. 



JATERILAL U. YAJNIK, 

Honorary Secretary. 



XXIV 



ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. 



BOMBAY BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. 



Patron : 

His Excellency tlie Ri^lit Houourable Lord Harris, G. C. I. E., 

Governor. 

Pre trident : 
The Hon'ble »Justice Jolni .fardiue, I. C. S. 
Vi re-President fi : 



Dr! P. Peterson, M. A. 

Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha. 

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice Candv. 



The Hon'ble W. R. Macdonell, 
M. A. 



Committee of Management, 
The Hon'ble Mr. J. U. Yajnik. | Rev. R. M. Grayt 



Kharsetji R. Cam a, Esq. 
Dr. Atmaram Pandurang:. 
Dr. D. MacDonald. 
Prof. M. Macmillan, B. A. 
Geo. A. Kittredge, Esq., M.A. 
Rev. R. Scott, M.A. 
James MacDonald, Esq. 



The Hon'ble Mr. Justice M. G. 

Ranade, C. I. E. 
N.G.Chandawarkar, Esq., LL. B. 
Major A. B. Mein. 
Surgeon-Captain B. B. Gra}^oot. 
Rev. Dr. D. Mackichan, M. A. 
J.T. Hathornthwaite, Esq., M, A. 



llofnorary Secretary : 

The Hon'ble Mr. Javerilal Umiashankar Yajnik. 

Joint Honorary Secretary : 
( Numismatics and Archaeology ) 
Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha. 

Honorary Auditors : 
Dardsha Rattonji Chichgar, Esq. 
H. R. H. Wilkinscm, Esq. 

Assistant Secretary and Librarian : 
Mr, Ganpatrao K, Tiwarekar. 



LIST 0:F HV^EIS^BEK^S, 



RESIDENT. 



Year of 
Election. 



1862 Kharsetji Rastamji Cama, 
Esq. {lAfe Member), 

„ Kharsetji Fardunji Parak, 

Esq. 
„ Hon^ble Mr. H. M. Brid- 

wood. 

18G4 Hon ble Mr. Justice L. H. 
Bayley. 

„ G. A. Kittredge, Esq. 

„ Nowroji Maneckji Wadia, 
Esq. 

1865 Dr. Atmaram Pandurang. 

1866 Vandravandas Purshotam- 

das, Esq. 

„ E. B. Carroll, Esq. 

1867 J. Westlake, Esq. 

„ R. M. A. Branson, Esq, 

1869 Dr. L. P. De Rozario. 

1870 Hon'ble Mr. Justice John 

Jardine. 
1873 Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha. 
„ Sir Din shah Manockji Petit, 
Bart. 

1873 J. MacDonald, Esq. 

1874 H. Conder. Esq. 

„ Sir Byramji Nusserwanj- 
vai, Esq. (JJfe Member). 



y% 



»9 



Year of 
Election. 

1874 G. A. Bamett, Esq. 

P. Peterson, Esq. 

Pirozshah Merwanji Jiji- 
bbai, Esq. {Life Member), 

„ The Hon'ble Mr. Javerilal 

Umiashankar Yajnik. 
„ Grattan Geary, Esq, 

1^875 Sir Jamseji Jijibhai, Bart. 

„ Rev. Dr. D. Mackichan. 

1876 The Right Rev. L. G. 

Mylne, D. D., Bishop of 
Bombay (Life Member). 
„ J. M. Campbell, Esq. 

1877 Maneckji Barjorji, Esq. 

1878 Darasha Rattonji Chichgar 

Esq. 

„ Dr. E. H. R. Langley. 
„ Bezonji Rattonji Kotewal, 
Esq. 

1879 Harischandra Krishna Joshi, 

Esq. 

„ Dr. D. MacDonald. 

1880 N. S. Symons, Esq. 

„ Rustam K. R. Cama, Esq., 

B. A. (Life Member). 
„ Rev. W. Black. 

„ Vrijbhuckandass Atmaram, 
Esq. 



XXVlll 



LIST OF MEMBERS. 



Year of 
£)lectioii» 

1891 K. A. Moos, Esq. 

„ L. J. Robertson, Esq. 

„ W. H. Sharp, Esq. 

„ J, Y. Manro, Esq. 

„ Shankar Prasad Hari Pra- 
sad, Esq. 

„ W, G. Treacher, Esq. 

,, Captain J. C. Swann. 

,f Jamsetjee N. Tata, Esq. 

„ Fakirchand Premchand, 

Esq. 
^ .1 brahim Abmedi, Esq. 
„ Surgeon-Major F. F. Mac- 

Cartie, 
„ Shrimant Narayanrao Go- 

V i n d r a o Ghora paday , 

Chief of Tchalkaranji (Li/e 

Member), 

„ The Uon'ble Justice M. G. 
Ranade. 

1892 Kawasji Dadabhoy Dubash, 

Esq. 
„ M. C. Turner, Esq. 
„ Prabhuram Jivanram Vai- 
dya, Er>q. {Lije Member), 
O. V. Muller, Esq. 

Nowroji Byramji Suntook, 
Esq. 

Major I. Burne-Murdoch. 
„ S. R. Bhandarkar, Esq. 
„ R, C. Chapman, Bsq. 
„ Dadabhoy Merwanji Dallal, 
Esq. 

„ F. W. Eickc, Eiq. 



)» 



9> 



»» 



\ Year of 
Election. 

1892 RahimtuIIa Khairaz, Esq. 
„ V. N Bhagvat, Esq. 
„ Tribhuvandas Varjivands, 
Esq. 

„ H. R. H. Wilkinson, Esq. 

„ Cur8**tji N. Wadia, Esq. 

,, Major A. Hildebrand. 

„ H. W. Uloth, Esq. 

„ Karimbbai Ibrahim, Esq, 

„ J. L, Symons, Esq. 

,, Rao Saheb Dalp^^tram 

Pranjiwanram Khakkhar. 

„ R. Gilbert, E«q. 

„ T. J. Bennett, Esq. 

,, Sadanand Trimbak Bhan- 
dare, Esq. {Life Member), 

„ James Kenyon, Esq. 

„ A. H. King, Esq. 

,, K. B. Setna, E*q. 

„ Burjorji Nownji Apyakh- 
tair, Esq. 

„ A. M. T. Jackson, Esq. 

„ R. E. Melsheimer, Esq. 

„ John A. Douglas, Esq. 

„ L. R. W. Forrest, Esq. 

„ Hormasji Dorabji Padamji, 
Esq. 

1893 F. T. Rickards, Esq. 
„ ReF. J. Sellar. 

„ Ouchavaram Nanabhai 
Haridas, Esq. 

,y H. R, Greaves, Esq. 

„ Jijibhoy Edalji Modi, Esq. 



LIST OF MEMBERS. 



XXIX 



Year of 
Electioiu 

1893 Ven'ble Archdeacon Gold- 
wyer-Lewis. 
„ Shamrao Yithal* Esq. 
„ Shapurji Barjorji Barucha, 

Esq. 
„ Tribhuwandas Mangaldas 
Nathubhoj, Esq. 

„ A. Stephen, Esq. 

„ Bao Saheb EUapa Ballaram. 

„ RastamjiNanabhoyByramji 

Jijibhoy, Esq. {Life 

Member), 
„ Tullockchand Maneck- 

chand, Esq. 
„ Hari Sitaram Dixit, Esq. 
„ Major A. B. Main. 
„ A. Hill, Esq, 
„ W. W. Squire, Esq. 
„ Surgeon-Col. D. E. Hughes. 
„ A. M. Tod, Esq. 
y, Gapt« Chandler. 
„ E. C. Lees, Esq, 
„ Robert Pesoio, Esq. 

Merwanji Dhanjibhoy Jiji- 
bhoy, Esq. 
,, G. H. Townsend, Esq. 

Mir Zulficar Ali, Esq. 

Balvantrai Kalianrai, Esq. 
„ Geo. A. F. Berends, Esq. 
„ B. H. J. Rastamji, Esq. 
„ His Highness Aga Khan. 
„ Col. Empsou, R. A. 
„ J. W.iBrown, Esq. 
„ E, H. Elsworfchy, Esq. 

E 



99 



91 



Year of 
Election. 

1894 Wasudeva Gopal Bhan- 
darkar, Esq. 

„ Dr. James Arnott. 

„ Rev. J. E. Abbott. 

„ Geo. Miller, Esq. 

„ J. C. G. Bowen, Esq. 

„ J, T. Habhornthwaite, Esq. 

„ S. L. Wyatt, Esq. 

„ Major Sir Henry Johnson, 

Bart* 

„ D. M. Inglis, Esq. 

„ C. S. H. Sari, Esq. 

„ W. I. A. Foulkes, Esq. 

„ Edwin Yeo, Esq. 

„ Capt. St. J, A. D. Muter, 
R. A. 

„ Cecil Richardson, Esq. 

„ J. G. Governton, Esq. 

„ J. W. Orr, Esq. 

„ R. C. Wroughton, Esq. 

,, Captain Finny. 

„ J. L. Jenkins, Esq. 

„ Balkrishna Vinayak Was- 
soodeo, Esq. (Life Member) , 

„ Lt. W. C. R. Farmer, R.A. 

„ H. Rabe, Esq, 

„ R. Whately, Esq. 

„ Major Allan Smith. 

„ N. R. Oliver, Esq. 

„ Prof. H. M. Bhadkamkar. 

„ Capt. A. J. Peile, R. A. 

„ R. S. Brown, Esq. 

„ Vernon B. F, Bayley, Esq. 

„ Rev. C. Mavhew. 



XXX 



LIST OF HEMBEB8. 



NON-RESIDENT. 



» 



>» 



Year of 

Eleotion. 

1865 Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar. 

1868 G.B.Reid, Esq. 
„ Dr. J. C. Lisboa. 

H. H. the Thakore Saheb 
of Bhavnagar. 
H. H. the Jam Saheb of 
Nawanagar. 
„ H. H. Ramchandrao Appa 
Saheb, Chief of Jam- 
khandi. 
,, Dr. G. Biihler. 
„ H. H. the Thakore Saheb 
of Morvi. 

1869 J. F. Fleet. Esq. 

• 

„ Bomanji Jamaspji, Esq. 

1875 Cowasji Karsetji Jamsetjr 

'Esq. 

1876 G. C. Whitworth, Esq. 
,, J. A. Baines, Esq. 

„ Rev. Thomas Foulkes. 

1878 SadashiTaVishwanath Dbu- 

randhar, Esq. 

1879 Say ad Hassan Bilgrami, 
Esq. 

„ Brigade-Surgeon-Lieut-Col. 
C. T. Peters. 

• 

1882 W. P. Symonds, Esq. 
„ E. H. Moscardi, Esq. 
„ W. W. Loch, Esq. 

1883 Rev. J. H. Mackay. 
,> J. R. Greaves, Esq. 



Year of 
Election. 

1883 Rev. J. Bambridge. 

1887. A. W. Crawley-Boevey, 
Esq. 

1888 Prabhashankar Gowrishan- 

kar, Esq. 

„ Syed Ikhal Ali, Esq. 
„ Syed Ali-Bilgrami, Esq. 

1889 C. G. Dodgson, Esq. 
„ Aziz Mirza, Esq, 

„ E. M. Pratt, Esq. 

,, M. H. Nazar, Esq. 

,, Mancharji Pestonji Khare- 
gat, Esq. 

1890 Raja Murli Manohar Baha- 

dur. 

,, K. B. Pathak, Esq. 

1891 Charles E. J. F. Ferriore, 
Esq. 

,, Rao Saheb Balwantrao 
Bhukte. 

„ H. H. Dhruva, Esq. (Life 
Member), 

„ Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Esq. 

„ Vinayakrao Yadhow Vani- 
kar, Esq. ^ 

„ Shrimant Aba Saheb, Chief 

of Yisalgad. 
,y Kharsetji Rustamji Thaaa- 

v^ala, Esq. 
„ W. C. Rand, Esq. 

1892 Sortorio Coelho, Esq. {Life 

Member). 



L18T OF MEMBERS. 



XXXI 



Year of 
Election. 

1892 T. W. Araold, Esq. 

„ C.Biddulph, Esq. 

„ Vithalrao Narajan Natu, 
Esq. 

^, Kavasji Dadabhai Naigam- 
vsqXa, Esq. 

^ Surgeon-Major J. H. New- 
man, 

„ UaoSahebP. B. Parakh. 
„ A, 0. Logan, Esq. 

W. Doderet, Esq. 

Captain T. J. Grier. 



>» 



Year of 
Election, 

1893 Sorabji Manekji Gawasji, 

Esq. 

„ Lalubhai Samaldas Desai, 
Esq. 

y, Kumar Sbri Baldevji of 
Dharaxnpur (Life Member), 

„ H. E. M. James, Esq. 
„ Hari Narayan Apte, Esq. 
„ W. H. Luck, Esq. 

1894 Surgeon-Captain B. Basu. 

„ T. B. Amalnerkar, Esq. ^ 



LIFE MEMBERS. 



Kharsetji Rastamji Cama, Esq. 
Byraraji Naserwanji Sirvai, Esq. 
Pirozsha Merwanji Jijibhoy, Esq . 
The Right Rev. L. G. Mylne, 

P.D., Bishop of Bombay. 
Rustam K. R. Cama, Esq. 
Jehangir K. R. Cama, Esq. 
Jehangtr Nasserwanji Mody, Esq. 
Framji Dinshaw Petit, Esq. 
Bomanji Dinshaw Petit, Esq. 
Shrimant Narayenrao Govindrao 

Ghorepady, Chief of Ichal- 

karanji« 



Prabburam Jivanram yaidya,Esq. 
SadanaudTrimbak Bhandare, Esq. 
Rastamji Nanabhoy Byramji 

Jijibhoy, Esq. 
Balkrishna Yinayak WassudeVt 

Esq. 
Sortorio Coelho, Esq. 
Kumar Shir Balderji of Dharam- 

pur. 
H. H. Dhruva, Esq. 



HONORARY. 



Year of 
Election. 

1835 A. S. Walne, Esq. 

1845 M. le Marquis de Ferriere 

de Vayer. 

1848 M. le Yicomte Eugene de 

Kerckhove. 

1849 B. Hodgson, Esq. 



Year of 
Election. 

1862 Dr. H. J. Carter. 

1866 Dr. A. Weber. 

„ J. H. Rivara da Cunha, Esq. 

1879 Dr. Oliver Codrington. 

1892 Sir Raymond West, K.C.LE. 



XXxli ABSTEACT OP THB SOCIETY'S PEOCEEDINGS, 

A Meeting of the Society was held on Tuesday, the 12th March 
1895. 

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice John; Jardine, President, in the Chair. 
The minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed. 

The Honorary Secretary announced that H. E. Lord Sandhurst 
had been pleased to do the Society the honour of becoming a mem- 
ber and accepting the office of its Patron. 

Mr. M. P. Khareghat read a paper on the interpretation of cer- 
tain passages in the Panch-Siddhantika of Varahamihira, an old 
Hindu Astronomical Work. 

The Honorary Secretary made remarks on the paper and moved 
a vote of thanks to Mr. Khareghat for the learned paper he had 
contributed to the Society. 

Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha seconded the motion. 

The President with his remarks put the vote to the Meeting and 
it was carried by accliftnation. 



A Meeting of the Society was held on Wednesday, the 10th April 
1895. 

Dr. Atmaram Pandurang in the Chair. 

The minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed. 

Mr. B. P. Karkaria read a paper on '^Mahmudof Gazni and 
the Legend of Somnath." 

Mr. N. 0. Chandawarkar moved a vote of thanks to Mr. Karkaria 
for the interesting paper he had read. The motion being seconded 
by Mr. Kennard was carried by acclamation. 



A Meeting of the Society was held on Tuesday, the 17th Septem- 
ber 1895. 

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice John Jardine, President^ in the Chair. 

The minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed. 

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice. M. G. Ranade, read a paper on '^Shivaji 
as a Civil Ruler." 

Mr. MacMillan made remarks on the paper and moved a vote 
of thanks to Mr. Justice Ranade for the interesting paper he 
had read. 



• •• 



OFFIOUL, LITBRAKY, AND SCIENTIFIC. XXXUl 

The Honorary Secretary, who seconded the motion, also made a few 
remarks. 

The President with his observations pnt the vote to the Meeting 
and it was carried by acclamation. 



A Meeting of the Society was held on Tuesday, the 15th October 
1895. 

Dr. Atmaram Pandurang in the Chair. 

The minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed. 

Mr. R. P. Karkaria read a paper on *• The Teleology of the Pahlavi 
Shikand Gbmanik Vijar and Cicero's De Natura Deorum." 

On the motion of Mr. J. J. Mody, seconded by Mr. K. B. Kama, 
a vote of thanks was passed to Mr. Karkaria for the interesting paper 
he had read. 



A General Meeting of the Society was held on Thursday, the 21st 
November 1895. 

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice Candy, one of the Vice-Presidents, in the 
Chair. 

The following proposals regarding periodicals, newspapers, etc., 
were placed before the meeting : — 

By 

N. S. Symon, Esq., Capt. A. J. Peile, R. A., and Surg.-Capt. B. B. 
Gray foot. 

That *' Badminton Magazine" be taken. 

Carried. 
By 

Leslie HoUward, Esq., and F. H. Brown, Esq. 

That the " Sketch" be taken. 

Carried, 
By 

Surgeon-Captain B. B. Grayfoot, and E. Kennard, Esq. 

"^ That '' Illustrated Sporting and Dramatic News'' be 

taken. 

Proposal withdraum. 
By 

N. S. Symon, Esq. 

That ** Bookman" be discontinued. 

Carried. 



XXxiv ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIBTY*S PBOCIBDINGS, 

By 



By 



The Honorary Secretary. 

That " Indo-Prakash" be discontinued. 

Carried, 



Surgeon-Captain B, 6. Grayfoot. 

That " Review of Reviews*' be discontinued. 

Lost, 

At the conclusion of the General Meeting, an Ordinary Meeting 
was held, when Surgeon-Captain B. B. Grayfoot moved the adoption 
of the following rule to be brought into force from 1896. The new 
rule to be put in after Article XXXVIII of the Rules of the Society. 

All boohs borrowed are to be returned to the Library in the first 
week (from the Ist to the 7th inclusive) of December in every year 
whether the time allowed for reading has expired or not, and there 
wUl be no issues of boohs in that weeh. 

Any member who shall not have returned the books as required 
under this Article after receiving a call from the Librarian shall not 
be allowed to tahe boohs out from the Library until he sends bach all 
the boohs standing in his name in the Society*s Register on the SOth 
of November, 

Mr. James MacDonald seconded the proposition, which, on being 
put to the vote, was unanimously carried. 

Mr. Jivanji Jamshedji Mody then read a paper on Firdousi's 
version of the discovery of the Indian Game of Chess. 

After a short discussion in which Mr. James MacDonald, Dr. J. 
Gerson da Cunha and Mr. K. R. Cama took part, a vote of thanks 
was passed to Mr. Mody for the interesting paper he had read. 



A Meeting of the Society was held on Monday, the 9th December 

1895. 

Dr. P. Peterson, one of the Vice-Presidents, in the Chair. • 

The minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed. 

Mr. Jivanji Jamshedji Mody read a paper on ''Cashmere and the 
Ancient Persians." 

A vote of thanks was passed to Mr. Mody for the interestbg 
paper he had read. 



OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. ZXXV 

A Meeting of the Society was held on Tuesday, the 2l8t January 
1896. 

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice John Jardine, President, in the chair. 

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed. 

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice Candy moved that the proposal in the 
following letter, received from the Anthropological Society of Bombay, 
be adopted : — 

To 

The SECRETABY of thb BOMBAY BRANCH 

OF THE ROYAL A8UTIC SOCIETY, 

BOMBAY. 

Bombay f 19th November 1895. 
Sir, 

Ths Member's of the Anthropological Society of Bombay y at their Meeting held 

on the ISth inetant, have reeolved that their Museum and Library be presented 

to you in toto, in consideration of which they request your Society to allow them 

to hold theii meetings in one of your Booms, and also to give them access to the 

books and records which they at present possess, 

A reply wiU oblige. 

Yours faithfully, 

J. GER80N PA OUNHA, 

Bonoranry Secretary, 

Dr. L. P. de Rozario seconded the proposition^ which, on being 
put to the vote, was unanimously carried. 

IV* J> Gerson da Cunha read a paper on the ^' Portuguese in 
South Kanara." 

On the proposition of Mr. G. A. Kittredge, seconded by Mr. 
Tribhuvandas Manguldas, a vote of thanks was passed to Dr. da Cunha 
for the interesting paper he had read. 



The Annual Meeting of the Society was held on Thursday, 
the 30th January 1896. 
The Hon'ble Mr. Justice Jardine, President, in the Chair. 

The Honorary Secretary read the following Report :— 



.^ 



XXXvi ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS, 

ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1895. 

MEMBERS. 

Resident. — During the year under review 42 Members were 
elected, 15 Members resigned^ 4 died, 6 retired, and 3^ having 
left Bombay, were put on the Non-Resident List. The total 
number at the end of the year was 262, including 14 Life 
Members. Of these 47 were absent from India for the whole 
year or portions of the year. 

Non-Resident. — Two Members were elected during the year 
and 3 were transferred from the list of Resident Members. 2 
withdrew, 1 retired, and the names of 6 were struck ofE the roll 
for non-payment of subscription. The number at the close of 
the year was 56. Of these 2 were absent from India. 

OBITUARY. 

The Society announce with regret the loss by death of the 
following members : — 

Perozsha Merwanji Jeejeebhoy, Esq. (Life Member), 
Sitaram Vishnu Sukathankar, Esq. 
Framji Dinshaw Petit, Esq. (Life Member). 
Lord Colin CampbeH. 

ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS. 

The following papers were read before the Society during 
the year : — • 

(1) On the Interpretation of certain Passages in the Panch 
Siddhantika of Varahamihira. By M, P. Kharegat, Esq., 

I. c. s. 



OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. XXXVll 

(2) Mahmud of Ghazni and the Legend of Somnath. By 
B. P. Earkaria, Esq. 

(3) The Teleology of Pahlavi Shikand Gumanik Vijar and 
Cicero's De Natura Deorum. By R. P. Karkaria, Esq. 

(4) Firdonsi's Version of the Discovery of the Indian Game 
of Chess, By Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, Esq. 

(5) Cashmere and the Ancient Persians. By Jivanji Jam- 
ahedj Modi, Esq. 

The following was contributed to the Society's Journal :^ 

(6) Mandu. By. J. M. Campbell, Esq., C. I. E. 

LIBRARY. 

Issues of Boolcs. 

The issues of Books during the year under review were 
30,754 volumes ; 19,838 of new works, including periodicals, and 
10,916 of old books, compared with 26,683 volumes ; 16,300 of 
new books and 10,283 of the old in the preceding year. 

A detailed statement of the monthly issues is subjoined : — 

Old New 

Books. Books. 



»•• 



... 



January •• 

February ... 

March ••• ... •#. 

A.pnl ••# ••• ••• 

May .»• ••• ••• 

June .•• ••• ••• 

July *•• ••• ••• 

August 

September 

October 

November 

December 



••« 



••• ••• ••• 



t*. 



... ••• ••• 



*•• 


• •* 


••. 


1,025 


1,494 


•*• 


• .• 


*•• 


983 


1,607 


• •. 


*.• 


• •• 


895 


1,678 


• •• 


• 


• •• 


1,097 


1,430 


.•• 


..• 


• t* 


866 


1,872 


••• 


• •• 


• •• 


842 ' 


1,944 


••• 


••» 


t*. 


1,037 


2,029 


• •« 


• •• 


t.t 


885 


1,851 


*•« 


.•t 


• *• 


940 


1,421 


•*• 


• •• 


... 


861 


1,777 


••• 


• •• 


• •. 


638 


1,781 


«•. 


• •t 


• .• 


702 


1,554 



Total ...10,916 Total...l9,838 



XXXViii ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PBOCBBDINGS, 

The Yolumes of each class of books, new and old, issued 
during the year are stated in the following table : — 



Classes. 



Volumes. 



••• 



Periodicals, Magazines, &c. ... ••• ... ... ••• ... 

Novels, Bomanccs, and Talcs 

Miscellaneous and Works on several subjects of the same authors... 
jDio^rapny ... ••• •#• ••• ... ••. ••• ... ••• 

Vyoages, Travels, Qaography, and Topography 

History, Historical Memoirs and Chronology., 

Oriental Literature and Religion , 

Politics, Political Economy, and Statistios 

Transactions of liearned Societies, Encyclopaedias, and Periodical 
worKB ««« ••• *•• ... .*• .«• ••• Iff 

English Poetry and Dramatic Works , 

Natural History, Mineralogy, Geology, and Chemistry ... 

Foreign Literature ,., 

Fine Arts and Architecture 

Theology and Ecclesiastical History ,„ 

Metaphysics and Moral Philosophy 

Classics, Translations, and Works illustratiye of the Classics 

Philology, Literary History, and Bibliography 

Antiquities, Numismatics, Heraldry, and Genealogy 

Public Records, Statutes, &o , ... 

Botany, Agriculture and Horticulture ..• ... ... ... 

Logic, Rhetoric, and Works relating to Education ... .„ 

Science of War and Works on Military Subjects ... 

Grammatical Works and Dictionaries 

Medicine, Surgery, and Physiology 

Natural Phi losophy. Mathematics, Mechanics, and Astronomy 
Jurisprudence , ,„ 



Total... 



••• 
••• 

••• 



••• 



12,243 

8,282 

1,659 

1,212 

889 

864 

730 

488 

486 
478 
460 
826 
262 
267 
244 
227 
233 
208 
187 
186 
181 
165 
161 
148 
130 
69 



80,764 



Additions to the Library/. 

The total number of volumes added to the Library during 
the year was 897, of which 572 were purchased, and 825 
presented. The number in the year before was 901, 575 by 
purchase and 826 by presentation. 

The presents of books were, as usual, received from the 
Bombay Government, the Government of India, the other 
Local Governments, and the Secretary of State for India, and 
from individual authors. 



OFFICIAL, LITBBABT, AND SCIENTIPIO. 



XXXIX 



The number of volumes of each class of books purchased by 
and presented to, the Society during the year under report is 
shown in the following table : — 



Classes. 



Purchased. 



••• 



••• 
••• 
••• 
••• 



Theology and Eodesiastioal History 

Katoral Theology, Metaphyflioa, and Moral Philo- 

8opjiy ,,, ••• iM «•• ••• ••• ••> 

Logrio, Rhetoric, and Works relating to Education 
GlassicSy Translations and Works iUostratiye of the 

Classics ■•« !•• ••• ••• ••• •«« 

Philology, Literary History, and Bibliography... 
History, Historioal Memoirs, and Chronology ... 
PoUtios, Political Economy, and Statistics 
Jariapradence ... ... ... ..• 

Public Becords, Statutes, &c 

Biography and Personal Narratives 

Annuities, Numismatics, Heraldry, and Genealogy ,„ 

Voyages, Travels, Geography, and Topography 

EnigliBh Poetry and Dramatic Works 

Novels, Bomanoes, and Tales 

MisceUaneous and Works on several subjects of the 

same Authors ... 
Foreign Literature ... 
Natural Philosophy, Mathematics, Mechanics, and 

Astronomy 

Fine Arts and Architecture 

Science of War and Works on Military Subjects 

Natural History, Mineralogy, Geology, and Che- 

misuTy .•« ••• ••* ... ... 

Botany, Agriculture, and Horticulture .••* 

Medicine, Surgery, Physiology, &c. 

Transactions of Learned Societies, Encyclopa)diaB, and 

Periodical Works 
Dictionaries, Lexicons, Vocabularies, and Grammatical 

Works 

Oriental Literature ... 



... 
«•• 
••. 

••• 
••• 



••• 

••• 



••• 



••• 



••• 
••• 



••• 



Total... 



16 

8 
1 

7 
15 
19 
22 

*•• 
22 
62 
2 
25 
15 
173 

77 
4 

8 
10 
12 

12 
7 

9 

17 

18 
13 



672 



Presented 



••• 
••• 



1 

1 
24 

2 

174 

••• 

6 
10 
••• 
••• 



6 
5 



1 
3 
2 

47 

1 
40 



325 



xl ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIETY'S PBOCEKDIirGS; 

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 

The newspapers, periodicals, and journals of learned Societies 
subscribed for and presented to the Society daring the year 
were :— 



Literary Monthlies 

Illustrated ... 

Scientific 

General 

Reviews 

English Newspapers 



••• • • 

••• ••• •• 

••• ••• •• 

••• ••• • 



••• 
••• 
••• 

••• 
••• 



• • 



••• 



•• 



••• 



13 
17 
37 
2 
14 
17 



Foreign Literary and Scientific Periodicals .•• 12 
English and French Registers, Almanacs, 

Directories, &c» ... ... ... .«• ••• ]5 

Indian Newspapers and Government Gazettes... 19 

Indian Journals, Reviews, &c 27 

American Literary and Scientific Periodicals .. 12 

At a Meeting of the Society held in November under Article 
20 of the Rules, it was resolved to subscribe to " Badminton 
Magazine'* and '*The Sketch/' and to discontinue " Bookman '> 
and ''the Indu-Prakash" from the beginning of 1898. 

COIN CABINET. 

The number of coins added to the Society's Cabinet during 
the year was 67. They were received from different Govern- 
ments, under the Treasure Trove Act, 

2 from the Bombay Government. 
35 „ the Bengal Government. 
1 ] „ the Chief Commissioner^ Central Provinces. 
18 „ the Punjab Government. 
1 „ the Chief Commissioner, Burmah. 

• Of the total 67, 22 were of silver, 33 of copper, 1 1 of mixed 
metalj and 1 of impure gold. 



OVnCIALi LITEBABY; AND SCIENTIFIC. xli 

A detailed descriptive list of the coins is subjoined : — 
Presented hy the Bombay OoverTiment^^ 
1 Silver coin of Aarangzeeb. 

1 Silver coin of Shah Jehan. 

Found in the Peint Tahika, Nasik District, 

Presented by the Bengal Oovernment — 

5 Silver coins of British MintagOt found in the Birbham 
District. 

3 Silver coins of Alamgir II., found in the Burdwan 
District. 

27 Copper coins of the Indo-Scythians^ probably current 
in certain parts of ancient India^ found in the 
Puri District. 

Presented by the Chief Commissioner, Central Provinces — 

5 Silver coins of the kind generally known as Gadhia 

found in the Nagpur District. 

6 Copper coins of the Sultans of Malwa^ found in the 

Mandla District. 

Presented by the Punjab Oovernment^ 

1 Silver coin of Mahamad Shah Durani, King of 
Afghanistan, found in the Shahpur District. 

6 Small coins of mixed metal of Mahamad Karlak, 
found in the Oujranwala District. 

1 Coin of impure gold, belonging to Class B of the Great 
Kushans, found in the Rawalpindi District. 

Coins of a mixture of gold and silver, the later Indo- 

Scythians and Great Kushans, Class B, found in the 
Jhang District. 

5 Silver punch-marked coins, found in the Shahpur 
District. 

Presented by the Chief Commissioner, Burmah-^ 

1 Silver coin of the East India Company, struck at 

Arcot. 



Xlii ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS, 

Journal. 

No. 51 of the Journal was issued daring the year, as also 
index, title page and contents of Vol. XVIIJ., which has been 
completed. No. 52, containing papers contributed to the 
Society in 1895, is in the press and will shortly be published. 

The following is a list of Governments, Societies, Institutions, 
Ac, to which the Journal of the Society is presented: — 

Bombay Government ; Government of India; Government of Bengal ; Gov- 
ernment of Madras ; Punjab Government ; Government, N.-W. Provincea and 
Oadh ; Chief Oommissioner, Central Provinces ; Chief Commissloaer, Coorg : 
Besident, Hyderabad ; Chief Commissioner, Burmah ; Geological Surrey of 
India ; G. T« Survey of India ; Marine Survey of India ; Ben^^ Asiatic 
Society ; Agricultural Society of India ; Literary Society of Madras ; Provin- 
cial Museum, Lucknow ; Bombay CJniversity ; Madras University ; Punjab 
University; B. A. Society, Ocylon Branch; B. A, Society, North China Branch; 
the Aftiatio Society of Japan; Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences. 

Strasbourg Library ; Geographical Society, Vienna ; London Inetitntion of 
Civil fini^ineers; Boyal Geographical Society, London; Statistical Society 
London; Boyal Astronomical Society; Literary and Philosophical Society* 
Manchester ; Imperial Aoademy of Sciences, St. Petersbnrgh ; Smithsonian 
Institution, Washington ; Boyal Society of Northern Antiquaries, Copenhagan ; 
Koyal Society of Edinburgh ; Ddutsche Merge alandisohe Gesellschaft, Leipzig; 
Literary and Philosophical Society, Liverpool; British Museum, London; Boyal 
Society, London ; Boyal Asiatic Society, Great Britain and Ireland ; Academie 
Beal das Scienoia de Lisboa, Lisbon ; Sooiete de Geographic Commerciale de 
Bordeaux ; Societe de G^graphie de Lyons ; Hungarian Academy of Sciences 
(Buda Pest) ; Sociedad Geografica de Madrid ; Boyal DubUn Society ; Societe 
Gcographie de Paris; Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences; United States 
Snrvey ; Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna ; United Service 
Institution ; Minnesota Academy of Natural Science; India Office Library ; 
London Bible Society; Vienna Orientalische Museum; Boston Society of Natural 
History; Musee Guimet^ Lyons; Victoria Institution, London; Boyal Institution, 
Great Britain ; American Geographical Society ;* American Oriental Society ; 
Hamilton Assooiatioo, America ; Editor, Journal of Comparative Neurology 
Granville, Ohio, U. S. A. 

New Rule. 

The Society at their Meeting on 21st November passed the 
following rale submitted by the Committee of Management: — 

All books borrowed are to be returned to the Library in the first wedc (from 
the 1st to the 7th inclusive) of December in every year, whether the time 
allowed for reading has expired or not, and there will be no issues of books in 
that week. 



OFFICIAL, UTERARY, AKD SCIENTIFIC. xliii 

Any Hember who shall not have returned the books as required under thig 
Article, after i^ec eiving a oall from the Librarian, shall not be allowed to take 
books out from the Library, until he sends back all the books standing in his 
name in the Society's Register, on the 30th of November. 

It is to form part of article XXXVIII. of the existing Rules. 

AccovMs, 

A statemeDt giving in detail the items of income and 
expenditure during 1895 is appended. The collection of 
pubscription during the year amounts to Rs. 10,360-5-4t The 
amount received in 1894 was Rs. 9,768-5-3. 

The balance to the credit of the Society at the end of the 
year was Rs. 1,015-10-9, and the arrears of subscriptions 
Ba. 160. 

The amount due to Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench Triibner & 
Co. on 31st December 1895 was £31-10-9^, which has since 
been remitted. 



Mr. Sadanand Trimbak Bhandare moved the adoption of the 

report, which he said, showed as usual, steady progress in the 

Literary and the Financial Branches of the Society. He also 

moved a vote of thanks to the Committee and the office-bearers 

for their services during the year. 

Mr. Tribhowandas Mungaldas seconded the proposition, 
which was unanimously passed. 

Dr. Peterson proposed, and Mr. Damodardas Tapidas second- 
ed, that the following gentlemen form the Committee and the 
Auditors for 1 896. The proposition was unanimously carried :- 



xliv 



ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY S PROCEEDINGS, 



President : 



The Hon'ble Mr. Justice Jardiiic, I.C.S. 



Vice-Presidents : 



Dr. P. Peterson, M.A. 
Dr. J. Gersoii da Cuiiha. 



The Hon'ble Mr. Justice Candy. 
The Hon'blc W. R. Macdonell, 
M.A. 



Members: 



The Hon'ble Mr. J. U. Yajnik. 
Kharsetji R. Cama, Esq. 
Dr. Atmaram Panduraiig. 
Dr. D. MacDoiiald. 
Geo. A. Kittredge, Esq., M.A. 
Rev. R. Scott, M.A. 
James MacDonald, Esq. 
Rev. R. M. Gray. 



The Hon'ble Mr. Justice M. G. 

Ranade, CLE. 
N. G. Chandawarkar, Esq., LL.B. 
Major A. B. Mein. 
Surgeon-Captain B. B. Grayfoot, 
Rev. Dr. D. Mackichan, M.A. 
Prof. J. T. Hathomthwaite, M.A. 
F. C. Riniington, Esq. 
Lt. A. J. Peile, R.A. 



Honorary Secretary : 
The Ilon'ble Mr. Javerilal U. Yajnik. 

Joint Honorary Secretary : 

(Numismatics and Archeology). 

Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha. 



Honorary Auditors : 

D. R, Chichgar, Esq. 
H. R. H. Wilkmson, Esq. 



^^^^mm^i^m^mm^mmm^ta^^i^mmmmmmmmmi^^mmm^M 



BOMBAY BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. 

STATEMENT OF ACCOUNTS. 



iita 



xlvi 



ABSTBACT OV THB SOCIETY S PB0CESDIN08, 



Dr 



BOMBAY BRANCH OF THE 

GENERAL STATEMENT of Receipts and Diabursetnents 



Balance of last year... 
Subscription of Resident Members 
Do. of Non-Resident Members 



••• 



••• 



Do. in Arrears ... ... 

GoYemment Contribution 
Sal6«proceeds of Waste papers ,•• 

Do. of Journal Numbers 

Do. of Catalogues ... 

Do. of Duplicate Books 

Interest on Socicly's Govemment Paper 



••• 



••• 



Bs. a. p. 



9,677 13 4 

652 8 

SO 

4,200 

6 8 

82 

49 

27 8 

232 9 



Total...B8. 



Bs. a. p. 
1,016 8 10 



14,906 14 4 



16,923 7 2 



Examined and found correct. 

n. E. H, WILKINSON, 
Honorary Auditor* 



OPFICIAt,, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. 



xlvii 



ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. 



from 1ft January to Zlst December 1895. 



Cr. 







Books purchased in Bombay ... 


... 


Bs. a. 
2,969 12 





Bs. a. 


P- 






BemittAnces to Messrs. E!egan, Paul, Trench, 
TrUbner&Co.— 














Books «.. ... £ 31 


8 10 














English Newspapers and 

PeriodicalB £ 138 


8 9 














In all (£169-12-7), equivalent of ... 


t*. 


3,214 7 


8 










Sabscriptions to Newspapers, paid in India ... 


842 8 













Printing ... «•• ... ••• •«, 


... 


474 8 













Binding •.. ••• ... ... ••• 


• a. 


1,011 6 


9 










General Charges ... ... ... .,« 


... 


488 8 


1 










Stationery ... •«• ... ... ... 


... 


89 2 


6 










Postage and Receipt Stamps 


• *« 


68 2 


1 










Shipping and Landing Charges 


... 


7 10 


4 










Oas Charges , 


... 


86 10 













Office Establishment 


... 


5,608 14 













Printing of Journal No. 51 

Balance in Bank of Bombay 


*•> 


519 14 





14,875 12 


5 




1,016 10 


9 






Do* in hand ,,, ,„ «,« ... 

Total. 


..Bs. 


32 





1,047 10 


9 










16,923 7 


2 






Investment in Government Paper, 
















The Society's Fund 


... 


8,400 













The Premchand Boychand Fund 


... 


8,000 





11,400 









V 



JAVBBILAL U. YAJNIK, 

Honorary Secretary ^ 



Xlviii ABSTRACT OP THE SOCIKTY'S PE0CEBDING8. 

BOMBAY BEANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. 



Patron : 

Hia Excellency the Right Honourable Lord Sandhurkt, O.G.I.E., 

Governor, 

President : 

The Hon'ble Justice John Jardine, I.C.S. 

Vice-Presidents : 



Dr. P. Peterson, M.A. 
Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha. 



The Hon'ble Mr. Justice Candy. 
The Hon'ble W. R. MacdoneD, 
MA. 



Committee of Management : 



The Hon'ble Mr. J. U. Yajnik. 
Kharsetji R. Cama, Esq. . 
Dr. Atmaram Pandurang. 
Dr. D« MacDonald. 
Geo. A. Kittredge, Esq., M.A. 
Bey. R. Scott, M.A. 
James MacDonald, Esq. 
Rey. R. M. Gray. 



The Hon'ble Mr. Justice M. 6. 

Ranade, CLE. 
N. G. Chandawarkar, Esq., LL.B. 
Major A. B. Mein. 
Surgeon-Captain B. B. Grayfoot. 
Rey. Dr. D. Mackichan, M.A. 

J. T. Hathornthwaite, Esq., M.A. 
F. C. Remington, Esq. 
Lt. A. J. Peile, R.A. 



Honorary Secretary: 

The Hon'ble Mr. Javerilal Umiashankar Yajnik. 

Joint Honorary Secretary : 

(Numismatics and Archaeology) 

Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha. 



Honorary Auditors : 
Dirdshd Ratanji Chichgar, Esq. 
H. R. H. Wikinson, Esq. 



Assistant Secretary and Librarian : 
Mr. Ganpatrao K. Tiwarekar. 



xlix 



LIST OIF 3S^EIJi^BESI2;S. 
On the i\st December^ 1895. 

RESIDENT. 



Year of 
Election* 

1862 (1) Kharsetji Rastamji Cama, 
Esq. (Life-Member). 
„ (2) Kharsetji Fardunji 

Parak, Esq. 
^ (3) Hon'ble Mr. H. M, Bird- 
wood 

1864 (4) G. A. Kittredge, Esq. 
„ (5) Nowroji Maneckji Wa- 

dia, Esq.* 

1865 (6) Dr. Atmaram Pandu- 

rang. 

1866 (7) Vandravandas Pursho- 

tamdas, Esq. 
„ (8) E. B. Carroll, Esq. 

1867 (9) J. Westlake, Esq. 

„ (10) R. M. A. Branson, 
Esq. 

1869 (11) Dr. L. P. DeRozario. 

1870 (12) Hon'ble Mr. Justice 

John Jardine 

1873 (13) Dr. J. Gerson daCunha. 
„ (14) Sir Dinshah Manockji 

Petit, Bart. 
„ (15) J. MacDonald, Esq. 

1874 (16) H. Conder, Esq. 

„ (17) Byramji Nusserwanji 
Sirvai, Esq. {Life Member), 



»» 



»» 



Year of 
Election. 

1874 (18) G. A. Barnett, Esq. 

(19) P. Peterson, Esq. 

(20) The Hon'ble Mr. Jave- 
rilal Umiashankar Yajnik. 

„ (21) Grattan Geary, Esq. 

1875 (22) Sir Jamsetji Jijibhai, 

Bart. 

„ (23) Rer. Dr. D. Macki- 
chan. 

1876 (24) The Right Rev. L. G. 

Mylne, D. D., Bishop of 
Bombay {Lfic Member). 

„ (25) J. M. Campbell, Esq. 

1877 (26) Maneckji Barjorji, 
Esq. 

1878 (27) Darasha Ruttonji 
Chichgar, Esq. 

1878 (28) Dr. B. H. R. Langley. 
„ (29) Bezonji Rattonji Ko- 

tewal, Esq. 

1879 (30) Harischandra Krishna 

Joshi, Esq. 
„ (31) Dr. D. MacDonald. 

1880 (32) K S. Symons, Esq. 

„ (33) Rustam K. R. Cama, 
Esq., B.A. (Life-Member). 

„ (34) Vrijbhuckandass At- 
maram, Esq. 



LIST OP UKUBERa. 



18ftO (35) H.C. Kirkpatricfc, Esq. 

1881 (36) M. Macmillati, Esq. 
„ (37) Lt.-Col. G. Martin. 

1882 (38) Louis Penny, Esq. 

„ (39) A. F. Beaufort, Ksq. 
„ (40) Re7. R. Scott. 
„ (4l3 E. M. Slater, Esq. 

1882 (42) A. AkTLmmbie, Esq. 
,. (43) ,Su7g.!uQ-Maj\>rK. R. 

Kirtikar. 
„ (44) The HonTile Justice 
E. H. Fulton. 

1883 (45) Jehangir K. R. Cama, 

Esq., B.A. {Lift-Member). 

(46) J. M. Dreunan, Esq. 

(47) R. H. Baker, Esq. 

1884 (48) K. B. Sedgwick, Esq. 

(49) Mrs. Pechey-Phipson. 

(50) J. Griffiths, Esq. - 
(51)Smxeon-Lt.-Col.T. S. 

Weir. 

(52) Hon'blo Sir Charles 
Farran, Kt. 

(53) ■ Bhaishaokar Naaa- 
bhoy, Esq. 

« (54) The Hon'ble Mr. 

PeroBsha Merwanji Uehta 

n {hh) Goculdas Kshandaa, 

Esq. 

1884 (56) Jehangir NaBaerwanji 
Mody, Esq. {Life-Member), 

1885 (57)DaaturDarabPe3hoteii 

Sanjana. 
ti (58) Nowroji Pestonji 
Vakeel, Esq. 



Eleation. 

188G (59) R. N. Mant, Esq. 
„ (60) Harkissondas Naro- 
tamdas, Esq. 

1887 (61) Dr. D. A. DeMonte. 
„ (62) J. Marshal], Esq. 

1888 (63) Hon'ble Mr. Justice 

H. J. Parsons. 
„ (64) Surgeon -Captain 

M. A. T. Collie. 
„ (6S) John Black, Esq. 
„ (66) Murarji Goculdas 

Dewji, Esq. 
„ (67) Prince Sliri Samat- 

Bingji. 
„ (68) G. Cotton, Esq. 
' » (69) W. Bullock, Esq. 
„ (70) F. A. Reddie, Esq. 
„ (71) W. Murray, Esq. 
„ (72) KarsandaaVallabhdaB, 

Esq. 
„ (73) Narondas Pnraho- 

tamdas, Esq. 
„ (74j J. H. Symington, Esq. 
„ (75) Jiwanji Jamshedji 

Mody, Esq, 
„ (76) J. Avent, Esq. 
„ (77) R. S. Campbell. Esq. 
„ (78) F. C. Remington, Esq. 
„ (79) E. Wimbridge, Esq. 
„ (80) J. B. K. Macbeth, Esq. 
„ (81) Dwnodardas Tapidaa, 

Esq. 
„ (82) Dr. K, N. Baliadarji. 



LIST OF IIIM6XB9. 



li 



Year of 
£lection« 

1888 (83) Bomanji Dinshaw Petit, 

Esq. (Life-Member). 

88 (84) Key. R. MacOn^ish. 

„ (85) A. C. Parmeindes, Esq. 

„ (86) J. P. Phythian, Esq. 

„ (87) The EI on'ble Mr. Justice 
Badrudin Tyabji. 

„ (88) Rao Saheb Wasudeva 
Jagonath Kirtikar. 

„ (89) J. Stiven, Esq. 

„ (90) W. Huges, Esq. 

„ (91) A. H. Nazar, Esq. 

„ (92) C. H. Armstrong, Esq. 

„ (93) Veerchand Deepcliaud, 
Esq. 

„ (94) Jagmohandaa Vandra- 

wandas, Esq. 
„ (95) The Hon'ble Mr. W. R. 

Macdonell. 
„ (96) Rastomji Pestonji 

Karkaria, Esq. 
„ (97) G. W. F. Plajfak, Esq. 
1888 (98) Gowardhandas Goculdas 

Tejpal, Esq. 
„ (99) J. C. E. Branson; Esq. 
„ (100) Miss Macdonald. 
„ (101) Rev. J. F. Gardner. 
„ (102) Dinshaw Edalji Vacha, 

Esq. 
„ (103) I. O'Callaghan, Esq. 
„ (104)NarayanGanesh Chan- 

dawarkar, Esq. 



Year of 
Election. 

1889(105) Surgeon-Captain B* 
B. Grayfoot. 
„ (106) Hon'ble Mr. Justice 
Candy. 

1890 (107) Manmohandas Ramji, 

Esq. 
„ (108) H. A. Acworth, E«q. 
„ (109) Rev. Dr. W. M- 

Alexander. 
„ (110) Fram ji Rastamji Vicaji, 

Esq. 
„ (111) Philip B. Savile, Esq. 

„ (112) Lieut. R. T. R. 
Lawrence, R.E. 

„ (113) Lieut.-Col. R. V. 

Riddell, R.E. 
„ (114) Dharamai Morarji 

Goculdas, Esq. 

1891 (115) Rev. Dr. B. DeMonte. 
„ (116) Dharamsey Sundarda& 

Mulji, Esq. 

(117) Arthur Leslie, Esq. 

(118) W. D. McKewan, Esq. 
„ (119) The Hon'ble Mr Daji 

Abaji Khare. 
„ (120) Dr. Bhalchandra 

Krishna Bhatawadekar. 
„ (121) Rev. R. M, Gray. 
„ (122) H. Kennard, Esq. 
„ (123) J. H. Sleigh, Esq. 
„ (124) Maneksha J. Talyaiw 

khan, Esq. 
„ (125) W. Munro, Esq. 
1891 (126) T. W. Cuffe, Esq. 
„ (127) Vajeshankar Gowri- 

»hankar, Esq. 



» 



» 



lii 



LIST OF MItfBEKS. 



>» 



>» 



9) 



9) 



Year of 
Election. 

1891 (128) N. A. Moos, Esq. 
„ (129) L. J. Robertsou, Esq. 
„ (130) W. H. Sharp, Esq. 
„ (131) J. Y. Munro, Esq. 
„ (132) Shankar Prasad Hari 
Prasad, Esq. 

„ (133) W. G. Treacher, Esq. 
„ (134) Major J. C. Swann. 

(135) Jamsetjee N.Tata, Esq. 

(136) Fakirchand Prem- 
chand, Esq. 

(137) Surgeon-Major F. F. 
MacCartie. 

(138) Shi-imant Narayanrao 
Govindrao Gliorapaday, 

Chief of Ichalkaranji 
{Life-Member) . 

„ (139) The Hon'ble Justice 
M. G. Ranadc. 
1892(140) Kawasji Dadabhoy 
Dubash, Esq. 
„ (141) M. C. Turner, Esq. 

„ (142) Prabhurani Jivanram 
Vaidya, Esq. {Life- 
Member), 

„ (143) 0. V. MuUer, Esq. 

„ (144) Nowroji Byramji Sun- 
took, Esq. 

„ (145) S. R. Bhandarkar, Esq. 
,, (146) R. C. Chapman, Esq. 
„ (147) Dadabhoy Merwanji 
Dallal, Esq. 

.» (148) F. W. Eioke, Esq. 



Year of 
Election. 

1892 (149) V. N. Bhagrat, Esq, 
„ (150) TribhuvandasVarjiraii- 

das, Esq. 
„ (151) H. R. H. Wilkinson. 

Esq. 
„ (152) Cursetji N. Wadia, 

Esq. 
„ (153) Major A. Hildebrand* 
„ (154) H. W. lUloth, Esq. 
„ (155) Karimbhai Ibrahim, 

Esq. 
„ (156) J. L. Symons, Esq. 
„ (157) Rao Saheb Dalpatram 

Pranjiwanram Khakkhar. 
„ (158) R. Gilbert, Esq. 
„ (159) T. J. Bennett, Esq. 
„ (160) Sadanand Trimbak 

Bhandare, Esq. {Life- 

Membej'), 
„ (161) James Kenyon, Esq. 
„ (162) A. H. King, Esq. 
„ (163) K. B. Setna, Esq. 
„ (164) Burjorji Nowroji Ap- 

yakhtiar, Esq. 
„ (165) A. M.T.Jackson, Esq. 
„ (166) R. E. Melsheimer, Esq. 
„ (167) John A. Douglas, Esq. 
„ (168) L. R. W. Forrest, Esq. 
„ (169) Hormasji Dorabji 

Padamji, Esq. 

1893 (170) Rev. J. Sellar. 

„ (171) Ouchavaram Nanabhai 
Haridas, Esq. 

„ (172) H. R. Greaves, Esq. 
„ (173) Jijibhoy Edalji Modi, 
Esq. 



LIST OF. XSMBBB8. 



liii 



Year of 

Election. 

1893(174) Shamrao Vithal, Esq. 

„ (175) Shapurji Barjorj* 
Barncha, Esq* 



«} 



»» 



(176) Tribhuwandas Mangal- 
das Nathubhoy, Esq. 

(177) A. Stephen, Esq. 

„ (178) Rao Saheb EUapa 
Ballarani. 

„ (179) Rastamji Nanabhoy, 
Byramji Jijibbhoy, Esq* 

{Life-Member), 

« 

„ (180) Tullockcband Maneck- 
chand, Esq. 

(181) Hari Sitaram Dixit, 
E«q, 

(182) Major A. B. Mein. 

(183) W. W. Squire, Esq. 

(184) Surgeon-Col. D. E. 
Hughes. 

(185) A. M. Tod, Esq. 

(186) Capt. Chandler. 

(187) R. C. Lees, Esq. . 

(188) Robert Pescio, Esq. 

„ (189) Merwanji Dhanjibhoy. 
Jijibhoy, Esq. 

„ (190) G. H. Townsend, Esq. 
„ (191) B. H. J. Rastamji, 
Esq. 

yy (192) His Highness Aga 
Khan. 

(193) Col. Empson, R. A. 

(194) J. W. Brown, Esq. 

„ (195) E. H. Elsworthy, Esq. 



»» 



» 



» 



»» 



^> 



Yi 



?» 



>» 



rt 



9t 



Year of 

Election. 

1894(196) Wasudeva 
Bhandarkar, Esq. 



Gopal 



„ (197) Dr. James Amott. 
„ (198) Rev. J. E. Abbott. 
„ (199) Geo. Miller, Esq. 
„ (200) J. C. G. Bowen, Esq. 
„ (201) J. T. Hathornthwaite, 
Esq. 

„ (202) S. L. Wyatt, Esq. 

„ (203) D. M. Inglis, Esq. 

„ (204) C. 8. H. Sari, Esq. 

„ (205) W. I. A. Foulkes, Esq. 

„ (206) Edwin Yeo, Esq 

„ (207) Capt. St. J. A. D. 
Muter, R, A 

„ (208) Cecil Richardson, Esq. 
„ (209) J. G. Covernton, Esq. 
„ (210) J . W. Orr, Esq. 
„ (211) R.C,Wroughton,Esq. 
„ (212) Captain Finny. 

„ (213) J. L. Jenkins, Esq. 

„ (214) Balkrishna Vindyak 

Wassoodeo, Esq. {Life- 
Member), 



)9 



(215) Lt. W. C. R. Farmer, 
R.A. 



i» 



»> 



„ (216) R. Whately, Esq. 

(217) Major Allan Smith. 

(218) K R. OHver, Esq. 

„ (219) Prof. H. M. Bhad- 
kamkar. 

„ (220) Capt. A. J.Peile, R.A, 
,, (221) R. 8. Brown, Esq. 



Mr 



&tST 09 MSMBSBS. 



»> 



9> 



Tear of 
Election* 

1895 (222) Vernon B. P. Bayley, 
Esq. 

„ (22S) Rev. C. J. Mayhew. 
„ (224) Lt.-Col. Freeman. 
„ (225) Cumrudin Amirudin, 
Esq. 

„ (226) C. I. Nicoud, Esq. 
„ (^27) F, A. Little, Esq. 
„ (228) Miss Parker. 

(229) A. B. Earle, Esq. 

(280) R. H. Vincent, Esq., 
CLE. 

„ (231) G. S. Curtis, Esq. 
„ (232) A. Joly de Lotbimiere, 
Esq. 

„ (233) G. N. Sweet, Esq. 

(234) T. A. Savage, Esq. 

(235) Cecil Gray, Esq. 

(236) Khimjibhoy Jairam 
Naranji, Esq. 

„ (237) A. Murray, Esq. 
„ (238) Maganlal L. Shroff, 
Esq. 

„ (239) G. F. Horbury, Esq. 
„ (240) Mancharsha Framji 
Khan, Esq. 

, (241) R. Kennedy, Esq. 
„ (242) Miss Benson. 



>» 



99 



*) 



Year of 
Election. 

1895 (243) C, Trafford, Esq. 

„ (244) R. H. Vincent, Esq., 

(Junior). 

„ (245) Framrose Edalji Din- 
shaw, Esq. 

„ (246) F. H. Brown, Esq. 
„ (247) Col. A. T. Fraser. 
„ (248) G. D. Marston, Esq. 
„ (249) C. W. L. Jackson, Esq. 
„ (250) J. A. Jeffrey, Esq: 
„ (251) Geo. Service, Esq, 

„ (252) F. A. Prevost, Esq. 

„ (253) H. E. E. Procter, Esq. 
„ (254) L. Hallward, Esq. 

„ (255) A. J. L. Grimes, Esq. 
„ (256) J. Jack, Esq. 

„ (257) J. K. Moir, Esq. 
„ (258) Fazalbhai Visram, 
Esq. 

(259) His Excellency the Rt. 
Hon'ble William Baron 
Sandhurst, G.C.I.E. 
„ (260) Major Block, R. A. 

(261) Frederick Noel Paton, 
Esq. 

(262) Lt.-Col. W. A. 
Wetherall. 



)9 



9> 



UST or USHBKBS. 



It 



NON-RESIDENT. 



» 



»l 



»» 



«) 



9) 



•9 



Tear of 

Blectioii* 

1865 (1) Dr. R, G. Bhandarkar. 

1868 (2) G. B. Reid, Esq. 

(3) Dr. J. C. Lisboa. 

(4) H. H. the Maharaja 
Saheb of Bhavnagar. 

(5) H. H. the Jam Saheb of 
Nawanagar 

(6) H. H. Ramchandrao 
Appa Saheb, Chief of Jam- 
khandi. 

(7) Dr. G. Biihler. 

(8) H. H. the Thakore 
Saheb of Morvi. 

1869 (9) J. F. Fleet, Esq. 

„ (10) Bomanji Jamaspji, 
Esq. 

1875 (11) Cowasji Karsetji Jam- 

setji, Esq. 

1876 (12) G. C. Whitworth, Esq. 

1878 (13) Sadashiva Vishwanath 

Dhnrandhar, Esq. 

1879 (14) Sayad Hassan Bil- 

grami, Esq. 

„ (15) Brigade-Surgeon- 
Lieut..CoL C. T. Peters. 

1882 (16) W. P. Symonds, Esq. 

(17) E. H. Moscardi, Esq. 

(18) Th^ Hon'ble. W. W. 
Loch. 

1888 (19) Rev. J. H. Mackay. 
„ (20) J. R. Greaves, Esq. 

1888 (21) Prabhashankar Gown* 
shankar, Esq. 



» 



»» 



Year of 
Election. 

1888 (22) Syed Ikhal All, Esq. 
„ (23) Syed AH Bilgraml, 

Esq. 

1889 (24) C. G. Dodgson, Esq. 
„ (25) E. M. Pratt, Esq. 

„ (26) M. H. Kazar, Esq. 
„ (27) Mancharji Pestonji 
Kharegat, Esq. 

1890 (28) Raja Murli Manohar 

Bahadur. 

„ (29) K. B. Pathak, Esq. 
„ (30) Rao Saheb Balwantrao 

Bhuskute. 
„ (31) H. H, Dhruva, Esq. 

(^Life-Member), 

„ (32) Shrimant Aba Saheb, 
Chief of Visalgad. 

„ (33) Kharsetji Rustamji 
Thanawala, Esq. 

„ (34) W. C, Rand, Esq. 
1892 (5) Sortorio Coelho, Esq. 

{Life-Member), 

„ (36) T. W. Arnold, Esq. 
„ (37) C. Biddulph, Esq. 
„ (36) Kavasji Dadabhai Nai- 
gamwala, Esq. 

„ (39) Surgeon-Major J. H. 
Newman. 



(40) Rao Saheb P. B. 
Parakh. 

(41) A. C. Logan, Esq. 

(42) W. Doderet, Esq. 

„ (48) Captain T. J. Qrier. 



9) 



99 



99 



Ivi 



LIST or MIMBERS. 



Year of 
Election. 

1893 (44) Sorabji Manekji 

Cawasji, Esq. 

(45) Lalubhai Samaldas 
Desai, Esq. 

(46) Kumar ShriBaldevji of 
Dharampur( Z^/(?-itf(?7wi^r) , 

(47) H. E. M. James, Esq. 

(48) Hari Narayan Apte, 
Esq. 

(49; W. H. Luck, Esq. 

1894 (60) Surgeon-Captain B. 

Basu. 



» 



99 



99 



» 



M 



Tear of 

Eleotiou. 

1894 (51) T.R. Amalnerkar, Esq. 

1895 (52) Dattatraya Balwant 

Parasnis, Esq. 

(53) F. X. E. Barreto, Esq. 

(54) B. K. Thakore, Esq. 
(1893). 

(55) Ibrahim Ahmedi, E«q. 
(1891). 

(56) F. T. Rickards, Esq. 
(1893). 



» 



»> 



>» 



» 



LIFE-MEMBERS. 

Prabhuram Jivanram Vaidia, Esq, 

Sadanand Trimbak Bhandare, Esq. 

Rastamji Nanabhoy Byramji 
Jijibhoy, Esq. 

Balkrishna Vinayak Wassudev, 
Esq. 



Kharsetji Rastamji Cama, Esq. 
Byramji Naserwanji Sirvai, Esq. 
The Right Rev. L. G. Mylne, 
D. D., Bishop of Bombay. 

Rustam K. R. Cama, Esq. 
Jehangir K. R. Cama, Esq. 

Jehangir Nasserwanji Mody, Esq. j Sortorio Coelho, Esq. 

Bomanji Dinshaw Petit, Esq. Kumar Shri Baldevji of Dharam- 



Shrimant Narayenrao Govindrao 

Ghorepaday, Chief of Ichal- 
karanji. 



pur. 
H. H. Dhruva, Esq. 



HONORARY. 



Tear of 
Election. 

1835 A. S. Walne, Esq. 

1845 M. le Marquis de Ferriere 

de Vayer. 

1848 M. le Vicomte Eugene de 
Kerckhove. 

1849 B, Hodgson, Esq. 



Year of 
Election. 

1862 Dr. H. J. Carter. 
1866 Dr. A. Weber. 

„ J. H. Rivara da Cunha, Esq 
1879 Dr. Oliver Codrington. 
1892 Sir Raymond West, 

K. G. I. Ea 



ABSTRACT OP THB SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. lyii 

A Meeting of the Society was held on Friday, the 26th June 1896. 

Dr. J. Gcrson da Canha in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed. 

Mr. Jivanji Jamshedji Modi read a paper on the ** Antiquity of the 

A vesta.'* 

Messrs. K. R. Cama and J. MacDonald and Dr. Nishikant of 
Hyderabad (Deccan) made remarks on the paper. 

A vote of thanks was then passed to Mr. J. J. Mody for the 
interesting paper he had read. 



Iviii PB18INT8 TO THE LI^BABT. 

LIST OF PJIESSENTS TO THE LIBRARY. 

(Fbom Jakcabt to Decsmbib 1895). 

Titles of Books, Donors. 

Acts, Goyemment of India, 1894. 

Goyemment'of India. 
Administb AVION Beport, Balacliistan, 1893-94. 

Ooyemment of India. 
Bengal, 1893-94. 

Bengal Goyenunent. 

Bombay Presidency, 1S93-94. 

Bombay Goyemment. 

Burmah, 1898-94. 

Chief OommiBsioner, Burmab. 

■ ■ Central India Agency, 1894-95. 

Goyemment of India. 

Hyderabad Assigned Districts, 1893-94. 

Resident at Hyderabad. 

■ Madras Presidency, 1893-94. 

Madras Govemibent. 

N.-W. Proyinces and Oudh, 1893-94. 

Goyemment N.-W. P. and Ondb. 

" Punjab, 1893-94. 

Punjab Goyemment. 

-—---____ p. w. D., Bombay Presidency, 1894-95. 

(Irrigation). 

Bombay Goyemment. 

■ ■ P. W. Department, Bombay Presidency, 

1894.96. 

Bombay Goyemment. 

Rajpntana States, 1894-95. 

Goyemment of India. 

Agricultural Ledger, 1893 (Nos. 1 to 5 and 15) ; 1894 (Nos. 3, 7, 

12 and 18 to 20) ; 1895 (Nos. 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 12, 13, 16, 17). 

Goyemment of India. 

Amsrigan Historical Association, Report, 1891-93* 

Smithsonian Institution. 
*— — — Museum of Natural History, Report, 1892-93. 

Smithsonian Institution. 
Apastamba Grihya Sutra. 

Mysore GoTemment. 

' Paribhasha Sutra* 

Mysore Goremment. 



PKBSMTS to THS UBSiBT. llX 

AmcHJBOLOGicAL SoTTej of India. New Series. VoL XYIII., Put, I. 
(Mogal Architecture of Eatepur Sikri). 

(TOTermiient of India. 
Akt Manufacture of India. 

GoTemment of ^idia. 
"Bombay Gazetteer, B^mibaj Town and Island, Part in. 

Bombaj GiOTemment* 

■ Unireraity Calendar, 1895-96. 

The UniTeraity. 
BowsK Manuscript, Fart IL Fasc. II. 

Gorenunent of India. 
BsiSP Sketch, Meteorology, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 

CaxAiiOOUC, Arabic MSS., Berlin Library. 

The Library. 

— of Coins, Indian Museum, Part 11. 

Trustees of the Museum. 

■ Lahore Museum, Part 11. 

Groremment of Punjab. 

. Sanskrit MSS., Calcutta Sanskrit Cellege Library. 

Gofemment of India- 

■ India Office Library, Part IV. 

Secretary of State for India. 
library of H. H. the Maharaja of Ulwar. 

Dr. P. Peterson. 
— — — of the Library, Institiition of Ciril Engineers. 

The Institution. 

CbH8U8 of India, 1S91. Hiji "Rl ghmntm f.lift Ni«itfn'« TiA Tniniana . 

Bombay GrOTemment. 

Mysore, Parts IIL and IV. 

Bombay Groremment* 

Ch CRAGS Daneh. 

Dastur Darab P. Sanjana. 

CinusATioy of the Eastern Iranians. 

Framji Hormusji Setna, Esq. 

CoMMOH Crow of the United States. 

XT. S. Department of Agriculture. 

Crop Experiments, Bombay Presidency, 1893-94. 

Director of Land Beoords. 

DAKmniTAJCiiBTi Stotra of Sri Sankaracharya, 

Aysore GoTemment. 

^SMOHBTBATioHs in the modes of "^a^^^^ng and examinTng the horse. 

By N. D. Dhakmarrala. 

The Author. 



Iz PBE8KNT8 TO THE UBBABT. 

DiCTiQNABT, Konkani and Portuguese. By Rev. S. B. Dalgado. 

The Author. 
Die Alttur Kischen Inschriften der Mongole^. 

Academie des Scienees de St. Petersburg. 
DiNA-i-Mainu i Khrat. 

Dastur Darab P. Sanjana. 

Framji Hormusji Setna, Esq. 

Eablt History of the Deccan. 2nd Ed. By Dr. B. G. Bhandarker. 

The Author. 
East India (Accounts and Estimates) Explanatory Memo. 

Secretary of State for India. 

— (Cantonment Acts), 1895. 

Secretary of State for India. 
' Correspondence relating to Chitral. 

1 Secretary of State for India. 

.— i— (Cotton Manufactures) Import Duties. 

Secretary of State for India. 

' (Estimate). 

Secretary of State for India. 

n (Financial Statement, 1895*96). 

Secretary of State for India. 

■ (€k>Temment of India). 

Secretary of State for India. 
■ (Home Accounts). 

Secretary of State for India. 

■ (Indian Tariff Act and the Cotton Duties). 

Secretary of State for India. 
■ (Income and Expenditure), 1884 85 to 1893-94. 

Secretary of State for India. 

.—i— (Loans Raised in England). 

Secretary of State for India. 

— ■ (India). 

Secretary of State for India . 

— ■ Military Expenditure beyond the Frontier. 

Secretary of State for India. 

■ r ■ Gilgit, Ac. 

Secretary of State for India. 

■ (Progress and Condition), 1893-94. 

Secretary of State for India. 
I (Staff forps Officers). 

Secretary of State for India. 

Engbavbd Gems. By Professor M. Somerrille. 

The Author. 



PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. Ixi 

Essays in English History. By B. P. Karkaria. 

The Author. 
FATU•^al-Zarib. La Bevelation de 1' Omnipresent. 

The Governor-General, Netherlands, India. 
FiNAx Beport, Boyal Commission on Opium. 

Secretary of State for India. 
Finance and Bevenue Accounts, Government of India, 1893-94. 

Government of India. 
Financial and Commercial Statistics, British India, 1894. 

Government of India. 
Ganjeshayagan. 

Framji Hormusji Setna, Esq. 
History of the Parsis. 

Framji Hormusji Setna, Esq. 
■ Tower Bridge. 

The Bridge Estates Committee, Corporation, Cit^ of London. 
Illxtbtbations of Indian Architectural Decorative Work. Plates 1-14. 

Government of India. 
Income Tax Reports, Bombay Presidency, 1893-94. 

Bombay Government. 
Index of Manuscripts, Govemlnent Oriental MSS. Library, Madras. 

Madras Government. 
Indian Meteorological Memoirs, Vol. V., Part 6. 

Government of India. 

■ Vol. v.. Parts 7, 8, 9. 

Government of India. 

^ Vol. VII., Parts 1-4. 

Government of India. 



IM*i 



— Textile Journal Directory, 1895. 

The Proprietor Indian Textile Journal. 

Weather Review, 1894. 

Government of India. 
Instettctions to Observers, Indian Meteorological Department. 

Government of India. 
Intebnal Trade, Punjab, 1894-95. 

Punjab Government. 

IsRiaATiON Revenue Report, Bombay Presidency, 1893-94. 

Bombay Government. 

Sind, 1893-94, 

Bombay Government. 
Journey through Mongolia and Tibet. By W. W. Rockhill. 

The Smithsonian Institution. 
Judaism at the World's Parliament of Religions. 

The Union of the American Hebrew Congregation. 

I 



Ixiv PRESENTS TO THE LinRARy. 

Report, Mofnssil, Civil Hospitals and Dispensaries. 

Bombay Government. 

■ Meteorological Department, Government of India, 18^4-95. 

Government of India- 

■ Madras Government, Central Museum, 1894-95. 

Madi'as Government* 

■ Municipalities, Punjab, 1893-94. 

Punjab Government. 

— Municipal Taxation and Expenditure, Bombay Presidency, 

1893-94. 

Bombay Government. 

■ Northern India, Salt Revenue Department, 1894-96. 

Commissioner, N. I., Salt ItevennQ. 
' Opium Department, Bombay Presidency, 1893-94. 

Bombay Government, 
— on Forest Management. 

Government of India. 
^— — — on Publications, British India, 1894. 

Government of India. 
on Sanskrit MSS., Bombay Presidency, 1884-85 and 1886-87. 

Bombay Government. 

■ Police, Bombay, 1894. 

Bombay Government* 
— Public Instruction, Punjab, 1893-94. 

Punjjab Government. 
- — — - Rail and Road-bome Trade, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 

Railways in India, 1893-94. 

Secretary of State for India. 

■ Railway Department, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 
«— Registration Department, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 

. Punjab, 1894-95. 

Punjab Gk)vemment. 

■ — Rail, Road and River-borne Traffic, Sind, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government, 

Reformatory School, Yerrowda, 1894. 

Bombay Government. 

Sanitary Administration, Punjab, 1894. 

Punjab Government. 

Salt and Continental Customs Department, 1893-94. 

Bombay Government. 



PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. IxV 

Report, Sanskrit MSS. Southern India, No. I. 

Madras Government. 

r— Stamp Department, Bombay, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 
' Punjab, 1894-95. 

Punjab Government. 



.... Survey of India Departments, 1893-94. 

Government of India. 
. Trade and Navigation, Sind, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 
— T Talukdari, Settlement Officer, 1893-94. 

Bombay Government. 
— ] Vaccination, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 
> . . Vaccination, Punjab, 1894-95. 

Punjab Government, 
r Rail and River-borne Traffic, Sind, 1893-i^4. 

Bombay Government. 
Bbserches Sur le Bouddhisme. 

Musee Guimet. 
Beturns, Bail and Biver-bome Traffic, Sind, 1893-94 and 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 
Beview, Trade of India, 1894-95. 

Government of India. 
Revision Survey Settlement, Shabpur District, Punjab, 1887-94. 

Punjab Government. 

r: * Alibag Taluka, Kolaba. 

Bombay Government. 

. ■ Haliyal Taluka, Kanara. 

Bombay Government. 

'■ — -^— ■ Javali Taluka, Satara. 

Bombay Government. 

■ ; Mebamadabad Taluka, Kaira. 

Bombay Govemmentt 

• ■ ■ . Peint Taluka, Nasik. 

Bombay Government. 

■ .. ■ .. ■ Anand Taluka, Kaira. 

Bombay Government. 

m .1 ■ Dbandhuka Taluka, Ahmedabad. 

Bombay Government. 

■ — — Gokak Taluka, Belgaum. 

Bombay Government. 



Ixiv PRESENTS TO THE LIBEARY. 

Report, Mofussil, Civil Hospitals and Dispensaries. 

Bombay Government. 

■ Meteorological Department, Government of India, 18^4-95. 

Government of Indiii. 

■ Madras Government, Central Museum, 1894-95. 

Madi'as Government. 

■ Municipalities, Punjab, 1893-94. 

Punjab Government. 

— Municipal Taxation and Expenditure, Bombay Presidency:, 

1893-94. 

Bombay Government. 

■ Northern India, Salt Revenue Department, 1894-96. 

Commissioner, N. I., Salt Revenue^. 
I Opium Department, Bombay Presidency, 1893-94. 

Bombay Government. 
— — ^— on Forest Management. 

Government of Indii^ 
^— — - on Publications, British India, 1894. 

Government of India. 
on Sanskrit MSS., Bombay Presidency, 1884-85 and 1886-87. 

Bombay Govermnent. 
^ Police, Bombay, 1894. 

Bombay Government* 
— . Public Instruction, Punjab, 1893-94. 

Punjab Government. 
_ — 1-_ Rail and Road-bomc Trade, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 

— Railways in India, 1893-94. 

Secretary of State for India. 

■ Railway Department, Bombay Presidency, 189 i- 95. 

Bombay Government. 
«— Registration Department, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95. 

Bombay GovemmcQt. 
. Punjab, 1894-95. 

Punjab Gk>vemment. 

■ Rail, Road and River-borne Traffic, Sind, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 

Reformatory School, Yerrowda, 1894. 

Bombay GoyemniefHbi 

Sanitary Administration, Punjab, 1894. 

Punjab Goi 

Salt and Continental Customs Department, 1898-^ 

Bombay < 




PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. IXT 

Report, Sanski-it MSS. Soathem India, No. I. 

Madras Government, 
r— 7 Stamp Department, Bombay, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 

' Punjab, 1894-95. 

Punjab Government. 



rrrr— Survey of India Departments, 1893-94. 

Government of India. 
■ . Trade and Navigation, Sind, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 
— T Talukdari, Settlement Officer, 1893-94. 

Bombay Government. 
— ■ Vaccination, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 
' . . , Vaccination, Punjab, 1894-95. 

Punjab Government. 
— Rail and Biver-borne Traffic, Sind, 1893-94. 

Bombay Government. 
Bbsekches Sur le Bouddhisme. 

Musee Guimet. 
Returns, Rail and River-borne Traffic, Sind, 1893-94 and 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 
Review, Trade of India, 1894-95. 

Government of India, 
Revision Survey Settlement, Shabpur District, Punjab, 1887-94. 

Punjab Government, 
rr * Alibag Taluka, Kolaba. 

Bombay Government. 

. ■ Haliyal Taluka, Kanara. 

Bombay Government. 

' — r^— — . ■ Javali Taluka, Satara. 

Bombay Government. 

. — r Mehamadabad Taluka, Kaira. 

Bombay Govemmentt 

r ■ ■ . ' Peint Taluka, Nasik. 

Bombay Government. 

r: ■ . — ■ Anand Taluka, Kaira. 

Bombay Government. 

r • ■ Dhandhuka Taluka, Ahmedabad. 

Bombay Government. 

— — — Gokak Taluka, Belgaum. 

Bombay Government. 



Ixvi PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. 

BvTis ION Survey Settlement, EaJjaxi Taluka, Thasa, 1895. 

Bombay Govenunent. 
■ ■■ ^1 I Koregaum Taluka, Satara. 

Bombay Government. 
I I ■■ ■ Karad Taluka, Satara. 

Bombay Government. 
_^ _ Murbad Taluka, Thana. 

Bombay Government, 



■■ * »•— Nadiad Taluka. Elaira. 

Bombay Government. 
■I I ■ ' ■ ■ I Patau Taluka, Satara. 

Bombay Government. 

*^ ■ '■ " Pen Taluka, Colaba. 

Bombay Government. 
Sangeetaditya. By Lakbmidas Aditram. 

The Auihois 
Sanitary Measures in India, 1893-94, 

Bombay Government. 
Selections from the Upanishads. 

Christian Literary Society, Madras. 
Smithsonian Report, 1890-92-93. 

Smithsonian Institution, 
— — ^-— Institution, Bureau of Ethnology, Report, 1885-88. 

Smithsonian Institution. 
« Miscellaneous Collection, 1893. 

Smithsonian Institution. 
Some Account of Silk in India. 

Government of India. 
South Australia. 

Bombay Government. 
South African Republic ; Papers relating to Grievances of Her 
Majesty's Indian subjects. 

Secretary of State for India. 
Statement, Trade and Navigation, British India, 1892-93-94. 
(Appendices). Government of India. 

1894-95, 2 Vole. 

Government of India. 
Statistical Abstract, British India, 1884^ to 1893-94. 

Secretary of State for India. 

Survey Settlement Report, Kaldhan Village, Ehatava Taluka, Satara. 

Bombay Government* 

Synopsis of Operations, G. T. Survey of India, Vol. 34. 

Government of India. 



PBESBNTS TO THE LIBRABT. Ixvii 

Taittieiya Samliita, Kpislina Yajurveda, Vols. 2 and 3. 

Mysore Goyemment. 

Telegraph Map of India, 1894. 

The Superintendent, G. T. Survey. 

Text Book of Sanitary Science. 

Govemment of India. 
Third Beport, Curator of Ancient Monuments. 

Govemment of India. 

• 

Tide Tables, Indian Ports, 1895. 

Govemment of India, 
Trade, British India, 1889-90 to 1893-94. 

Secretaty of State for India. 

-^— and Navigation Accoxmts, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government* 

■ ' British India, Monthly Accounts, 1894-95. 

Govemment of India. 

' Betums, Aden, 1894-95. 

Bombay Grovemment. 
Transutsbation of Oriental Alphabets. By J. Burgess. 

The Author. 

United States, Geographical and Geological Survey Report, 

Yols. yil. and IX. Smithsonian Institution. 

■ Geological Survey Beports, 1889-93. 

Smithsonian Institution. 

■ Geological Survey, Monographs, Vols. 17-22. 

Smithsonian Institution. 
YiSHNU Purana, Abridgment from English Translation 

Christian Literary Society, Madras. 

Wrecks and Casualties in Indian Waters, 1894. 

Govemment of India. 



Ixviii PRESENTS TO THE LIBRART. 

LIST OP PRESENTS. 

From January to June 1896. 

Titles of Boohs. Donors. 

Acts, Government of India, 1895. 

Government of India. 
Agricultural Ledger, No. 16, 1894. 

Government of India. 
: Nos. 11, 14, 15, 19, 23, 1895. 

Government of India. 

Annals, Botanical Garden, Calcutta, Vol. V. 

Superintendent, Botanical Gkirden. 
ADMINISTRA.TION Report, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 

Baluchistan, 1894-95. 

Government of India. 

— -: N.-W. Provinces andOudb. 1894-95. 

Government, N.-W. P. 

■ ■ Madras Presidency, 1894-95. 

Madr^ Government. 

■ _« Hyderabad Assigned District, 1894-95. 

Resident, Hyderabad. 
Bengal, 1894-96. 

Bengal Government. 
Burma, 1894-95. 

Chief Commissioner, Burma. 

— Punjab, 1894-95. 

Punjab Government. 
Bombay Code, 2nd Edition, Vol. II. 

Government of India. 
Catalogue, Persian Books, Asiatic Society, Bengal. 

Asiatic Society. 
Crop Bxpeiiments, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 
ENGLiSH-Pei-sian Dictionary. By Wollaston, 

Secretary of State for India. 
Finance and Revenue, Accounts, Government of India, 1894-95. 

Government of India. 
Income Tax Report, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 
Indian Meteorological Memoirs, Vol. VII., Part 5 ; Vol. VIII., Part 1 ; 
Vol. IX., Parts 2 & 3. 

o '. Government of India. 



PRISBNTS TO THE LIBBAET. kix 

Ikrioation Revenue Report, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government 
Jack Babbits, United States. 

TJ. S. Dept. of Agriculture. 
K. T. Telang. By R. P. Karkaiia. 

The Author. 
Life and Exploits of Alexander the Great. 

Lady Meux. 
List of Ancient Monuments in Bengal. 

Bengal Government. 
Magnetical and Meteorological Observations, Bombay, 1894. 

Bombay Government. 
Notices, Sanskrit MSB., Bengal, Vol. XI. 

Asiatic Society, Bengal, 
Original Survey Settlement, Gujnal, Gokak, Belgaum. 

Bombay Gk)vemment. 

-^— — — ■ 6?t**i, Belgaum. 

Bombay Government. 
Parliamentary Papers : — 

Prance (No. 2) 1896; Settlement of the Siamese and other 

Questions. 
Declaration between Great Britain and France,with regard to Siam. 
East India (Opium), correspondence regarding the Report. 
Statement Trade of British India, 1890-91 to 1894-96. Report, 
Railways in India, 1894-96. 

Secretary of State for India. 
Police Administration, Punjab, 1894-96. 

Punjab (Government. 
Police Reports, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 
IPkoceedings, Legislative Council, Bombay, 1894. 

Bombay Government. 
Bajaputana, Sanitary, Yaccination, Dispensary and Jail Report, 
1894. 

Government of India. 
Repoet, Archaeological Survey, N.-W. Provinces and Oudh, 1894-95. 

Government, N.-W. P.- 

— — — Western India, 1894-96. 

Bombay Government. 
m Chemical Analyser to Government, Bombay, 1895. 

Bombay Government/ 

Criminal Justice, Punjab, 1894. 

Punjab Government. 






IxX PRESENTS TO THE LIBBABT. 

Eepobt, Customs Administration, Bombay, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 
— ■ Civil Justice, Punjab, 1894. 

Punjab Government* 

■ Civil Veterinary Department, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 

Director of Public Instruction, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95. 

Director of Public Instruction. 
.—..»» Land Records and Agriculture, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 
— — on Municipalities, Punjab, 1894-95. 

Punjab Government. 
— — Public Instruction, Punjab 1894-95. 

Punjab Government. 
Railways in India, 1894-95, Part II. 

Government of India. 
' Slat, and Continental Customs Depts., Bombay Presidency. 
1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 
— — "— Salt Department, Sind, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 
— — — Sea Customs Department, Sind, 1894-95. 

Bombay Grovemment. 

■ ■ Talukdari Settlement Officer, Bombay Presidency, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 
Revision Survey Settlement, Talukdari Yilla^s, Sunand, Ahmedabad. 

Bombay Government. 
■ ■ Karjat, Thana. 

Bombay Governments 

m ■ KapadvanJ. 

Bombay Government. 

. ■ Borsad, Kaira. 

Bombay Government. 
Tbade and Navigation Accounts, British India, Nos. 6,8,7,9,10 

1895-96. 

Government of India. 
Tide Tables, Indian Ports, 1896. 

Government of India* 
Ybndidad. Ed. Darab P. Sanjana. 

The Editor. 

YoTAOE dans Le Laos. 

Mnsee Gnimei^ 

ToTAGES of Pedro S. de Gamboa. (Haklayt Society). 

Bombay Government. 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE BOMBAY BRANCH 
liUYAL ASIA lie SDCIKTY. 



(From July 1896 to Jcne 1897.) 

A Meeting of the Society was held on Saturday, the 8th August 
1896. 

Mr. J. MacDonald, one of the Vice-Presidents, in the Chair, 

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed. 

Mr. R. P. Karkaria read a paper on ** The Emperor Akbar and 
the Parsees." 

Dr. Pollen made remarks on the paper, and moved a vote of thanks 
to Mr. Karkaria for the interesting paper he had read. 

The motion, on being put to the vote, was carried by acclamation. 



A Meeting of the Society was held on Thursday, the 13th August 
1896. 

Dr. P. Peterson, President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed. 

Dr. Nishikant read a paper on Mrichchakatika, a Sanskrit Drama 
by Sudraka. 

The Honorary Secretary made remarks on the paper, and moved a 
vote of thanks to Dr. Nishikant for the interesting paper he had read. 

The President, with his observations, put the vote to the Meeting, 
and it was carried by acclamation. 

A Meeting of the Society was held on Thursday, the 24th September 
1896. 

Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha, Vice-President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed. 

The Honorary Secretary informed the Meeting that Mr. J. V. Vaz, 
Veterinary Overseer, N.-W. P., a non-resident Member of the Society, 
had sent from Babugarh a snake in a bottle. Mr. Vaz writes that 
the natives know it as * Dhawan.* It is very poisonous, and is believed 
to be the fastest runner among snakes. When irritated or about to 
make an attack, it lays hold of any thing by the mouth, and lashes its 
tail to and fro like a horse- whip forcibly used. 

Mr. Mahadeva Rajaram Bodas read a paper on a Historical Sketch 
of Indian Logic. 

The Honorary Secretary made remarks on the paper, and moved a 
vote of thanks to Mr. Bodas, which was carried by acclamation. 









n 



; . 

i 
I 

i. 






I 

i: 



1 ■ 

! ' 
( ■ 



I 



,■■; 

. i 

' 'i 



'■I 



Ixxii ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS, 



A General Meeting of the Society was held on Thnradaj, the 
November 1896. 

Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha, one of the Vice-Presidents, in the CI 
The following proposals about periodicals, newspapers^ &c., r© 
from Members, were placed before the Meeting : — 
By The Hon'ble A. F. Beaufort, 
The Rev. A. H. Bowman, and 
j-j Lt.-Col. T. A. Freeman — 

I ■ That the following be taken in — 

f. The " Churchman," a Monthly Magazine. — Co 

The ** Record," Weekly Newspaper. — Carried. 
By F. H. Brown, Esq. — 

That the weekly edition of the ** London Times" be tal 

Ci 

By M. R. Bodas, Esq. — 

That the following be subscribed for — 

The " Hindu" (Madras), Weekly.— Crtm«;. 
The •• Amrit Bazar Patrika," Daily or Weekly- 
!■ The " Madras Review." — Proposal withdrawn. 

\\' The " Bramha Vadan."— Do. 



jj; A Meeting of the Society was held on Friday, the 27th Nov 

T' 1896. 

[.'. Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha, one of the Vice-Presidents, in the C 

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed. 

The Rev. J. E. Abbott read a paper on an Inscription on the 
Gateways at Ahmedabad. 

The Honorary Secretary and Diwan Bahadur Manibbai 

remarks on the pai)er. 
*•■ 

I'l A vote of thanks was tlicn moved to tlie Rev. Mr, Abbott ! 

*•■ 

i > paper he had read, and it was carried by acclamation. 

][] A Meeting of the Society was held on Monday, the 21st Dec 

\i 1896. 

!;l Dr. P. Peterson, President, in the Chair, 

l! The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed. 

!' Mr. Rajaram Shastri Bhagwat read a paper on a Chapter frc 

"::l Tandya Brahmana of the Sam Veda and the Latyayana Suti 

;j the admission of the non- Aryans into Aryan Society in the Vedi< 

On the motion of the Uon'ble Mr. Justice Ranade, a vote of i 
was passed to Mr. Rajaram Shastri for the interesting paper he h« 



;i 
'i ' 



.-tr 
I 



OFFICIAL LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFIC. Ixxiil 



The annual meeting of the Society was held on Thursday 
the 18th February 181)7. 

Present. 

Mr. James MacDonald. 
One of the Vice-Presidents in the Chair. 
The Joint Honorary Secretary read the following Report: — • 

annual report for 1896. 

mp:mbers. 

Resident, — 44 Members were elected during the year, and 
1 Non-Resident Member came to Bombay, 22 withdrew, 7 
retired, 5 died, and 1 having left Bombay was put on the 
Non-Resident list. The total number of Members at the close 
of 1896 was 272 against 262 at the end of the preceding year. 

Non-Resident. — 5 Members were elected during 1896 and 1 
was transferred from the list of Resident Members; 6 regined, 
] retired, 1 was added to the Resident list, and 2 died. The 
number at the end of the year was 52 against 56 at the close 
of 1895. 

OBITUARY. 

The Society have to record with regret the loss bj^ death 
of the following Members ; — 

RESIDENT. 

Kharsetji Fardoonji Parakh, Esq. 

N. S. Symons, Esq. 

J. P. Phythian, Esq. 

Rev. J. F. Gardner. 

Vinayak Nat ay an Bhagvat, Esq. 



Ixxiv ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIITY's PROCEEDINGS, 

NON-RESIDENT. 

H. H. The Maharaja of Bhownagar. 
H. H. Dhruva, Esq. 

ORIGINAL COMJICNICATIONS. 

The following papers were read before the Society during 
the year : — • 

(1) The Portuguese in South Kanara, By Dr. J. Gersou 
da Cunha. 

(2) On the Antiquity of the Avesta, By JivanjI Janoshedji 
Modi, Esq. 

(3) The Emperor Akbar and the Paraees. By R. P. 
Karkaria, Esq, 

(4) On Mrichhakatikam or the Toy Cart ; a Sanskrit Dranuu 
By Dr. Nishikunt (Jhattopadhya. 

(5) A Historical Sketch of Indian Logic. By Mahadeo 
Rnjaram Bodas, Esq. 

. (G) An Inscription on the Three Gateways at Abmedabad. 
By Rev. J. E. Abbott. 

(7) A Chapter from the Tandya Brahman of the Samveda 
and tlie Lntyayana Sutras on the admission of the non- Aryans 
into Aryan Society in the Vedio Age, By Rajaram Shastri 
Bhagvat, Esq. 

LIBRARY, 

Issues cf Bookss 

The issues of Books during the year were 29,362 volumes; 
19,954 of new books, including periodicals, and 9,968 of old 
books. The issues in the year before were 30,754 Tolumes ; 
19,838 of new books and 10,916 of the old. 



OFFICIAL, LITERARY^ AND BCIEMTIFIC. 



Ixxi 



The folIowiDg is a detailed statement of the montbly 
issues : — 



January ... 
February ,., 
March ... 
April 

June 

July 

August ..• 

September 

October 

>Iovember 

December 



••• 



««• 



••• 



••• 



*•• 



••• 



Total 



Old 


New 


Books. 


Booksi 


8l6 


Ifim 


839 


i,yid 


9h5 


1,796 


901 


1,630 


7U2 


1,190 


734 


1,825 


811 


1,981 


978 


1.933 


852 


1.484 


859 


1,806 


696 


1.413 


795 


1,008 


9,968 


19,594 



The volumes of issues arranged according to classes are 
given in the following table : — 



Classes. 



Volumes. 



Novels, Bomances, and Tales ... 

Miscellaneous and Works on several subjects of the same authors 

Biography and Personal Nar ative 

Voyages, Travels, Geography, and Topography 

History, Historical Memoirs and Chronology 

Politics. Political Economy, &c. ... ... 

English Poetry and Dramatic Woiks ... 
Oriental Literature aud Religion 

Theology and Ecclesiatrical History 

Transactions of Learned Societies, Encyclopaedias, &c. 
Foreign Literature ... ... ... .. ... 

Natural History, Mineralogy, Geology, and Chemistry 
Natural Philosophy, Mathematics, Mechanics, Astronomy, &o. 

Grammatical Works. Dictionaries, &c. ... 

Works on Military Subjects ... ... ... ,,, 

Philolojfy. Literary Bistory, and Bibliography 

Metaphysics and Moral Philosophy 

Fine Arts and Architecture 

Medicine, Surgery, and Phy8ioloo:y 

Antiquities, Numismatics, Heraldry, and Genealogy 

Logic, Khetoric, an«J Works relating to Education 

Public Records, Government Publicationa, &c. 

v/lfi8SlC8 ... ... *•• •*• •** ••• .•• •.• 

Jurisprudence ... ... ... ... .•• ... ..• 

Botany, Agriculture, Ac. ... ... ... ... ... 



The issues of r^iriodicals during 1896, were ... 



... ... 



Total.., 



9,2R0 
1,5R4 
1,467 
892 
790 
5H6 
549 
637 
S30 
314 
278 
269 
2J3 
187 
181 
180 
179 
154 

r9 

138 
121 

102 
89 
68 
48 



18,fi98 
10,864 

29,559 



Ixxvi ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDIKGS, 

It will appear from the table showing the number of volumes 
of different classes issued during the year that works of fic- 
tion find most favour with the Members of the Society. Next 
to fiction in popularity are works of standard authors, books 
of biography, travel and history. After these come politics, 
political economy, poetry and drama and oriental literature. 
These are followed by the classes ' Religion,' * Foreign ' Lite- 
rature, * Science/ ' Philology ' * Fine Arts/ and * Architecture/ 
'Antiquities/ * Logic,' 'Classics/ &c. 

ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY. 

The total number of volumes or parts of volumes added to 
the Library during the year was 998, Of these 653 were 
purchased, and 345 presented. The number in the preceding 
year was 897 ; 572 being acquired by purchase, and S'2b by 
presentation. 

The presents of books were chiefly received from the 
Bombay Government, the Government of India, the other 
Local Governments, and the Secretary of State for India, and 
a few from individual authors and other donors. 

Among the books presented special mention must be made 
of a very valuable work, '* Report on the Scientific Results of 
the Voyage of H. M. S. Challenger y during 1872-76," in 50 
volumes, which the Lords Commissioners of Tier Mijesty's 
Treasury were pleased to present to the Society. There was 
also another important book, the **Life and Exploits of Alex- 
ander the Great, being a Series of Ethiopic texts, with English 
Translation by E. A. W. Budge," received by the Society 
from Lady Moux. 



OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AND SCIENTIFtC. 



Ixxvix 



The volumes of each class of books purchased by, and pre- 
BODted to, the Society during 1896 are shown in the following 
table : — 



Classes. 



Purchased. 



Presented. 



Theolopry and Ecclesiastioal History 

Kataral Theology, Metaphysics, and Moral Philo 

BOpjuY^ ,•• ••• ••« »■• ••• ••« •«. 

Logic, Rhetoric, and Works relating to Education 
Classics, Translations and Works illustrative of the 

V^XKCIdIL S tta «•• ••• »t* #•• t«A «« 

Philology, Literary History, and Bibliography 

History, Historical Memoirs, and Chronoiogy ... 
Politics, Political Economy, and Statistics ... 
Jurisprudence ... .. ... ... 

Public Records, Statutes. &c 

Biography and Personal Narratives ... 

Antiquities, Numismatics, Heraldry, and Genealogy .. 
Voyages, Travels, Geography, and Topography 

English Poetry and Dramatic Works ., 

Novels, Romances, and Tales 

Miscellaneous and Works on several subjects of the 

same Authors ... ... ... ... ... 

Foreign Literature ... 

Natural Philosophy, Mathematics, Mechanics, and 

^ASLronomy . . . ... ... ... ... .«. .., 

Fine Arts and Architecture 

Science of War and Works on Military Subjects 
Natural History, Mineralogy, Geology, and Che 

luiov* y «•• #•• ••« ••• ••• ••• ••' 

Botany, Agriculture, and Horticulture • 

Medicine, Surgery, Physiology, &c. 

Transactions of Learned Societies, Encyclopajdias, and 

Periodical Works... 

Dictionaries, Lexicons, Vocabularies, and Grammatical 

vY OrKS ... ... *•( ... ... ..a ... 

Oriental Literature 



Total... 



20 

12 
1 

8 
17 
48 
28 

4 

8 
79 

5 

85 

45 

184 

61 
2 

5 

12 

9 

15 

1 

10 

15 

8 
21 




••• 



••• 



8 
82 

182 

4 

4 

5 

*•• 

••t 

#•• 

t*t 

••• 



57 
6 



19 

2 

24 



345 



A Catalogue of books added to the Library during the year 
with an Index of subject, is being compiled by the Librarian^ 
and will be supplied to members as soon as it is printed. 



Ixxvlll ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS, 

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS. 

The newspapers, periodicals, and journals of learned Societies 
subscribed for and presented to the Society during the year 
were — 

Literary Monthlies ... ... ... ... 13 

Illustrated ... ... ... ... ... ... 18 

Scientific and Philosophical Journals, Transac- 
tions of learned Societies, &c. ... ... 39 

xve views ... ... ... ••• *•• ... JO 

English Newspapers ... ... ... ... 17 

Eno^lish and French Registers, Almanacs, 

Directories, &c. ... ... ... "^ ... «.• 15 

Foreign Literary and Scientific Periodicals ... 12 

American Literary and Scientific Periodicals .. 12 

Indian Newspapers and Government Gazettes... 1 9 

Indian Journals, Reviews, &c. ,.. ... ... 27 

At a Meeting of the Society held in November under Article 
20 of the Rules, it was decided to subscribe to the ** Church- 
man,'' the '* Record,'* and the weekly edition of the "Londoa 
Times," and of the " Hindu" (Madras), from the commencement 
of 1897. 

COIN CABINET. 

64 Coins were added to the Society's Cabinet during the 
year. Of these 5 were presented by the Nawab of Balsinor, 
through the Political Agent, Rewa Kanta; 8 by Lieut.-Colonel 
W. P. Kennedy, Administrator, Jamnaggar State; and 6 by 
the State Karbhari, Akalkote. The rest were received from 
diflferent Governments under the Treasure Trove Act — 

24 from the Punjab Government. 

8 „ Madras „ 

3 ff Bombay ^^ 

Of the 54 coins received 48 were of silver, and 6 of copper. 



OFFICIAL^ LITEBABT^ AND 6CIENTIFI0. ]zzix 

A detailed descriptive list of the coins is subjoined i'^ 

Presented by the Nawah of Balsinor — 

5 Silver coins of Mahomedan Kings of Gujarat. 

Presented by the Administrator of Jamnagar — 
8 Silver, Later Guptas. 

Found in the Jamnagar State. 

Presented^ by the State Karbhari of Akalkote — 

4 nindu copper coins of the Deccan bearing the image 
of Hanuman. 

2 Copper coins of the Bahamani Dynasty of Gulbarga. 
Found in a village in the Akalkote State. 

Presented by the Punjab Government — 
1 7 Silver coins of Aurangzeeb. 

1 „ coin of Shah Alam. 

2 ,1 coins of Bahadur Shah. 
4 „ M of Shah Jehan. 

Found in the Delhi District. 

Presented by the Madras Governmsnt^^ 

8 Silver punch marked coins. 

Found in the Bimlipatam Taluka, Vizagaptam 
District. 

Presented by the Bombay Government-^ 

1 Silver coin of Timurshah. 
1 „ „ Aurangzeeb, 

1 ,, ,, Shah Jehan. 

Found in the Shikarpur District. 



liXX ABSTRACT OF THK SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS, 

Journal. 

No. 52 of the Journal contaiuiiig pnpers contributed to the 
Society from March 18'J5 to June 1896 was published in the 
year. No. 53 containing pnpers received since June 1896 will 
shortly be put into printers hands. 

The following is a list of Governments, Societies, Institutions, 
&c., to which the Journal of the Society is presented : — 

Bombay Government; Government of India; Government of Bengal ; Go7- 
ernmont of Madras ; Punjab Government; Government, N.-W. Provinces and 
Oudli ; Chief Commissioaer, Central Provinoos; Chief Commissioner, Coorg : 
Resident, Hyderabad ; Chief Comiwiaaiouer, Burm.ih ; Geological .SurTey of 
India j G. T, Survey of India ; Marine Survey of India ; Bengal Asiatic 
Boeiety ; Agrioaltural Society of India ; Literfiry Society of Madras ; Provin- 
«ln1 Museum, Lucknow ; Bombay University ; Madras Univei-sity ; Punjab 
Uoivereity ; B, A. Society, Ceylon Branch; R. A. Sooicfty, North China Branch 
the Ahiatio Society of Japan ; Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences. 

Strasbourg Library; Geoj^raphioal Society, Vienna ; London Institution of 
Civil Engineers ; Royal Geographical Society, London; Statistical Society 
London; Royal Astronomical Society; Literary and Philosophical Society, 
Manchester ; Imperial Aoademy of Sciences, St. Pctersburgh ; Smithsonian 
lustitntion, Washington; Royal Society of Northern Autijuaries, Copenhagan ; 
Moyal Society of EJinbargh ; D.3ut8clie Morgeulandisohe Gcsellschaft, Leipzig ; 
Litoniry and Philosophical Society. Liverpool ; British Museum, London ; Koyal 
Society, London ;' Royal Asiatic Society, Great Britain and Irelund ; Academie 
Real das Scicnoia de Lisbo.i, Lisbon ; Sooict^ dc Geographio Commerciale de 
Bordeaux; Socicte de Geographio de Lyons; Hungarian Academy of Soienoes 
(Bnda Post) ; Sociedad Geog atica de Madrid ; Royal Dublin Society ; Soci^t^ 
Gtiographie de PariH; Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences ; United States 
Survey ; Kaisorlichc Akademie der Wissensobaften, Vienna; United Service 
Icstitution ; Minnesota Academy of Natural Soieu<5o ; India Office Libniry ; 
London Bible Society; Vienna Orieutalische Museum; Boston Society of Natural 
History; Musde Guiroet, Lyons; Victoria Institution, London; Royal Institution, 
Great Britain ; American Geographical Society; American Oriental Society; 
Hamilton AsbooiatioD, America; Editor, Journal of Compai*ative Neurology 
Granville, Ohio, U. 6. A. ; American Museum of Natural History ; Soci(:t<1 
Asiatique, Paris; Geological Society, London; Royal Aoademy of Sciences, 
AmFterdam ; American Philological Association, Cambridge : Royal Univer- 
B ity Upsala (Sweden). 



OFFICIAL, LITErMWY, AND SCTBNTIFIC. . IxXlU 

THE ANTHROPOIiOGICAL SOCIETY OF BOMBAY. 

The Society received the following proposal from the 
Anthropological Society about the beginning of the year :— 

*• The Members of the Anthropological Society of Bombay 
at their meeting held on the 18th November 1805 have 
resolved that their Museum and Librar}' be presented to you 
in Uito, in consideration of which they request your Society 
to allow them to liold their meetings in one of your Hooms, 
and also to give them access to the books and records which 
they at present posse.'-s. 

The Committee of Management accepted the proposal and 
recommended it for approval of the Members of the Society. 
This was done at a meeting of Members held on January 2l8t 
when the recommendation of the Committee was finally 
adopted. 

Since then the Museum and the Library of the Anthro- 
pological Society have been located in the Society's Rooms 
and its meetings have been held in the Meeting Room of the 
Asiatic. 

A statement detailing the items of receipts and disbar^e- 
ments for 1896 accompanies the report. The total amount of 
pubscriptions received during the year, including arrears 
Rs. 50, was Rs. 9,964. Subscriptions in 1895 amounted to 
Rs. 10,360-5-4, There was also received on account of Life 
Subscription from one Non-Resident Member the sum of 
Rs. 120. Of this Rs. 10') have been duly invested in Govern- 
ment Securities in accordance with Article XVI of the Rules. 

The balance to the credit of the Socioly at tl-.'^ ^^' ri ,T h? 
year was Rs. 1,124-13-^ and the arrears of buubcriptioiAd 
Rs. 275, 



Ixzxii ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY'S PROCEEDINGS. 

The invested Funds of the Society amount to Rs.l 1,500, 
. On the motion of Mr. II. E. H. Wilkinson, seconded by Mr. 
S. T, Bhandare, the report and accounts for 1 896 were unani- 
mously adopted. 

Mr. James MacDonald then proposed and Surgeon-Captain 
B. B. Grayfoot seconded that the following gentlemen form 
the Committee of Management and the Auditors for 1897. 
The proposition was unanimously carried : — 

President . 
Dr. P. Peterson, M.A. 

Vice-Presiden is , 



Dr, J. Gerson da Cunha, 
James MacDonald, Esq. 



K. R. Cama, Esq. 

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice Candy. 



Members, 



The Hon'ble Jayerilal U. Yajnik. 
Pr. Atmaram Pandurang. 
Pr. D. MacDonald. 
Prof. M. MacMillan, B. A. 
Rev. R. Scott, M. A. 

The Hon ble Mr. Justice M. G. 

Ranade, C. I. E. 
N. G. Chandawarkar, Esq., 

B. A., LL. B. 



Surgeon-Captain B. B. Grayfoot. 

The Rev. Dr. D. Mackichan, 
M. A. 

J. T. Hathornthwaitc, Esq., 

M.A. 

Lieut. A. J. Peile, R. A. 

F. C. Rimington, Esq. 

T. J. Bennett, Esq. 

Dr. J. Pollen, I.C.S. 



Honorary Secretary, 
The Hon'ble Javerilal U. Yajnik. 

Joint Honorary Secretary, 
Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha. 

Honorary Auditor's. 
Darasha Ratanji Chichgar. Esq, 
H. R. H. Wilkinson, Esq. 



BOMBAY BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY- 



STATEMENT OF ACCOUNTS. 



Ixx&iv 



ABSTRACT OF THE SOCIETY S PROCEEDINGS, 



Dr. 



BOMBAY BRANCH OF THE 

GENERAL STATEMENT of Receipts and Disbursements 



Balance of last year 

Subecription of Resident Members , 

Do. of Non-Resident Members 

Do. in Arrears ... ... 

Do. of Non- Resident Life Member ... 

Government Contribution 

Sale-proceeds of Waste papers ... 
Do. of Journal Numbers 

Do. of Catalogues , 

Do. of Duplicate Copies of Books ... 

Interest on Society's Government^Paper 



Total.. .Es. 



Bs. a. p. 



9,i:32 15 1 

682 

50 

120 

4,200 

13 8 

31 12 

41 

35 11 

667 6 4 



Bs. a. p. 
1,047 10 9 



15,074 4 5 



16,121 15 8 



Examined and found correct. 
D. R. CHIOHGAR, 
H. B. H. WILKINSON, 

Auditor; 



OFFICIAL, LITERARY, AMD BClENTiriC. 



Ixxxv 



ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. 

from \»t January to 31»< December 1896. 



Cr. 



Boolu purchased in Bombay , 

Hemittanoes to Messrs. Kegan, Paal, Trenoh, 
Trubner & Co.— 

Books ... ... ... ... £35 16 4 

English Newspapers and 

Pmodicalu £136 2 7 

In all (£171.18-11), equivalent of 

I Sabscription to Newspapers, paid in India ... 

Printing ... ••• ... ••• ••• ... 

Sinding ••• ••• •«• ••• ••• ••• 

General Charfres ... ... ... ... 

ocacxouery •«. *•• ... .•• ... ... 

Postage and Receipt Stamps 

Shipping and Landiug Char(j;es 

Office Establishment 

Gas Charges ..« ..« 

Printing of Journal • 

Insurance Charges ... ... 

Guvernment Paper purchased ... 

Balance in Bank of Bombay ... ... 

Do. iu hand ... ... .., ... ., 



Total ..Rs. 

Investment in Government Paper, 

The Society's Fund 

The Premcband Roychand Fund 



Rs. a. p. 
::,836 14 9 



Rs. a. p. 



2,932 3 10 

3J1 8 

684 1 

665 1 6 

307 5 5 

96 4 6 

78 9 7 

42 8 3 

6,684 

85 12 

862 6 

281 4 

100 



1,079 3 2 
64 13 2 



8,500 
3,000 



14,977 14 10 



1,H4 4 



16,121 15 2 



- 11,500 



J. GBRSON DA CUNHA, 
Joint Honorary Secretary^ 



IxXXVl ABSTRACT TO THE BOCIETT^S PR0CJBEDJN08« 

BOMBAY BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. 



Patron : 

His Excellencj the Right Honourable Lord Sandhurst, G.C.I.E., 

Governor. 

President : 

Dr. P. Peterson, M.A. 

Vice-Presidents : 



Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha. 
James MacDonald, Esq. 



K. R. Camn, Esq. 

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice Candy, 



Committee Members : 



The Hon'ble Mr. J. U. Yajnik. 

Dr. Atmaram Pandurang. 

Dr. D. MacDonald. 

Prof. M, Macmillan, B.A. 

Bev. R. Scott, M.A. 

The Hon'ble Mr. Justice M. G. 

Ranade, C. I. E. 
N. G. Chandawarkar, Esq., LL.B. 



Surgeon-Captain B. B. Grayfoot, 
Rev. Dr. D. Mackichan, M.A. 
J.T. Hathornthwaite, Esq., M. A. 
Lieut. A. J. Peile, R. A. 
F. C. Rimington, Esq. 
T. J. Bennett, Esq. 
Dr. J. Pollen. L C. S. 



Honorary Secretary: 

The Hon'ble Mr. Javerilal Umiashankar Yajni^v. 

Joint Honorary Secretary : 

(Numismatics and Archceology ) 

Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha. 



Honorary Auditors : 
Darasha Ratanji Chichgar, Esq. 
H. R. H. Wilkinson, Esq. 



Assistant Secretary and Librarian : 
Mr. Ganpatrao K. Tiwarekar. 



JXXXTl'i 



LIST OIF 3N«^EAd:BEI^S 

On the ?>\st December 1896, 

RESIDENT. 



Year of 
Election. 

18C2 (l)Khar?etji llastamjiCama, 
Esq, (Life Member) 
^ (2) Hon'blc Mr. H. M. Bird- 
wood. 
1864 (3) G. A. Kittrodgis Esq. 
„ (4) Nowroji Maiicckj^ Wa- 
dia, Esq. 

18G5 (5) Dr. Atniaraiii Pandu- 
rang. 

18GG (6) Varidravandas Piirsbo- 

tamdas, Esq. 

1867 (7) J. Westlake, Esq. 

,, (8) R. M. A. Branson, Esq. 

1809 (9) Dr. L. P. DeRozario. 

1870 (10) Hon'bb Mr. Justice 

John jardine. 

1873 (11) Dr. J. Gerson daCunha. 
„ (12) Sir Dinsliali Manockji 

Petit, Bart. 
„ (13) J. MacDonald, Esq. 

1874 (14) H. Conder, Esq. 

„ (15) Byramji Xussorwanji 
Sirvai, Esq. {tjfe Memher). 
„ (16) G. A. Barnctt, Esq. 
„ (17) P. Petorson, Esq. 
,, (18) The Hon'Me Mr. Javc- 
rihil Uniiashankar Yajnik. 



Year of 

Election. 

1874 (19) Grattan Geary, £sq. 

1875 (20) Sir Jamsetji Jijibhalj 
Bart. 

„ (21) Rev. Dr. D. Macki- 
chan. 

1876 (22) The Right Rev» L. G. 
Myhie, D. D., Bishop of 
Bombay (Life Member). 

„ (23) J. M. Campbell, Esq. 

1877 (24) Maneckji Barjorji> 
Esq. 

1878 (25) Darasha Ruttonji 
Chichgarj Esq. 

„ (2G) Dr. E. H. R. Langley. 
I „ (27) Bezonji Rattonji Kote- 
wal, Esq. 
1870 (28) HaHdiandra Krishna 
Joshi) Esq. 
„ (29) Dr. D. MacDonald. 

1880 (30) Hustam K. R. Cama, 

Esq.,B. A. (Life Member), 
(31) Vrijbhuckandass At- 

marani, Esq. 
(32)11. C.Ktrkpatriok,E6q» 

1881 (.33) M. Macniillan, Esq. 
„ (34) Lt.-Col. G. Martiu. 

1882 (35) Louis Penny, Esq. 



»» 



'» 



Ixxxviii 



LIST OF MEMBERS. 



Year of 

Election. 

1882 (36) A. F. Beaufort, Esq. 
„ (37) Rev. R. Scott. 

„ (38; E. M. Slater, Esq. 
„ (39) A. Ai)ercroinbie, Esq. 
„ (40) Siiriceoii Lieut* Col. 
K. R. Kirtikar. 

„ (41) The Hou'blo Mr. Jus- 
E. H. Fultou. 

1883 (42) Jehaugir K. R. Cama' 

Esq. (^Lifi Member), 
„ (43) J. M. Dreunau, Esq. 
„ (44) R. H. Baker, Esq. 

1884 (45) R. B. Sedgwick, Esq. 
„ (46) Mrs. Pecliey-Phipson. 
., (47) J. Griftiths, Esq. 

(48) Surgeon-Lt.-Col.T. S 
Weir. 

(49) Hon ble Sir Charles 
Farran, Kt. 

(50) Bhair^haukar Nana- 
bhoy, Esq. 

(51) The Honn)le Mr. 
Perozsha Merwanji Mehla. 

(52) Goculdas Kahandas, 
Esq. 

„ (53) Jehangir Nasserwjinji 
Mod J, Esq. {Life M^-mher). 

1885 (54) Dastur Darab Peshotan 

Sanjana. 

,, (5.i) Xowroji PestoHJi 
Vakeel, Esq. 

188G (56) II. -N. Maut, Esq. 
1887 (57) 13r. 1). A. DcMonte. 
C58) J. Marshall Esq. 



»> 



n 



tj 



« 



If 



Year of 
Election. 

1888 (59) Hoii'ble Mr. Justice 
H. J. Parsons. 

„ (GO) John Black, Esq. 

„ (61) Muvarji Goculdas 

Dewji, Esq. 

„ (62) Prince Shri Samat- 
s-ingji. 

„ (63) G. Cotton, Esq. 

„ (64) W. BuUock, Esq. 

„ {66) F. A. Reddie, Esq. 

„ {66) W. MiuTay, Esq. 

„ {67) Karsandas Vallabhdas, 

Esq. 
„ {6><) Narondas Pursho- 

tanidas, ^^^• 
,, (69) J. H. Symington, Esq, 
9« {70) Jiwanji Jamshedji 

Mody, Esq. 
,, (71) J. Avent, Esq. 

„ (72) F. C. Rimington, Esq. 
„ (73) E. Wind)ridge, Esq. 
„ (74) Damodardas Tapidas^ 

Esq. 
„ (75) Dr. K. N. Bahadurji. 

„ (76) Bomanji Dinshaw Petity 
Esq. {Life Member), 

„ (77) Rev. R.MacOmish. 

„ (78) A. C. Panneindes, Esq. 

„ (79) The Hon ble Mr. Justice 
Badrudin Tyabji. 

„ (80) Rao Saheb Wasiideva 

Jagonath Kirtikar. 
„ (81) \V. Nughcs, Esq. 



LIST OF MEMBERS. 



Ixxxix 



Vtearof 
filccLion. 

1888 (82) A. H. Nazar, Esq. 

„ (83) C. H. Armstrong, Esq. 

„ (84) Vecrchand Decpchaud 
Esq. 

„ (85) Jagmohandas Vaiulra- I 

Wandas, Esq. 

„ (86) Rastomji Pestonji 
Karkaria, Esq. 

„ (87; G. W. F. Playfair, Esq. 
„ (88) Gowardhaiulas Goculdas 

Tcjpal, Esq. 
„ (89) Miss Macdonald. 
„ (90) Dinshaw Edalji Vaclia, 

Esq. 

„ (91) I. O'Callaghan, Esq. 

„ (92) Narayan Ganesli Chan, 
dawarkar. Esq. 

1889 (93) Surgeon-Captain B. 

B. Gray foot, 

„ (94) Hon'blc Mr. Justice 
Candy. 

1890 (95) Rev. Dr. W. M. 

Alexander. 

„ (96) Framji Rastamji Vicaji, 
Esq. 

„ (97) Philip B. Savile, Esq. 

(98) Lkut. R. T, R. 
Lawrence, R.E. 

(99) Lieut.-Col. R. V. 
Riddell, R.E. 

„ (100) Dharamsi Murarji 
Goculdas, Esq. 
1891 (101) Rev. Dr. B. DeMonte. 



» 



>» 



Year of 
Election. 

1891 (102) Dharamscy Sundardas 
Mulji, Esq. 

„ (103) Artliur Leslie, Esq. 
„ (104) W.lXMcKewan,Esq. 
„ (105) The Hon'ble Mr. Daji 
Abaji Khare. 

„ (106) Dr. Bhalchandra 
Krishna Bhatawadekar. 

„ (107) Rev. R. M. Gray. 

„ (108) H. Kennard, Esq. 

„ (109) J H. Sleigh, Esq. 

„ (110) Maneksha J. Talyar- 
khan, Esq. 

„ (111) W. Munro, Esq. 
„ (112) T. W. Cuffe, Esq. 
„ (113) Vajeshankar Gowri- 
shankar, Esq. 

,, (114) N. A. Moos, Esq. 
„ (115) L. J. Robertson, Esq, 
„ (116) W. H. Sharp, Esq. 
„ (117) J. Y. Munro, Esq. 
„ (118) W. G. Treacher, Esq. 
„ (119) Major J. C. Swann. 
„ (120) Jamsetjee N.Tata, Esq. 
„ (121) Fakii-chand Prem- 
chand, Esq. 

„ (122) Surgeon-Major F. F, 
MacCartie. 

„ (123) Shrimant Narayanrao 
Govindrao Ghorapaday, 
Chief of Ichalkaranji 
{Jjife Member), 

„ (124) The Hon'ble Justice 
M. G. Ranade, 



xc 



LIST OF MEMBERS. 



Year of 
ElcctioQ. 

iS^2 (125) Kawasji Dadabhoy 
Dubash, Esq. 

„ (126) M. C. Turner, Esq. 

„ (127) Priibliiiraiii Jivanmiii 
Vaidya, Esq. (I^ife 
Member), 

„ (128) O. V. Miillor, Esq. 
„ (129) Xnwroji Byraiuji Sun- 
took, E>?q. 

„ (130) S. K. Bhandarkar, Esq. 

,, (131) K. C. Clmpman, Esq. 

„ (132) Dadablioy Mcrwanji 
Dallal, Esq. 

„ (133) F. W. Eicke, Esq. 
„ (134) H. R. H. Wilkinson, 
Esq. 

„ (135) Cursotji N. Wadia, 
Esq. 

„ (13G) H. W. Ulotli, Esq. 
„ (137) KanDd)liai Ibraliim, 
Esq. 

„ (13.^) J. L. Synions, Esq. 

,,(131)) Rao Saliob Dalpatrani 
Pranjiwanram Kluikkhar. 

„ (140) R. Gilbert, Esq. 

„ (141) T. J. Bennett, Esq. 

„ (142) Sadanand Trinibak 
IMiancbu-e, Esq. (^^(f^ 
Meviher). 

„ (143) James Kenyon, Esq. 

., (14t) K. R. Setna, Esq. 

^ (145) Bnrjorji Nowroji Ap- 
yakhtiar, Esf£. 



Year of 
Election. 

1892 (14G) A. M. T. Jackson, Esq. 
„ (147) R. E. Melsheimer, Esq. 
„ (148) Jolin A. Douglas, Esq. 
,,(14!)) L. R. W. Forrest, Esq. 
,, (150) Ilorniasji Dcirabji 
Padaniji, Esq. 

„ (151) Rev. J. Sellar. 

„ (152) Oueliavarani XanaMiai 
Harldas, Esq. 

„ (153) IF. R. Greavfs, Esq. 

„ (154) Jijiblioy Edalji Modi, 
Esq. 

,, (T55) STumirao Yithal, Esq. 

,, (15(5) Shapurji Barjorji 
Barneli.i, Esq. 

„ (157) Tribhuwamlas Mangal- 
das Xathublioy, Esq. 

„ (158) A. Stej>hen, Esq. 

„ (151)) Rastamji Nanabhoy 
Byraniji Jijibl>boy, Esq. 
i^JAfe. ^f ember), 

„ (100) Tulloekcband Maneck- 
chand, Esq. 

„ (101) Lt.-C(d. A. B. Mein. 

„ (102) W. W. Squire, Esq. 

189;5(10:5) Surgeon-Col. D. E. 
Hughes 

„ (104) A.M. Tod, Esq. 

„ (10.5) Cai»t. Chandler. 

„ (lOG) R. C. Lees, Esq. 

„ (107) Robei-t Pescio, Esq. 

„ (108) Merwanji Dhanjibhoy 
Jijibh^y, Esq. 



LIST O^ MEMBRR8. 



ZCl 



Year of ' 

Election. 

1893 (169) G. H. Townscnd, Esq. 
„ (170) B. H. J. Rastainji, 

Esq. 

„ (171) His Highness Aga 

Khan. 
„ (172) Col. Enipson, R. A. 
„ (17:3) J. W. Brown, Esq. 
„ (174) E. H. Elsworthy, Esq. 

1894 (175) Wasudcva Gopal 

Bhandarkar, Esq. 

„ (17G) Dr. Jamos Arnott. 

„ (177) Rev. J. E. Ahhott. 

„ (178) Geo. Miller, Esq. 

„ (179) J. T. Hatliorntliwaite, 
Esq. 

„ (180) S. L. Wyatt, Esq. 
„ (181) D. M. Inglis, Esq. 
^ „ (182) C. S. H. Sari, Esq. 
„ (183) W. LA. Foulkos, Esq. 
„ (184) Edwin Yeo, Esq. 
„ (185) Capt. St. J. A. D. 

Muter, R. A. 
„ (186) Cecil Richardson, Esq. 
,, (187) J. G. Covcrnton, Esq. 
„ (188) J. W. Orr, Esq. 
„ (180) R.C.Wroughton,Esq. 
„ (190) J. L. Jenkins, Esq. 
„ (191) Balkrishiia Vinayak 

Wassoodeo, Esq. {^Life 

Member), 
„ (192) Lt. W. C. R. Fanner, 

R. A. 



Year of 

Election. 

1894(193) Prof. H. M. Bhad. 
kamkar. 

„ (194)Lieut.A.J.Peile,R.A. 

„ (195) R. S. Brown, Esq. 

1895(196) Vernon B. F. Bayley, 
Esq. 

„ (197) Rev. C. J. Mayhew. 

„ (198) Lt.-Col. Freeman. 

„ (199) Cumrudin Aniirudin, 
Esq. 

„ (200) C. I. Xicoud, Esq. 

„ (201) F. A. Little, Esq. 

„ (202) Miss Parker. 

„ (203) A. B. Earlo, Esq. 

„ (204) R. H. Vincent, Esq., 

C. I. E. 

„ (205) G. S. Curtis, Esq. 

„ (206) A. July de Lothiuiniero, 
Esq. 

„ (207) G. N. Sweet, Esq. 

„ (208) T. A. Savage, Esq. 

„ (209) Cecil Gray, Esq. 

„ (210) Khinijibhoy ' Jairam 
Naranji, Esq. 

„ (21J) Maganlal L. Shroff, . 
Esq. 

„ (212) G. F. Horbury, Esq. 

„ (213) Mancharsha Framji 
Khan, Esq. 

„ (214) R. Kennedy, Esq. 

„ (215) Miss Benson. 

„ (216)0. Trafford, Esq. 

„ (217) F. 11. Brown, Esq. 



XCll 



LIST Oif MEMBERS 



Year of 

Election. 

1895 (218) Col. A. T. Fraser. 
„ (219) G. D. Marston, Esq. 
„ (220) C.W.L. Jackson, Esq. 
„ (221) J. A. Jeffrey, Esq. 

„ (222; F. A. Prevost, Esq. 

„ (223) H. E. Procter, Esq. 

„ {224:) L. Halhvard, Esq. 

„ (225) J. Jack, Esq. 

„ (22G) J. K. Moir, Esq. 

„ (227) His Excellency the Rt. 
Hon'ble William Baron 
Sandhurst, G. C. I. E. 

„ (228) Major Block, R. A. 

„ (229) Frederick Noel Paton, 
Esq. 
189G (230) J. A. Slicpheid, Esq. 

„ (231) J. H. Atterbury, Esq. 

„ (232) Surgeon-Captain A. 

• Street. 
„ (233) Nigel F. Paton, Esq. 

„ (234) Rev. A. H. Bowman. 
„ (235) F. F. Gordon, Esq. 

„ (236) The Hon'ble Mr. Jus- 

tice Strachev. 
„ (237) Furdunji Jamshedji, 

Esq.-* 
„ (238) J. Sanders Sl«ter, Esq. 
„ (239) Rev. r H. Greig. 
„ (240) J. M. Dick, Esq. 
,, (241) Brigadier-General W. 

F. Gatacre. 
„' (242) Sundernath Dinanath 

Khote, Esq. 

„ (243) A. F. Simpson, Esq. 

„ (244) Dewan Bahadur Ma- 
nibhai Jassabhai 



Year of 

Election. 

1896 (245) Major Hickson. 

„ (24G) Lieut.-CoL G. M. 
Stevens. 

„ (247) R. G. Currie, Esq. 

„ (248) A. P. Gould, Esq. 

,, (249) Jehangir R. Vakaria, 
Esq. 

„ (250) Dorabji Jamsetji Tata, 
Esq. 

,, (251) E. Greenwood, Esq. 

„ (252) Major J. F. C. That- 

clier. 

„ (253) T. M. Cotgrave, Esq. 

„ (254^) Dr. J. Pollen, 

„ (255) Rastamji Framji Mal- 
barwala, Esq. 

„ (25G) Joseph Jackson, Esq. 

„ (257) Surgeon-Captain S. 
E. Prall. 

„ (258) Captain L. H. Vidal. 

„ (259) Rev. G. Gothard. 

„ (2G0) Major E. V. Elwes. 

,, (2G1) Jagonath Sundernath 
Sanjgirc, Esq (Life Mem- 
ber). 

„ (2G2) Lieut. H. C. Harvey. 

„ (2C3) Mahadeva Rajaram 
Bodas, Esq. 

„ (2G4) N. N. Saher, ^sq. 

„ (265) Major Stanley Smith, 
R.A. 

„ (2GG) Lieut. A. Hildebrand, 

„ (2G7) Captain G. W. Mifc- 

chell. 
„ (2G8) J. A. Balfour, Esq. 
„ (2G9) Dhanjisha Pallonji 

Mis try, Esq. 
„ (270; Major T. Fowle, R. A. 
„ (271) Mahamad Hassan 

Makba, Esq. 
„ (272) J. 11. Greaves, Esq. 

(1883). 



LIST Of MEMfitBS. 



zcni 



NON-RESIDENT. 



Year of 

Election. 

1865 (1) Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar. 

18G8 (2) G. B. Reid, Esq. 

„ (3) Dr. J. C. Lisboa.' 

„ (4) H. H. Rauichandrao 
Appa Sahcb, Chief of Jam- 
khaudi. 

„ (5) Dr. G. Biililer. 

„ (6) H. H. the Thakore 
Saheb of Morvi, 
1809 (7) Bonmnji Jaiiuispji, Esq 

1875 (8) Cowasji Karsctji Jam- 

setji, Esq. 
1870 (9) G. C. Whitworth, Esq. 

1878 (10) Saihi.shiva Vishwauath 

Dhuraudhar, Esq. 

1879 (11) Sayad Hassan Bil- 

graiiii, Esq. 

,, (12) Brigado-Sur^eoii- 
Lieiit.-Col. C. T. Pet^ rs. 

1882 (13) W. r. Synionds, Esq^ 
„ (14) E. H. Moscardi, Esq. 

„ (15) The Hon'ble W. W. 
Loeh. 

1883 (IG) Rev. J. H. Mackay. 

1888 (17) Syed Ikhal Ali, Esq. 

„ (18) 8yod Ah Bilgranii, 
Esq. 

1889 (19) C. G. Dudgson, Esq. 
„ (20) E. ^l. Pratt, Esq. 

„ (21) Mancharji Pestuiiji 
, Kharegat, Esq. 
1892 (22) The Hon. Rao Sahcb 
Bahvantrao Bhuskuto. 



Year of 
Election. 

1892 (23) Shrimant Aba Saheb, 

Chief of Visalgad. 

„ (24) Kliarsetji Rustamji 

Thanawala, Esq, 
„ (25) W. C. Rand, Esq. 
„ (26) Sortorio Coellio, Esq. 

(Life Membef-y 

„ (27) T. W. Arnold, Esq. 
„ (28) C. Biddulph, Esq. 
„ (29) Kavasji Dadabliai Nai- 
gamwala, Esq. 

„ (30) Surgeon-Major J. H. 
Newman. 

„ (31) Rao Saheb P. B. 

Parakh. 
„ (32) A. C. Logan, Esq. 
„ (33) W. Doderet, Esq. 
,. («4) Captain T. J. Grier. 

1893 (35) Sorabji Manekji 

Cawasji, Esq. 

„ (36) Lahibliai Sanialdas 
Desai, Esq. 

„ (37) Kumar Shri Baldevji of 
Dharampur (Life Member'). 

„ (38) H. E. M. James, Esq. 

„ (39) Hari Narayan Apte, 
Esq. 

„ (40; W. H. Luck, Esq. 

1894 (41) Surgeon-Captain B. 

Basu. 

„ (42) T. R. Amahierkar,Esq. 

1895 (4:^) Dattatraya Bahvant 

Parasnis, Esq. 



XCIV 



LIST OF MEMBEB6. 



Year of 
Election. 

1895 (44)F.X. E. Barreto, Esq. 

•„ (45) B. K. Thakore, Esq. 
(1893). 

„ (4G) F. T. Rickards, Esq. 
(1893). 

1896 (47) H. H. Aga Shah 
Rookshah. 

„ (48) Vishnu Raghunath 
Natu, Esq. {Life Member). 



Year of 
Eleotion. 

1896 (49) Dr. Nishikant Chatro- 

padhya. 

(50) J. V. Vaz, Esq. 

(51) Gopal Krishna Go- 
klialc, Esq. 

(52) Shaiikar Prasad Har 
Prasad, Esq. (1891). 



>» 



>» 



»> 



LIFE MEMBERS. 



Kharsotji RastanijI Cania, Esq. 
Byramji Nasorwaiiji Sirvai, Esq. 
Tlie Right Rev. L. G. Myhic, 
]). D., Bisliop of Bombiiy. 

Rustam K. R. Caina, Esq. 
JcliangirK. H. Cama, Esq. 

Jehan.£,nr Nassorwaiiji Mody, Esq. 

Bonianji Dinshaw Petit, Esq. 

Sbrimajit Xarayeiirao GoviiKh'ao 

rj|i()repa«luy, Chief of lelial- 
karauji. 



Prahhiiram »Iivaiiram Vaidia, Esq. 

Sadaiiaiul Triird)ak Bhaiidare, Esq. 

Rastaniji Nanahhoy Byramji 
Jijihhoy, Esq. 

Balkrislina Viiiavak Wassudev, 
Esq. 

Sortorio Coelho, Esq, 

Kumar Shri Jialdevji of Dharani 

pur. 

Vishnu Raghunath Natu, Esq* 



HONORARY. 



Year of 
Election. 

1^79 Dr. Ohver Codrington, 



: Year of 
Election. 

1892 Sir Raymond 
K. C. I. E. 



West, 



PROCEEDINGS AT MEETINGS. ' XCV 

A Meeting of the Society was held on Thursday, the 8th April 1897, 

Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha, one of the Vice-Presidents, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed. 

Mr» R. P. Karkaria read a paper on the ** Zoroastrian Religion and 
Comte's Religion of Humanity.** 

On the motion of Mr. K. R. Cama, a vote of thanks was passed 
to Mr. Karkaria for the interesting paper he had read. 



A Meeting of the Society was held on Thursday, the 17th June 
1897. 

Dr. P. Peterson, President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed. 

Mr. K. R. Cama moved the following Resolution : — 

That the Society place on record their sense of the loss they have 
incurred in the death of their Honorary Secretary, the late 
Hon'ble Mr. Javerilal U. Yajnik. 

Mr.N. G. Chandawakar seconded the proposition, and Dr. Atmaram 
Piindurang supported it. 

The President with a few remarks put the proposition to the vote, 
and it was carried unanimously. 

Mr. Jivanji Jamshedji Mody then read a paper on " The Belief 
ahout the Future of the Soul among the Ancient Egyptians and 
Zoroastrians.*' 

On the proposition of Mr. K. R. Cama, a vote of thanks was 
passed to Mr. Mody for the paper he iiad read. 



XCVl PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. 

LIST OF PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. 

(Fbom July to December 1896.) 

Titles of Books. Donors. 

Account of the Smithsonian Institution. 

The Smithsonian Institution. 
Accounts, Ti-ade, by Rail and River, in India, 1894-95. 

Government of India. 
Administration Report, Ajmere Merwara, 181^1-95. 

Government of India. 

P. W. Dept., Bombay Presidency, 1895-96. 

Bombay Government. 
• P. W. Dept. (Irrigation), Bombay Presi- 
dency, 1895-96. 

Bombay Government. 

. • Rajpntaua, 1895-96. 

Government of India. 
Agricultural Ledger, 1895-1896. 

Government of India. 

Statistics, British India, 1890-91 to 1894-95. 

Government of India. 
AnnalSj Royal Botanical Garden, Calcutta, Vol. V. Part *J ; Yol. II. 
Part I., Vol. VII. and Vol. VL, Part 1, and Vol. VII. 

Superintendent, Royal Botanical Garden. 
Annual Statement, Trade and Kavigatiou, British India, 1896-96, 
Vol. II 

Goveniraent of India. 
Archaeological Studies among the Ancient Cites of Mexico. 

The Smithsonian Institution. 

_^ Survey of India. Mogul Ar chitecture of Fathpur, 

Sikri, Part II. 

Government of India. 
Authentic Letters of (.Columbus. 

The Smithsonian Institution. 
Avesta. Ed. K. F. Geldner, 3 Parts. 

Secretary of State for India. 
Bhagavadgtta. 

Mysore Government. 
Bombay University Calendar, 1896-97. 

Bombay University. 
Brief Sketch Meteorology, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96. 

Bombay Government. 
Bulletin, American Museum of Natural History, 1895. 

The Smithsonian Institution. 



PRESENTS TO TflJC LIBBART. XCVii 

Titles of Books. Donors. 

CATALoauE of Sanskrit M8S., India Office Library, Part 5. 

Secretary of State for India. 
Catalogues, Hebrew and Abyssinian MSS., Berlin Library. 

The Berlin Library. 
East India, Accounts and Estimates, 1896-97. 

Secretary of State for India* 
■ (Expenses of Troops despatched to Africa). 

Secretary of State for India. 
(Financial Statement, 1896-97;. 

Secretary of State for India. 
' (Kafiristan). 

Secretary of State for India. 
(Kythal). 

Sv.»cretary of State for India. 
— (Leave and Pension Rules, Civil Uncovonanted Service). 

Secretary of State for India. 
■ (Loans raised in India). 

Secretary of State for India. 
' (Maharaja Rana of Jhalawari. 

Secretary of State for India. 
— — (Occupation of Chitral). 

B^»mbav Government. 

— (Offices of Presidency Magistrate and Presidency Small 

Cause Court Judge). 

Secretary of State for India. 
— — — (Progress and Condition, IS94-95). 

Secretary of State for India. 

(Suakim Expedition). 

Secretary of State for India. 
Factory Report, Bombay, 1895. 

Bombav Government. 
Financial and Commercial Statistics, British India, 3rd Issue. 

Government of India. 
Floba of Virginia. 

The Smithsonian Institution. 
■ Yucatian. 

The Smithsoniiin Institution. 
Handbook and Catalocrue of Meteorite Collection, Field Columbian 
Museum. 

The Smithsonian Institution. 
History and Description of Africa. 

Bombay Goverruuent. 



XCVm PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY, 

Titles of Books. Donors, 

Index to Watt's Dictionary of Economic Products of India. 

Government of India. 
Indian Cotton Duties, Report for tlie Bombay Presidency, 1895-96. 

Bombay Government. 
■ Meteorological Memoirs, Vol. IV., Part III. 

Government of India. 

Vol. IX., Parts 4-7. 

Government of India. 
Japanese MSS., University Library, Leyde. 

The University of Leyde. 
KIrnIme i Artakhsliir i Papakan. Ed. Darab P. Sanjana. 

The Editor. 
Madras University Calendar, 1896-97. 

Madras University. 
Mahabharat, English Translation, Parts 96-98. 

Director of Public Instruction, Bombay 
Mandala Brahmanopanishad. 

Mysore Government. 
Mission Geological Survey Report, Vol. 47. 

The Smithsonian Institution. 
Monthly Trade and Navigation Accounts. No. 6 (1896-97). 

Government of India, 
Note, Rail and River-borne Trade, Punjab, 1896. 

Punjab Government. 
Original Survey Settlement, Pangurna Village, Peiut, Nasik District. 

Bombay Goveniment. 
Papers relating to an-angcment with Messrs. Cook & Sons on con- 
duct of Pilgrim Traffic, 1884-95. 

Government of India. 
Poems in Gujerathi. By J. N. Patch 

J. F. Patel, Esq, 
Punjab University Calendar, 1896-97. 

The University. 
Report, Amrrican Museum of Natural History, 1894. 

— — — — — Histoiical Association. 

The Smithsonian Institution. 

. ArchsDological Survey, N.-W. P. and Oudh, 1895-96. 

Government, N.-W. P. and Oudh. 
— Australasian Association for Advancement of Science, 1895. 

The Association. 
— . Bombay Jail Dcpt., 1895. 

Bombay GoTemment. 



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Titles of Boohs. Donors, 

Report, Bombay Mill Owners* Association, 1895. 

The Association. 

Port Trust, 1895-96. 

Chairman, Port Trust, 

■ Veterinary College, 1895-96. 

Bombay Govei'nmenb. 

■ Civil Justice, Punjab, 1895. 

Punjab Government. 

■ Medical Institutions, City of Bombay, 1895. 

Bombay Government. 
— ■^— Dispensaries, Punjab, 1895. 

Punjab Government. 

Experimental Farm, Poona, 1895-96. 

• Bombay Government. 

External Land Trade, Punjab, 1895-96. 

Punjab Goverament. 

Forest Dept., Bombay Presidency, 1894-95. 

Bombay Government. 

Government Experimental Farm, Poona. 1895-96. 

Bombay Government. 

— ^— Income Tax, Punjab, 1895-96. t 

Punjab Goverament. 

Indian Expenditure Commission. 

Secretary of State for India. 

■ Internal Land Trade, Punjab, 1895-96. 

Punjab Government. 

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Bombay Government. 
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Madras Government. 

■ Meteorological Dept., Government of India, 18P5-96. 

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Tlie Municipal Commissioner, 
Taxation and Expenditure, Bombay Presidency. 

1894-95. 

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■ Northern India, Salt Revenue Dept., 1895-96. 

Government, N.-W. P. and Oudh. 

■ Police of the Town and Island of Bombay, 1895. 

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e PRESENTS TO THE LIBRARY. 

Titles of Books. Donors. 

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Bombay Government. 

I Railways in India, 1895-96. 

Government of India. 

>* Rail and Road-borne Trade, Bombay Presidency, 189:-y6. 

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■ Reformatory School, Yerrowda, 1895. 

Bombay Government. 

Registration Dept., Punjab, 1893-94 to 180o-96. 

Punjab Government. 

■ on Researches into the Mohamedan Libraries of Lucknow. 

Government of India. 

I Sanitary Administration, Punjab, 1895. 

Punjab Government, 

— • Commissioner, Bombay Government, lbi^5. 

Bombay Government. 

II ■■ Measures, India, 1894-95. 

Secretary of State for India. 



Sanskrit MSS., Bombay Circle, 1892-95. 

The Director of Public Instruction, Bombay. 
I Survey of India Dept., 1891-95. 

Govornnieut of India. 
I on the Scientific Results of the Voyage of H. M. S. "Chal- 

lenger,'* 1872-76. 

The Lords, Commissioners, Her Majesty's Treasury. 
■■ Stamp Dept., Bombay, 1895-96. 

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.. Punjab, 1893-96. 

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^ Trade and Navigation Returns, Aden, 1895-96. 

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. Thagi and Dakaiti Dept., 1895. 

Government of India. 
. Vaccination, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96. 

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Revision Survey Settlement, Nandurbar Taluka, Khandeah. 

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■ Nasik Taluka, Nasik. 

Bombay Government^ 

■ two Talukdari Yillages. Meitar, Kaira. 

Bombay Government. 
—_ . _.^^_- Valwa, Satara. 

Bombay Government. 

88 Yillages, Peint Taluka, Nasik. 

Bombay Government. 
Review of Trade of India, 1895-96. 

Govei-nment of India. 
Saundaryalahari. 

Mysore Government, 
Settlement Report, Sialkot District, Punjab. 

Punjab Government. 

Statement, Trade and Navigation, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96. 

Bombay Government. 

_ and Navigation, British India, 1895-96, Vol. I. 

Government of India. 
Statistical Atlas of India, 2nd Ed., 1895. 

Government of India. 
Taittieiya Sarahita, Krishna Tajurveda, Vol. IV. 

Mysore Government. 
United States, Bureau of Ethnology, Rejjort, 1891-92. 

The Smithsonian Institution. 
«■ Geological Atlas. 

The Smithsonian Institution. 

•^ — Survey, Monographs, Vols. 23 and 24. 

The Smithsonian Institution. 

Reports, 1892-93— If 94-95. 

The Smitlisouian Institution. 

Weitings and Speeches of the late Hon. Rao Saheb V. N. Mandlik, 
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ZoBOASTEE and Christ. 

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Accounts of Trade by Rail and River in India, 1895-96. 

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Administration Report, Baluchistan Agency, 1895-96. 

Government of India. 

— Bengal, 1895-96. 

Bengal Government. 
• ■ Bombay Presidency, 1895-96. 

Bombay Government. 
, Burma, 1895-96. 

Chief Commissioner of Burma. 



*— — Hyderabad Assigned Districts, 18P5-96. 

Resident, Hyderabad. 
. . Madras, 1895-96. 

Madras Government. 
. N.-W. P. and Oudh, 1895-96. 

N.-W. P. Government. 
Persian Gulf Political Residency, 1895-96. 

Government of India. 
. Punjab, 1895-96. 

Punjab Government. 
Agricultural Ledger, 8 Nos. 

Government of India. 
. Statistics, Bntisli India, 1891-92 to 1895-96. 

Government of India. 
Arch-SJOLOGICAL Survey of India : — 

Ghalukyan Architecture, 

Government of India. 

of Western India, Yol. VI. : — 

Mahomedan Architecture in Gujerat, 

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Army (Average Numbers at Home and Abroad.) 

Secretary of State for India. 
Bombay Gazetteer, Vols. I. and II. 

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Catalogue of Coins : Indian Museum. Parts 3 and 4. 

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of the Lady Meux Egyptian Collection. 

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Catalogus Catiilogoruin. Pai-t II. 

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Discovery and Conquest of Guiana. Vol. I. ( Hak. Soc). 

Bombay Government. 
JB/AST India (Contagious Diseases) : Representations from the Royal 

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Estimate of Revenue and Expenditui'e, Government 

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169;-:;:. 

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■ (Extension of Railways by Private Agency). 

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Exact Description of the Outward Religious Rites, Ceremonies, and 

Customs of all the Peoples of the World. With Illustrations. 

(Dutch). 

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Famine and the Relief Operations in India, 1896-97. 

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Finance and Revenue Accounts, Government of India, 1895-96. 

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Financial and Commercial Statistics, British India. 4th Issue, 

Government of India. 

Further P-ipers, Famine and Relief Operations in India, 1896-97. 

Secretary of State for India, 

Indian Meteorological Memoirs, Vol. VII., Part VI.; Vol. VIII., Pai-t 11. 

Government of India, 

MctoMiologicul Memoirs, Vol. IX., Parts VIII. and IX. 

Govcniment of India. 



CIV PRESENTS TO THE UBRARY. 

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The Executors of the late Mr. G. C. Walker. 
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Letters received by the East India Company from its Servants in the 
East, Vol. I. 

Secretary of State for India. 
List of Inscriptions on Tombs or Monuments in Bengal. 

Bombay Government. 
Local Rules and Orders made under Enactments applying to 
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Bombay Government. 
Magnetic AL and Meteorological Observation, Bombay, 1895. 

Bombay Government. 
Monthly Trade and Navigation Accounts, British India. 

Government of India. 
Norwegian, North Atlantic Expedition, Report, Part XXIV. (Botany). 

Editorial Committee of the Expedition. 

. North Atlantic Expedition, 1876-78 : Part XXIII. Zoology. 

Editorial Committee of the Expedition. 
Oriental Studies. 

Oriental Club, Philadelphia. 
Original Survey Settlement, Talukdai-i Villages of the Mehlol Estate. 
Godhra, Punch Mahals. 

Bombay Goremment. 
Papers relating to Deccan Agriculturists' Relief Act. 

Government of India. 

— relating to Outbreak of Bubonic Plague in India. 

Secretary of State for India. 
, relating to Revision Survey Settlement, Chandore Taluka, 

Nasik. 

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relating to Revision Survey Settlement, Niphad Taluka, Nasik, 

Bombay Government. 
relating to Treatment of Leprosy in India, 1887-95. 

Government of India. 



PRKSENTS TO THE LIBRARY. CT 

Titles of Books. Donors. 

Papers relating to Village Sanitation in India, 1888-96. 

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PiTSA Medha Sutras. 

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Police Reports, Bombay Presidency, 1895. 

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Prison- MADE Goods (India). 

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P&OCEEDINOS, Legislative Council, Bombay, 1895. 

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Records, Botanical Survey of India, Vol. I., Nos. 7 and 8. 

Government of India. 
Report, Abkari Department, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96. 

Bombay Government. 
Agricultural Chemist to Government of India, 1895-96. 

Government of India. 
■■ Amencan Museum of Natural History, 1895. 

The Trustees of the Museum. 

■ Archaeological Survey, Western India, 1895-96. 

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The Chamber of Commerce. 
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Punjab Government. 

■ Customs Administration, Bombay, 1895-96. 

Bombay Government. 

■ Customs Administration, Kurrachee, 1895-96. 

Government of India. 

■ Director of Public Instruction, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96. 

Director of Public Instruction. 
' Forest Administration, Punjab, 1894-95. 

Punjab Government. 
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Bombay Government. 
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Madras Government. 

■ Income Tax Operations, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96. 

Bombay Govemment- 
— ^— — Inspection of Mines in India, 1894-95. 

Government of India. 
— — Internal Trade, Punjab, 1895-96. 

Punjab Government, 



Cri P£E.^£^1S TO THE UBEAET. 

Titles of Books. Domors. 

Kepokt, Land RecorcU and Agriculture, Bombaj Presidency, 1895-96- 

Bombaj Goremment. 
■ Land Records and Agricolture, Punjab, 1S95-96. 

Punjab Government. 



■ Land Revenue Administration, Punjab, 18?.: -96. 

Punjab Government. 

■ Local Boards, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96. 

Bombay Government. 

Lunatic Asylums, Bombay Presidency, 1896. 

Bombay Government. 
^— ^ Lunatic Asylums, Punjab, 1896. 

Punjab Government. 
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dency, 1895. 

Bombay Government. 

Municipal Taxation and Expenditure, Bombay Presidency, 

1895-96. 

Bombay Government. 

Municipalities, Punjab, 1895. 

Punjab Government. 

of Chemical Analyser to Government, Bombay, 1896. 

Bombay Government. 
on Excise Administration, Punjab, 1895-96. 

Punjab Government. 

— on Publications, British India, 1895. 

Government of India. 

on Railways in India, 1895-96. 

Secretary of Statie for India. 

on Sanskrit MSS., Southern India, No. II. 

Madras Government. 
Opium Department, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96. 

Bombay Government. 
— ^— Police Administration, Punjab, 1895. 

Punjab Government. 
• Public Instruction (Punjab), 1895-96. 

Punjab Government. 
Rail, River and Road-borne Traffic, Sind, 1895-96. 

Bombay Government. 
^> Railways in India, 1895-96, Part II. 

Government of India. 

Railways in India, 1896-97, Part I. 

Government of India. 

-" relating to Revision Survey Settlement, Salsette Taluka Thana. 

Bombay Government. 






St 






FaSSlNTS TO THE LIBRABT. ovii 

Titles of Books, Donors. 

Rj&POST, relating to the Wreck of the Indian Transport '*Warren 

Hastings." 

Secretary of State for India. 

Salt Department, Sind, 1395-96. 

Bombay Government. 
" — Talukdari Settlement Officer, 1895-96. 

Bombay Government. 
' Trade and Navigation, Sind, 1895-96. 

Bombay Government. 

Working of Cotton Duties Act, Punjab, 1896. 

Punjab Government, 
Return, East India (Bengal Gaols). 

Secretary of State for India. 
Review, Forest Administration, British India, 1894-9.5. 

Government of India. 

• of Trade in India, 1895-96. 

Secretary of State for India. 
Sacbed Books of the East : — 

Gaina Sutras. Part II. 
Hymns of the Atliarvaveda. 
Vedanta Sutras. Part II. 
Vedic Hymns. Part II. 

Se cret aiy of State for India 
Sanitary, Vaccination, Dispensary and Jail Report, Rajaputana, 1895. 

GoveiDment of India 
Smithsonian Contribution to Knowledge, Vols. 30-32. 

Smithsonian Institution. 
Tables relating to Trade, British India, 1891-92—1895-98. 

Secretary of State for India. 
Tea Insects. 

Government of India. 
Technical Art Series of Illustrations of Indian Architectural Deco- 
rative Work. 

Government of India. 
Tide Tables, Indian Ports, 1897. 

Government of India. 
Tribes and Castes of N.-W. Provinces and Oudh. 

Government, N.-W. P. 
United States Geological Survey Report, 1894-95. 

U. S. Survey Department. 
Wbecks and Casualties in Indian Waters, 1895. 

Government of India. 



/^ 



IXDEX TO VOLUME XIX. 



Abbott (Rev. J. E.)» Inscrifin'on 
on the Three (tateways, Ah- 
medabad, 348-350. 
Abflji Sondeo, 209. 
Abd-er-Riizzak, 251. 
Abdul Kader, 1(>0. 
Abiul Karim, 184. 
Abdullah Klmn Uzbtik, 170. 
Adnr-pad, 270. 

Abul Fiizl, 1-8!). 590, 203, 29i. 
Adhani Kha i Atkah, 1^2. 
Adirrrobag, 223. 
/1«:hs, Cyole of, 113. 
Aetpoor, 27, 
Afartr, 9. 

Afrasiab. 239. 27H. 
AfrigHn-i-Dabman, I. 
Afrini-Raplthavan, 264. 
Ah\vn, 218. 
Afzulkhan, 204. 
Ahmed, 1G3. 
Abinedabftd, Inscription on tlie 

Three Gateways at, 318-356, 
Ahurmaz lad, 220. 
Aibole Inscription, 42. 
Airavati, 237. 
Airpatastj'm, 1, 6, 7, 10. 
Aitareya Brahmana, 83. 
Akalamkadeva, 48. 
Akbar'o visit to, and stay at, Maii- 

du, 180.181. 
Akesines, 237. 
A lam Lodi, 177, 
Albiruni, 113. ^ 



Albuquerque, 251-253. 

AUbar and the Parsees, 289-305. 

Akbar Nama, 293. 

Akbar, Remarks on tbe influence 
of the PArsee religion upon, 
300-305. 

Akbar, assemblies of representa- 
tives of different sects and 
creedp, for discu^sin* relisioiis 
questions, organised by, 
289-292. 

Akbar's change of the old era 
and introduction of his Ilahi 
or Divine era after the Parsee 
model, in A. H. 992, 
302. 

Akbar's measures for getting 
acquainted with the Parsee 
religion and his attitude towards 
it, considerations of questions 
relating to, 292-805. 

Akbir'8 relation to Parsees, 
historical sourcea about, 
294-297. 

Albuquerque, Mathias de, 259. 

Alexander the Great, destruction 
by, of a copy of the Grand 
Avesta in the archives of Ista- 
khar, 2()4, 272. 

Alexander the Great, invasion and 
conquest of Persia, by the 
Greeks under, 215. 

Alexandria, 112. 

Alhanadeva, 32, 33, 34. 



u 



INDEX. 



AlhJinadeva, Inscription of, found 
fit Nadole, 26-34. 

Ali, 198. 

Ali Tski, 198. 

Allaudin, 27. 

Aloka, 341, 

Alpkhan, son of Diliwsr Khan, 
look the title of Snlian Hosb- 
ang in A.D. 1405, and moved 
the capital from Dhar to 
Mandn, 162. 

Al Utbi, 143, 150. 

Amarasimha, 36. 

An^^eshaspand, 1. 

Amir Fathu'llah Slurazi, 303. 

Amoghavarsha, 42. 

Anandrao Pavar, 199. 

Anandrav Gayakawad, 351,352, 
353. 

Anandnjnrinn, 54, 55, 56. 

Anatolius, Cycle of, 113. 

Anchabarpdr (Akbarpur), 189, 

Andrew of Byzantium, Cycles of, 
113. 

Anhila, 29, 32,34. 

Annambhatta, 342. 

Anne, 144. 

Anniibis, 371. 

Ani^birawiin, 9. 

Ansiiri, 143. 

Anushirawan, 72. 

Aogamadaccha, 1. 

Apastamba, 325, 326, 363. 

Ardvan, 210. 

Ardeshir Babijan's exertions to 
recover the lost books of the 
Avesta, 215, 216, 2G3, 264, 
265, 2C6, 267, 272, 274, 
281. 



I 



Ardeshir, a priest of K#»nnan, 
took prominent part in 
leading Akbar to Parseeism, 
295-296. 

Ardvicura, 247. 

Areimanios, 281. 

Aristotle, 272. 

Aristotle, 345. 

Armenian Era, 138. 

Artakhshater, 266, 270. 

Artaxes, 138. 

Aryabhata, a erreat Hindu Astro- 
nom^'r, 41-42, 130, 133, 134, 
130, 136. 

Aryabhatiyam, 130. 

Aryan group of languages, occo- 
pyidg India, Afghanistan, Ba- 
luchistan and part of Ceylon, 
92. 

Aryan languages, on the life and 
growth of, 89-91. 

Aryan conf|uests in Medieval 
times extended beyond India 
and embraced Java, Sumatra, 
Kamboja, &c., 93. 

Aryjin Speech, progress and de- 
velopment of tlie, 76-108. 

Aryan Society, on the admission 
of the non-Aryans into, in the 
Vedic Age, 3.57-364. 

Asafkhan, 188. 

Asaphjiih JS^izam-ul-Mulk, 199, 

Asa raja, 32, 34. 

Ascoli, 85, 100. 

Asfandiar, 274. 

Asikani, 237. 

Asta Pradhan or cabinet of eight 
heads of departments, organ- 
ised by Shivaji, 207. 



INDEX. 



Ill 



Ashvalayana, 363. 

Astad, 371. 

Asvaghosha, 43. 

Atar-pat, 9. 

Atar-Auharmazd, 9. 

Atash, 1. 

Athene, 94. 

Athaide, D. Luis de, 259. 

Augustus, 143. 

Auharmazd, 1, 282. 

Aulakyn, 323. 

Avdn, 1. 

Avanti, 112. 

Avesta, the antiquity of the, 263- 

287. 
Avesta, history of the collection 

of the, as given in the Dinkard, 

264-270. 
Avesta Literature, extant, gene- 
rally supposed to bo a faithful 

remnant of the Grand Avesta 

of the Achemenian times, Dr. 

Darmesteter's opinion on the 

point, 263. 
Avesta, names of eminent Das- 

turs, who made comments on 

the, 270. 
Avesta, on the supposed Buddhist 

and Jewish elements in the, 

286-287. 
Avesta, on the Greek influence 

upon the, 281-280. 
Avesta-Phhlavi text, on the age 

of, 8, 9. 
Avijeh Din, 6. 
Azer Goushflsp, a celebrated 

fire temple of ancient Iran, 

63. 
Azer Kaivan, 295. 



Azi Dahik, 277. 278. 



Babiru, 278. 

Badi-nd-din, 242. 

Badarayanas, Bramha Sutras, 

317, 320, 323. 324, 326. 
Badaoni, 293, 294. . 
Baglan, 203. 

Bahdur Shdh, 176, 177, 198. 
Bahadur Shah of Gujerat, cap- 
tures Mnndu, defeats Mehmud 
II. and incorporates Malwa 
with Gujerat, 176-177. 
Bahlol Lodi, 171. 
Bahman, 241. 242. 
Bahman Yasht, 10. 
Baji Parbhn. 204. 
Bajirao L, 208. 
Bajirao Peshwa, 351, 352. 
Bajirao Peshwa, appointed Gov- 
ernor of xVIalwa (xi.D. 1720- 
1740). 199. 
Baladitya, 41. 
Balaji Bajirao. 208, 210. 
Balaji Vishwanath, 208. 
Brdaprnsada, 32, 34. 
Baliraja, 32, 34. 
Bana. 42,43. 
Banswara, 176. 
Bapuji Govind, 351. 
Barkur, 250. 

Barkur, on the Kanara Coast, 
attack by the Portuguese on 

the town of, 254. 

Bnrrns, Lopo, 258. 

Baroshani-i-Auharmazd, 9, 



IV 



INDKX. 



Bas-i'ilic'f f^f J^cliaram-gour at 
Nuksb-i-Kustam and his mar- 
riflge Tvith an Indian Princess, 
58-75. 

Bauddba-dhikk^ra, 337. 

Baudbajaiia, 326. 

Bawri, 278. 

Baz Babddur, the last Sultan of 
Malwa, 155, 159, 17D, 181, 
182. 

Beames, 82, 88. 

Bednur, 2U3, 251. 

Behrain, 1, 371. 

Behram-gour, 240. 

Behram-gour, bas-relief of, at 
Naksh-i-Kustam and Iiis mar- 
riage with an Indian Princess, 
58-75. 

Bebram-gour's bas relief at 
Naksh-i-Rustain, stories in 
connection with, 59-63. 

Behram-gour, device and charac- 
ters on a coin of, corresponding 
vrith those on his bas-relief, 
Kaksh-i-Ruslam, 63 ; explana- 
tion of, 63-64. 

Behram gour's visit to India and 
his marriage with Sepinad, 
an Indian Princess, f irdousi's 
account of, 65-69. 

Behram-gour's visit to India sup- 
ported by impressions on 
Gudbia coins and by scenes in 
some of the Ajanta paintings, 
74-75. 

Bell, Prof. Melville, 80. 

Benfey, 85. 

Bhimadeva I., 29. 

Bhamati, 337. 



Bhnndarkar, Dr. R. G., 76, 82. 

BhashdParichcheda, 342, 

Bhupat Rai. 377. 

Bikramajit, 184. 

Billawal (Verawal), 145. 

Bir Bal, 289,301. 

Biya, 237, 

Bod as (Mahadeva Rajaram) ; A 

historical sketch of Indian 

Logic, 306-347. 
Bopp, Prof. F., 78, 85, IOC. 
Bra^anza, D. Constantino de, 

256. 
nrahmn, 245. 
Brnhmadcva, 95. 
Brahmanism of to-day & of the 

Vedic times, 362. 
Brihadaranvnkavartika, 54. 
Brugniann, 85. 
BryiH% 85, 80. 
Bndagh Kban, 180. 
Buddbaibarita, 43. 
Bnddluignptn, 38. 
Bnddbist relic mounds in Sindb, 

44-45. 
Buddhist tower in Kahu, near 

Mirpnr Khas, Sindb, note 

on brick figures found in a, 

44-46. 
Bundahesh, 4. 
Burnell, Dr., 83. 
Burnouf, 85. 
Buzarjameher, 233. 
Bydaspes, 238. 

Caldwell, 82.88. 
Cambyses, 140. 

Campbell (J. M,), Introduction 
to Mr. Woodbnrn's note on 



INDEX. 



brick figure found in a 
Buddhist tower in Kahu, 
near Mirpur Khds, Sindh, 44- 
45. 

Campbell (J. M.), Mandn, 154- 
201. 

Carnatic, 203. 

Carnac (Captain James Rivett), 
351, 352. 

Cashmere, a legend about the 
drying of the valley of, 245 ; its 
probable connection with a 
similar story in the Shahana- 
meh, 245. 

Cashmere, ancient tradition re- 
lating to the country, beinj:; at 
first a vast lake called Satisaras, 
245. 

Cashmere, expedition of Darius 
Hystaspes to, for exploring the 
region watered by the Indus, 
244. 

Cashmere, geographical notices 
of, in the ancieut Iranian litera* 
ture, and allusions to, in 
Shahnameh, 237-241. 

Cashmere, on the relation of the 
ancient Persians to, 241-248. 

Cashmere, Punjab and Scinde, 
included in the times of the 
A vesta in the region known as 
Hapta Iliadu (Sapta Siudhu), 
237. 

Cashmere and the ancient Per- 
sian, 237-248. 

Caspatyrus of Herodotus, the same 
as Cashmere, 244. 

Catpan Bhanu, 241. 

Ceylon, colonisation of, attribut- 



ed to Bengal, Behar, Orissa 

and Gujerat, 93, 94. 
Chahumana kings, genealogy of, 

34. 
Chnitanya, 338, 340, 341. 
Chanda, 84. 
Chaudakhan, 176. 
ChanHoirya Upanishad, 83. 
Chandrabhaga, 237. 
Chandragupta, 35, 
Chan lira- vyakarana, 48, 
Charaka, 324. 
Chenaub, 237. 
Chess, account of the origin and 

discovery as given by Caxton 

and Sir W. Jones, of the game 

of, 234-236. 
Chess, Firdousi on the' Indian 

origin of the game of, 224- 

236. 
Chess, Firdousi's account of the 

introduction into Persia from 

India of the game of, 231--233. 
Chess. Firdousi's description of 

the Indian method of playing 

the game of, 228-230. 
Chess, Firdousi's version about 

the invention in India of the 

game of, 225-233. 
Che?s, on the modern Indian 

name of the game of, 233- 

234. 
Chess, testimony as to the Indian 

origin of, 224. 
Chide-Avista-i gasani, 1. 
Chimnaji Pandit, 199. 
Cliimnaji RHghunath, 351- 

352. 
rhing-kwong, 39. 



VI 



INDEX. 



Chosroes I., 224. 

Cicero's De Naturii Deorum and 

the Pahlnvi Shikand Gamanik 

Vijar, 215-223. 
Coins, known in Gujerat, as 

Gadhia-ka-paisa, 73, 
Corryat's stay at Maiidii, and his 

account of Emperor Jehangir 

when residing there, 194. 
Cosmas Indikopleusies, 39. 
Cunha (Dr. J. Gerson da) ; The 

Portuguese in South Kanara, 

249.2G2. 
Curtius, 85-107. 
Cypress Tree planted f»yGushtasp, 

King of Persia, before his fire. 

temple, tradition relating to 

248. 



Dabistan, 293, 294, 295. 

Dadastun-i-Dini, 7, 9, 10. 

Dad-Auharmazd, 9. 

D^d-farukh, 9. 

Dad-farrokh. 270. 

Dair-i-Parikd.i, 247. 

Damaji Gaikawad, 212. 

Dambar, 225. 

Darab, 242. 

Darsanasara, 338. 

Darius, 140. 

Darmesteter's opinion abont the 
extant Avesta not being a 
faithful reproduction from the 
Grand Avesta ot^ tiie Acheme- 
nian times, 263. Examination 
of some of the points tlwelt upon 
by Darmestctt^r in stipport of 
his theory bringing down the 



antiquity of the Avesta to about 

the third century after Christ, 

263-287. 
Dasa-Lakshani, 342. 
Datto Annaji, 2u9. 
Uayananda Sarasvati Swami, 85. 
De'bi, 290. 
De Natura Deorum, Cicero's, and 

the Pahlavi Shikand Gumanik 

Vijar, 215-223. 
De Natura Ueorum, Cicero's, out- 
line of the contents of, 221- 

222 
Delitzsch, 101. 
Delia V»ille. 197, 259. 
Depar ruins, in Sindii, 46. 
Dharmakirti, 48, 54, 55, 56, 57, 

333, 334. 
Dharnidhnra, 27. 
Dharnidlira, 33. 
Dharmottara, 47, 49, 50, 51, 52, 

53, 57, 333, 336. 
Dharwar, 203. 
Dhruva (H. H.) ; PDiraskara 

Grihya Sutras and the Sacred 

Books of the East. Vol. XXIX. 

24, 25. 
Dhruva (H. H.) ; The Nadole 

Inscription of King Alhanade- 

va, 20, 34. 
Dhruva (H. H.) ; The Progress 

and Development of the Aryan 

Speech, 76-108. 
Dia Bahadur, 199. 
Didhiti, 431. 
Dign.iga, 42, 50, 52, 54, 332, 

333, 334. 
l)i«;nrigac!jarya, 48, 50, 52,53, 54> 

57. 



INDEX. 



VU 



Dilawar Khan, the founder of 
Musalman Mandu, 155, IGl, 
162. 

Dinkard. 10. 

Dindorus Siculns, 118, 140. 

Dyaushpita, 95. 



Ehn-Athir, 69. 

Egyptians and Iranians, ancient, 

Belief about the future of the 

soul among the, 365-374. 
Ephthalitcs or Huns, Sir A. 

Cunningham's paper on, 

4041. 
Eratosthenes, 134. 
Ereziphva, xMount, 247. 
Euclid, 345. 
Excerses, 234. 



Faizi, 289. 

Farhang-i*oim-Aevak, 1, 

Faridoon, 245. 

Farukh, 9. 

Fatesingh Gayakawad, 351, 353. 

Fidaikhan. 187. 

Firdousi, 143. 

Firdousi, on the Indian origin of 

the game of Chess, 224-236. 
Framroz, 239. 



Gadadhara, 341, 342. 

Gadha-rupa of Indian History, 
the same as Behnim Gour of 
Persian Hisiory, 69-71. 

G^dhendra-puri, 71. 



Gahambnr, 1, 

Q.indh:ira, 39, 40. 41. 

Gandliaras, account of the peo- 
ple, known as, 243. 

Qangadihar Shastri, 351, 

353. 

Gang.sa, 339, 340, 341. 

Gangcsopadhyaya, 339, 340. 

Gardabhiuas, the dynasty of, 
probal)ly that of the descend- 
ants of Behram Gour in Persia, 
72-73. 

Ga-gya, 84. 

Gaspar Correa, 2^2. 

Gatha, 1. 

Gan, 225. 

Gaudavabo, 42. 

Oauranga, 340. 

Ghiizni Khan, 165. 

Ghias-ud-din*s rule at Mandu, 
the buiidin^rs erected during 
his time, and account of his 
pleasure city, 169, 172. 

Girdhar Bahadur, 199. 

Gogoshasp, 9, 270. 

Gollas, 39, 40. 

Gopathi Brahmana of the Athar- 
va Veda, 83, 

Goshera, 71. 

Gitama, the Nyaya system of, 
310-311 ; on the age of the 
Sutras of Gotama and Kanada, 
316-329. 

Gottama-Sutra-Vritti, 342, 

Goshtasp, 274, 279. 

GriersoG, 82, 88. 

Grihya Sutras, account of a MS. 
of, found at Lathi in Kathia- 
wad, 24-25. 



viu 



IXDKX. 



Grill va Sntrns and tlio sncred , 
l»ooksof the East, Vol. XXIX., I 
24-25. 

Grimm. 85. 

Gujarat trade extended in medi- 
H;val times, as far as Java, 

Gubhtai^p, 248. 



Hadoklit-Xask, 1, 

Haji Klian. 178. 

Ilnmbirrao Mohite, 2C8, 209. 

IIa[)ta Hindu, the reg:ion known 
hy the name of, 237. 

llarimisra, 340. 

Harirama Tark.Uankara, 341. 

llarshacliarita, 42. 

Uarun Al Rashid, 143. 

llaveli Gavakawad, the name of 
a citadel near Ahmedhbad, 35G, 

IL*mahhai. 356. 

Ilemachandra, 84. 

Herbert '3 description of Mandu, 
197-198. 

Ilermippa, 215. 

Uermippos of Alexandria, trans- 
lated into Greek, 20,000 verses 
of the writings of Zoroaster, 
2G4, 284, 285. 

Hesydnis, 237. 

Hill-forts in the occupation of 
Shivaji, their importRnce as 
points cf resistance against at- 
tMck, and their management, 
203-204. 

Hindu character as depicted by 
the Greek writers, Megasthenes 
and Arrian, 142, 



Hindu months, names of, with 

the leniTth in days, ghatis and 

pals, 1J3. 
Hoernle, Dr., 82, 88. 
Homai, 242. 
Honore, 251. 
Ilonis, 371. 
[loshaiigsha Ghori's rule at Man- 

dn, 162-164. 
Hoshangshah Ghori, 156, 162, 

16*, 165. 
Hnmayuns capture of Maudu, 

176-177. 
Humboldt, 107. 
Human Races, classification of 

according to Mr. Gust, Mr- 

Haeckel and Mr. Bryue, 94. 

97. 
Huna kinjrs, ruling in Northern 

India, 36, 40. 
Huns, White, Sir A. Cunning- 

iiam's paf)er on, 40, 41. 
Hiisparam Nask, 5, 6, 9, 10, 
Ilvdraortes, 237. 
Hydaspes, 237, 238. 
Hyphasis, 237. 
Hvsiris, 371. 



Ibn Asir, 149. 

ibn Kalikan, 150. 

India, change in the condition 
and the character of the people 
of, caused by the Mohamedau 
conquest of the country and 
their rule, 142-143. 

India, on the evidence of the 
existence of pre-Aryan and 
non- Aryan races in, 90-92. 



PRKSENTS TO THE LIBBART. CT 

Titles of Books. Donors. 

Papers relating to Village Sanitation in India, 1888-96. 

Government of India. 

PiTRA Medha Sutras. 

German Oriental Society. 

Police Reports, Bombay Presidency, 1895. 

Bombay Government. 
Prison- MADE Goods (India). 

Secretary of State for India. 
Proceedinos, Legislative Council, Bombay, 1895. 

Bombay Government, 
Becords, Botanical Survey of India, Vol. I., Nos. 7 and 8. 

Government of India. 
Report, Abkari Department, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96. 

Bombay Government. 
Agricultural Chemist to Government of India, 1895-96. 

Government of India. 

■ American Museum of Natural History, 1895. 

Tlie Trustees of the Museum. 
' Archffiological Survey, Western India, 1895-96. 

Bombay Government. 
Bombay Chamber of Commerce, 1896. 

The Chamber of Commerce. 
— ^— — Criminal Justice, Punjab, 1895. 

Punjab Government. 
■ ■ Customs Administration, Bombay, 1895-96. 

Bombay Government. 
— — — Customs Administration, Kurrachee, 1895-96. 

Government of India. 

■ Director of Public Instruction, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96. 

Director of Public Instruction. 
■ Forest Administration, Punjab, 1894-95. 

Punjab Govermnent. 
Forest Administration, Punjab, 1895-96. 

Punjab Government. 

■ " Forest Department, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96. 

Bombay Government. 
Forest Department, Madras Presidency, 1895-96. 

Madras Government. 

■ Income Tax Operations, Bombay Presidency, 1895-96. 

Bombay Government. 
Inspection of Mines in India, 1894-95. 

Government of India. 

Internal Trade, Punjab, 1895-96. 

Punjab Government, 



lU 



INDKX. 



Grihva Sntrns and tlie sacred 

l)ooksof the East. Vol. XXIX., 

24-26. 
Grimm, 85. 
Gujarat trade extended in medi- 

»!val times, as far as Java. 

93. 
Guhhtasp, 248. 



Hadokl.t-Xask, 1. 

Haji Klian, 178. 

Hnmbirrno Mohite, 2C8, 209. 

H;i[)ta Hindu, the region known 
hy the name of, 237. 

llarimisra, 340. 

]-Iaririmia Tark:ilankara, 341. 

llarshacharita, 42. 

Uarun Al Uashid, 143. 

Ilaveli Gavakawad, the name of 
a citadel near Ahmedttbad, 35(5. 

Iliniahhai. 356. 

Hcmacliandra, 84. 

Herbert's description of Mandu, 
197-198. 

Ilermippa, 215. 

llermippos of Alexandria, trans- 
lated into Greek, 20,000 verses 
of the writings of Zoroaster, 
2G4, 284, 285. 

Hesydnis, 237. 

Hiil-forts in the occupation ot 
Sbivaji, their importance as 
prints of resistance against at- 
tack, and their management, 
203-204. 

Hindu character as depicted by 
the Greek writers, Megasthenes 
and Arrian, 142, 



Hindu months, names of, with 
the lenirth in days, ghatis and 
pals. 123. 

Hoernle, Dr., 82, 88. 

Homai, 242. 

Honore, 251. 

ilorus, 371. 

[loshaiigsha Ghori's rule at Man- 
d.i, 162-1G4. 

Uoshangshah Giiori, 156, 162, 
161, 165. 

Hnmayun's capture of Maudu, 
176-177. 

Humboldt, 107. 

Human Races, classification of 
according to Mr. Gust, Mr- 
Haeckel and Mr. Brvne, 94. 
97. 

Uuna kinj^s, ruling in Northern 
India, 36, 40. 

Huns, White, Sir A. Cunning- 
ham's paper on, 40, 41. 

Hilsparam Nask, 5, 6, 9, 10, 

Hvdraortes, 237. 

llydaspes, 237, 238. 

llyphasis, 237. 

Hvsiris, 371. 



Ibn Asir, 149. 

Ibn Kalikan, 150. 

India, change in the condition 
and the character of the people 
of, caused by the Mohamedan 
conquest of the country and 
their rule, 142-143. 

India, on the evidence of the 
existence of pre-Aryan and 
non-Aryan races in, 90-92. ^ 



INDEX 



LS 



Indiii account of the writers on 
th« philosophical systems of, 
and their works, 315-343. 

India, sciences and arts in, origi- 
nating from sacrificial necessi- 
ties, 327-328. 

India, the original home of the 
game of chess, 224. 

India, works of Molmiiiedan His* 
torians of, greatly influenced 
by religious bias and unscru- 
pulousness 144-145. 

Indian logic, Historical sketch 
of, 306-347. 

Indian philosophy, erroneous no- 
tions about, 307. 

Indian philosophy, religious mo- 
tive, underlying all the systems 
of, 313-314] 

Indian philosophy, the task of 
writing the history of, beset 
with innumerable ditficulties, 
307-308. 

Indian philosophical systems, the 
Nyaya and Vaisesliika, surevy 
of the literature of, 815-343. 

Indian philosophy, including 
Indian logic, a home-grown 
product, created by the na- 
tural . genius of the people, 
306-307. 

Indian philosophy, Nyaya and 
Vaiseshika occupying a unique 
postion among the systems of, 
309 ; their history dating from 
the 4th or 5th century 13. C. 
315. 

Indian philosophy, on deter- 
mining the chronological order 



of the several systems of, 319- 
325. 

Indian philosophy, on the doc- 
trines of, the different systems 
of, 343-344. 

Indian Society, the capacity of 
expansion of, 357. 

Indra, 82. 

Indus, 237. 

Indus, the names of the seven 
tributaries of the, 237. 

Inscription on the Three Gate- 
ways, Ahmedabad, 343356, 
the text and translation of 
the Inscription, 349-351 ; tho 
places and the persons men- 
tioned in the Inscription, 351* 
352 ; brief notices of the per- 
sf n?, 352-354. 

Insciiption, Nadole, of King 
Alhanadeva, 2C-34, 

Iranians and Kgyplims, Ancient, 
iJelief about the future of the 
soul anioni: the, 3G5-374. 

Isfendiar, 241. 

Istakhar (Ptrsepolis), 264. 



Jagadisa, 341. 

Jaimini, :^20, 326, 327, 328. 

Jai>ingh Deva, 184, 199. 

da), 240. 

•Jala dec, 245. 

Jaloka, 242. 

Jamas]) Hakim Vilayati, £99. 

Jaiaasp Vilsiyati, Dastur, 2, 6. 

Jamhour, 225, 240. 

Janaka, 242. 



INDEX. 



Javerilal U, Yajiiik, Ilonbh^ 
Mr., Honurarv Secrctarv of the 
Society, placing on record the 
sense of the Society's loss at the 
death of, XCV. 

Javadeva, 340, 341. 

Jen iraraja, 2v^ 32, 34. 

Jhelum, 237. 

Jivauji JamsheJji Modi : Belief 
about tlie future of the soul 
among the Ancient Ej^ypiiaus 
and Iraniauii, 305-374. 

Jivanji jHni>hedji Modi ; Cabh- 
niere and the Ancient Perbiaub. 
237-248. 

Jivanji Jamsbedji MoHi ; Firdousi 
on the Indian Origin of the 
Game of Chess. 224-230. 

Jivanji Jamsbedji Modi; The 
Antiquity of the A vesta, 263- 
287. 

Jivanji Jamsbedji Modi ; The Bus- 
relief of Bebram Gour at 
Naksh-i-Rustam and his Mar- 
riage with ao Indian Princess, 
58-75. 

Jina, 82. 

Jiuasena, 42. 

Jojjalla, 32, 3k 

Junaid Khan, 178. 

Junuar, 203. 



Kacchavana, 84. 
Kacyapa, 245. 

Kacyapupura,namoof the Coun- 

try of Cashmere, 245. 
Kadir Shab, 177. 



Kabii near Mirpnr Kbas, Sindh, 
I note on brick figured found in 
a Buddhist tower in, 44-40. 
Kaikhosliio'), 239. 
Kalltana, 38. 

Kahda&a, on the date of, 35-43. 
Rjilidai^a, references iu Indian 
; Literature to, 42-43. 
' Kansida, 312, 313, 315, 323. 
Kauada, on the ageof the Sutras 

of, 31C.-317, 324, 331. 
Kanara, account of the doings of 
the PoriU2:uese, on the Coist 
of, 251-2r>2. 
Kanara, South, extinction of the 
last remnant of the Portuguese 
rule and trade in, 261. 
Kanara, general aspect of, and 
account of the principal towns 
. of the district of, 249-250. 
Kanara Coast, at one time studded 
with Portuguese Factories and 
Forts, 252. 
Kanara, references to, in the works 
of Portuguese Historians, 249. 
Kanara South, the Portuguese 
I in, 249-262. 
' Kani^^dez, 230. 
Kanoj, the capital of Northern 

India (A.D. 417-438), 65. 
Kamilu-t-Tawarikb, 150. 
' Karad, 203. 
Karji Gbiit, 176. 
Karkal, 250. 

KHrkaria (R. P.) ; Akbar and the 
. Parsee*, 289-305. 
' Karkaria (R. P.); Mahmud of 
Ghazni and the Legend of Sora- 
nath, 142153. 



INDEX. 



XI 



Knrkaria (R. P.) ; Teleology of 
the Pahlavi Shikand Gumanik 
Vijar and C i c e r o 's De 
N a t u r a Deorum, 215- 
223. 

Karra Bahadur Khan, 180. 

Kashaf river, 245. 

Kashmar, confounded with Cash- 
mere, 247. 

Kasikavriiti, 48. 

Katyayana, 84,324. 325. 

Kiius, 247. 

Keladi Basappa Naik, King of 
Kaiiara, 261. 

Kellogg, 82, 88. 

Kesiraja, 43. 

Khafikhan, 305. 

Khan Jehan, 179.197. 

Khaiula Khadyaka, 130- 

Kharegat (M. P.) ; On the Inter- 
pretation of certain passages 
ill the Punch Siddhantika of 
Varahamihirs, an old Astrono- 
mical work, 109-141. 

Khed, 2u3. 

Khooshro Parviz, 72. 

Khoshtanbujid, 270. 

Khurshed, 1. 

Khushalohand, 355. 

Khusro Noshirwan, 9. 

Kir&navali, 330, 340. 

Kobad, 9. 72, 137. 

Kolaba Fort, 204. 

Kolhapur, 203. 

Kolhar, 203. 

Konkan, 203. 

Kophen, 237. 

Kramadisvara, 84. 

Kri&hnunanda, 341. 



Krishnaruja III., 43. 

Kshirasvamin, 42. 

Kubera, 36. 

Kubha, 237. 

Kundapur, 250. 

Kumara Pala, 29. 

Kuuiara Pala, Inscription of, 

dated, A.D. 1157, 29. 
Kumarasambhava, 43. 
Kumarnd^sH, King of Ceylon, 42, 
Kumarila, 42, 48, 323, 33J, 

33G. 
Kurumchand, 27. 
Kushtan-bujid, 9. 
Kusumanjali, 337. 
Kutb-ud-din Shah, 168. 



Lae-lie, 39, 40. 

Lae-lih, 40. 

Lakha, 27, 28. 

Lakshmana, 27, 28, 32, 34. 

Lakhim, 27. 

Lakshniidhara, 27, 33. 

Lakhun, 27, 28. 

Lalita.iityR, 244. 

Language, character of, nnodified 

by surroundings, 99. 
Language, Greek and Indian 

Myths about the birth of, 94, 

95. 
Language, gesture, voice and 

graphic, remarks on, 81-82, 
Language periods and langoage 

chronology, researches in con- 
nection with, 100-102. 
Language, science of, a historico- 

comparative science, 81. 



xu 



INr>EX. 



Languages, hnman and Arjan, 
cbronology of the doTclopment 
of, nrrniiged in six periods, 
with critical remarks, 103-108. 

Languaues of the East Indies, 
divided into 8 groups, 9? 

Laty^ynna Sutra, reference to 
the description of the Vratya- 
Stonin, in the, 3o7-339 

LilaTati, ?M, 340. 

Linga of Mahadevn, legend re- 
garding, 151-152. 

Literature, Pahlavi, classed under 
three heads, 1. 

Logic, Indian and Greek, simi- 
larity of ideas and modes of 
thought between, 314-3-15. 

Logic, Indian, historical sketch 
of, 306-347. 

Logic, the foundation of, as a 
science according to Ueberv.'cg, 
a work of the Greek mind, SuG. 

Lohiya, 29, 32. 34. 

I'Udwig, 101. 



MadhaT.ichiirya, 327. 

Magupat Jamasp Asa, 6. 

Mahabatkhan, 187. 

Mahadji Shinde, 211, 212. 

Mahiidshasp, 9. 

MahTTind of Ghazni, the character 
of, 143-144. 

Maharira, 26, 

Mahaviradeva, 33. 

Mahendradeva, 32, 34. 

Mahmud of Ghazni and tlie Le- 
gend of Somnath, 142-153. 



Mahuli Fort, 204. 

Mah Yashta, 1, 

Mai, 225. 

Miut;ipata, 33. 

Malh;irao Ilolkar, 199. 

Malik Biiyazid, ] 79. 

Malik Mughis, 164. ' 

Malliuiltha, 36, 42,339. 

Mallu Khan,l?7. 

Mil lava Era, current in Central 
in.Jia, 35, 43. 

Mai wan Fort, 204. 

Man, Prof, liaeckel's View of the 
races of, 94. 

Miindan, 185. 

Mandana, *S3'^, 336. 

Mandu, 154-201. 

Mandu, Abul Fazl's and Farisb- 
tah*s descriptions of, 182- 
183. 

Manduy A k bar's Tisit to, and re- 
sidence at, 180-181. 

Mandu, Col. Brig-'s, Mr. 
F o r g u s s o n's, and Captaio 
Eastwick's accounts of the 
deserted capital of, 199- 
200. 

Mandu, early Hindu period of 
the history of, IfiO. 

Mandu, Herbert's description of, 
197-198. 

Mandu, historical account of, 
160-20?. 

Mandu. Liscriptioo on a building 
known as Nilkantk< at; 
180-181. 
Mandu, Emperor Jehangir's re- 
sidence at, and his description 
of, 183-101. 



INDEX. 



XUl 



Mnniu, Jehangir's stay at, re- 
ferred to by Sir T. Roe and 
Rev. E. Terry, 189-198. 

Mandu, passing into the hands 
of the Marathas, .19&. 

Mandu, Sir T, Roe's account of 
Prince KImrram's (Shah- 
Jehan) visit to, 195-196. 

Mandu, Sir T. Roe's accounts of 
£m|>eror Jehangir's camp at, 

Mandu, the holy places at, 

199. 
Mandu, the old palaces, mosques, 

tombs, &c., at. 155-160. 
Mandq, the situation of, with 

descriptive account, 164-160, 
M nndu ,Tom Corryat's stay at,l 93. 
Mangalore, DellaiValle's visit lo, 

in 1G23 nnd his opinion of the 

PortugucBe of those days, 

259-260. 
Mangalore, on the Kanara Coast, 

attflck by the Portuguese on 

the town of, 256. 257, 258, 259. 
Manik Rae, 27. 
Mankoji Dahatonde, 208. 
Marcus Aurelias, 216. 
Manoratha, 27, 33. 
Manushchihr, 9, 10. 
Manv^lolv") 340. 
Manzar» 62. 
Mard-hud, 9. 
Mardan-farukh, author of Shi- 

kand Gumanik Vijar, 220. 
Marichi, 24.^. 

Mascarenhas, I). Francisco, 258. 
Mathuranatha, 341, 
Mawal, 203. 



Mazdak, 9. 

Medani Rai, 174. 

M(^dyo-.n)ah, 9. 

Meghaduta, 42. 

Mebmud Khan, 164. 

Mehmud Khilji, lt;5. 

Mebmud Khilji's rule at Mandu, 
buildings erected during, 165- 
. 169. 

Mehmud Khilji's Tower of Vic- 
tory at Maudu, account of, 
167-168. 

Mehmud II.'s rule at Mandu 
174-176. 

Mehmud Tughlak, 1^2. 

Mehrjee Rana, a Parsi Priest, 
called from Navsari, bjAkbar, 
to give instruction in the 
Parsi religion, 292,293, 296, 
297 ; tradition relating to the 
circumstances under which he 
was called to Akbar's court, 292. 

Menezes, Vasco Fernandes Cezar, 
de, 261. 

Mihircnle, 242, 243. 

Mihiragula, 39. 

Mihirakula, a most powerful king 
of the Huna dynasty, 37, 38- 
39, 40, 41, 42. 

Minerva, 94. 

Minochoher, 245. 

Mir Rukhu ruins in Sindh, 45. 

Mirdn Muhammad Faruki, 177. 

Mirkhel, 242. 

Mirkhond, 69. 

.Mirpur Khds, Sindh, note on 
brick 6gures found in a Bud- 
dhist tower in Kahu, near, 
44-46. 



XIV 



INDEX. 



Mirza Ghias Beg, 1X8. 

Mirza Miran Mubdrak Khan,18C. 

Miaah Bai, 199. 

Mitchell, Rev. Dr. J. M., 88. 

Mithra or Meher, 371. 

M.ihamad, 27, 28, 29. 

Mohsan Fani, 248. 

Moropant Pinsrle, 208. 

Motassim Caliph, 218. 

Mudabidri, 250. 

Mugdhavabodha Auktika, 84. 

Muhafiz Khan, 174. 

Muhamm<id Akbar II., 851, 352. 

Muhammad Irhori, 105. 

Muhammad Khan, 180. 

Muliammadkhan Batigasli, 199. 

Mulla Finiz, 6. 

Muller, Pn.f. Max. 7S, 82,83, 85. 

MunisiiiidaTa, 57. 

Musa Razii, 198. 

Muzaifar Sluih, 162. 

MuzRffiir, III., 181. 

Mysore, 203. 

Nadiila, 32. 33. 

Naalehah, near Mandu, account 
of, 184. 

Nabonassar, era of, 137. 

Nadolo, Inscription of king Alha- 
nadcva, 26-34. 

Najjar Sheth, the office of, at 
Ahmodabad, 353 ; j;cnealogy 
of the family of, 354; history 
of the family, 355-356. 

Naigamas, 27. 

Kakshi-Rastam, the Bas-relief of 
Bebarkm Gourat, and his mar- 
riage with an Indian princess, 
58-75. 



Nana Faranavis, 211, 212. 

Nanda, 324. 

Nard, the game of, similar 

to the game of drauehts, 
233. 

Narasinha, 253. 

Xarsih, 9. 

Nariman, 245. 

Xariman Hoshang, 6. 

Nasik, 203. 

Nasir-ud-din's rule at Mandu, 

173-174. 
Nasrat, 163. 
Navalkar, Rev. Mr., 88. 
Neeraji Raoji, 209. 
Netaji Palkar, 208, 209. 
Niraugistan, 1. 

Nirangistan, account of the differ- 
ent MSS. of, 2-7. 
Nirangistan Pahlavi, Extant 

Codices of, 1-23. 
Nishahpahar, 9. 
Nizam-ud-din, 293. 
Noronha, L). Antao de, 258. 
Noronha, D. Paio de, 25G. 
NQshirvan, 137. 
Noushiravan, 224, 231, 240. 
Nuddea school of text writers 
and commentators, on Indian 
philosophy, 339. 
Nur Jehan, 185, 188. 
Nyaya and Vaiseshika systems of 
philosophy, resume ot the lite- 
rature oF, 315-345; objection 
advanced against their hetero- 
geneous character detracting 
from their value as system of 
pure logic, 346. 
Nvava-Bindu, 334. 



INDEX. 



XV 



Nyayabindu, on the authorship 

of the, 47-57. 
Nyayabindutika, 47. 
Nyaya-Kaiidali, 336. 
Nyaya-Lilavati, 338, 
Nyaya philosophy, general view 

of the doctrines of, 310-311. 
Nyayesh-i-Khurshed, 1. 

Olala, the queen of, the ruler of 
Mangalore and other ports on 
the Kanara Coast, 257, 259. 

Oromosdes, 281. 

Osiris, 371. 



Pactvice, 244. 

Padartha-Khandana, 341, 

Padmashah, 354. 

Pahlavi Language, on the origin 
and antiquity of, 217. 

Pahlavi Nirangistan, Extant Co- 
dices of, 1-23. 

Pahlavi treatises, written under 
the Sassanides, subjects treated 
in the, 219. 

Pakshadhara Misra, 340. 

Pakshila-Swami, 332. 

Pancha Lakshani, 342, 

Panchadarsanasvariipa, 57. 

Pancha Siddhantika of Varaha- 
Tnihira,on the interpretation of 
certain passages in, 109-141. 

Pdncha Siddhantika, one of the 
oldest Hindu works on astrono- 
my written about the middle of 
the 6th century after Christ, 
109. 

Panhala, 203. 



Pauhala Fort, 204. 

Panini, 82, 84. 

Piipak, 260. 

Paraskarachiirva, 24. 

Paraskara Grihya Sutras and the 

Sacred Books of the East, Vol. 

XXJX., 24-25. 
Parik, 9. 
Parsees of Naosari and other 

parts of Gujerat, the state of, in 

the sixteenth century, 297-300. 
Parsvabnyudaya, 42. 
Parushani, 237. 
Fdtaliputra, 41. 
Patanjali, 84, 324. 

Pathak (K. B.): On the author- 
ship of the Nyayabindu, 47- 
57. 

Pathak (K. B.) : On the date of 
Kalidasa, 35-43. 

Peile, Mr. John, 78, 105. 

Pereira, D. Antonio, 258. 

Pericles, 143. 

Peterson, Dr. P., 11. 

Peixoto, Joao, 258. 

Persian Calendar, note on the, 
136-141. 

Pesyansai, 239. 

Pezzi, 86. 

Philological research in the West, 
workers in the field of, 84, 85- 
86. 

Philologists, Indian, names of, 

82-84. 
Philo Judseus, 283. 
Philology, comparative, remarks 

on the science of, 78-81. 
Philology Indian, hittory of, 82- 

85. 



xviii 



INDEX. 



Shikftnd Gumanik Vijar Pahlavi 
and Cicero's De Natara Deo- 
ram, 215-223. 
Shikand Gupaanik Vijar, account 
of the work, its subject, author, 
&c., 219-221 ; points of resem- 
blance between it and Cicero's 
De Natura Deorum, 22 1-223. 
Shirooyeh, 72. 

Shivaji, as a Civil Ruler, 202-214. 

Shivaji, the civil territory held 

by, divided into ]8 prants or 

districts, 203. 

Shivaji's civil organization, 207- 

208. 

Shivaji's division of the country 
under him for revenue manage- 
ment, 205-206. 
Shivnji's Hill Forts, 203-204. 
Shivaji's regulations relatinj? to 
Infantry and Cavalry, 205, 
206. 
Shivaji's system of charities, his 
Daxina system for encourage- 
ment of learning, <fec., 209 ; his 
system of Civil Government 
discussed, 210-2 14; his arrange- 
ment about the direct manage- 
ment of land revenue, discussed, 
213 ; military profession not 
monopolised by the Marhattas 
in his time, 213-214. 
Shivaneri Fort, 204. 
Shivappa Naik, a Bednur Chief, 
subjugating Kanara and the 
surrounding country, between 
1648 and 1670, 260-261, 
Shrirangpatam, 203. 
Shnjailt Khan, 172. 



Shnjaat Khan's rule at Mandn^ 

178, 179. 
Siddhdnta-MuktaTali, 342. 
Sidharaja Jayasinha, 29. 
Sikhi, the second Buddha, 44. 
Silva, D. Luiz de'Mello da, 

256. 
Silveira, Diogo da, 256. 
Simha, 38. 
Sindhu, 237. 
Singhana, 338. 
Sinhggad, 204. 
Siromani, 341. 
Siruze, 1. 
Sivacharya, 336. 
Sivaditya, 336, 333, 339. 
Skandagupta, 38, 39. 
Socrates, 345. 
Sohiya, 29, 34. 
Somnatb, the Legend of, and 

Mahmud of Ghazni, 142-153. 
Somnath, account of the temple. 
Sacked by Mahamud, and the 
breaking of the idol, as given 
by old Mahomedan Historians, 
149-151. 

Somnath, Col., Dow's, and other 
Historians' account of the 
breaking of the idol of, 146- 
148. 

Somnath, the legend relating to 
immense wealth concealed in 
the belly of the idol of, and the 
proffered ransom of the Brah- 
mans, to Muhamud, purely 
fictitious, 152. 

Somnath, the myth connected 
with the sandalwood gates of| 
153. 



INPEX. 



Somnatb, Tod'a desoription of the 
site of, 145. 

Sosgady the citadel of Mandu> 
155, 176. 

Soshjaos, 9, 

Soul, belief about the future of 
the, among ancient Egyptians 
and Iranians, 365-374. 

Soul, points of similarity in 
regard to the belief about the 
future of the, among the an- 
cient Egyptians and Persians, 
examined, 365-374. 

8ou], spiritual constituents of the, 
according to ancient Egyptians 
and Persians, 865-366. 

SouzR Faria E., 259. 

Speech, communicated from man 
to man by gesture language, 
Toice language, and graphic 
language, 81-82. 

Sraosha, 371. 

Srauta-Sutra, 24, 

Sricharana, 331. 

Sridhara, 27, 33, 330, 333, 336. 

Srdsh (Hadokht), 1. 

Subandhu, 332. 

Sukarama, 27, 33. 

Sumativijaya, 37, 

Sung-Yun, 39, 40. 

Surendra, king of Cashmere, 241. 

Sur&vara, 48, 58, 54, 55, 56. 

Sureshwara, 836. 

Surya Siddhanta, 109, HO, 130, 
131, 133, 135, 136. 

Sutlej, 237. 

Tabakat-i-Akbari, 293. 
Tabari, 62, 68, 69. 



Taittiriya Samhita, 88. 

Taittiriya Upanishad, 83. 

Talhend, 226. 

Tamra-Sena, 69. 

Tanaji Malusare, 204. 

Tando in Sindh, ruins at, 46. 

Tandya Brahmana of the S^ma 
Veda, 83. 

Tandya Brahmana of the S^ma 
Veda, reference to the descrip- 
tion of the Vratyastoma in the, 
357-859, 

Tanjore, 203. 

Tansar, who edited and revised the 
Avesta, 216. 268, 264, 266, 
267, 272, 281. 

Taosar, 264. 

Tarauatha, 48. 

Tarikh-i-Alfi, 149. 

Tarik-i-Hind, 151. 

Tarka Dipikd, 342. 

Tarka Kanmudi, 338. 

Tarka Siromani, 341. 

Tarkamrita, 338, 342. 

Tarka Sangraha, 338, 342. 

Tatparya Parisuddhi, 337. 

Tatwa Chintamani, 339, 340, 

341. 
Taylor, Rev. Mr., 88. 

Taz, 277. 

Telang, the Hon'ble Mr. Justice, 

88. 
Teleology of the Pahlavi Shikand 

Gumanik Vijar and Cicero's 

De Natura Deorum, 215-223. 

Terry's (Rev. A.) visit to Mando, 
189. 

Thana, 203. 

Tbeopompus, 281, 282, 284, 285. 



XX 



JNDEX. 



Thoth, 371. 

Tin Darwaja, Three Gateways, 

one of the most prominent 

architectural ohjects at Ahme- 

dabad, 348. 
Tirellah, 199. 
Tiridates, 266. 
Todar Mai, 290. 
Toramana, a most powerfal king 

of the Huna dynasty, 37,38, 

39, 40. 
Torana Fort, 204. 
Toshar or Tansar, one of the 

most learned Dasturs of Arde- 
. shir Babigoru, 216, 264, 267, 

272, 273. 
Tosar, 266. 
Tree Blossomed : Shivaji as a 

Civil Ruler, 202-214. 
Trlmbak, 203. 
Trumpp, B2, 88. 
Tahbah Abu Kurrub, 279. 

ratjiPaYAr. 198, 199. 
raiTant, 882, 8:^.6, 337, 338, 

Ttdipl, ^^o. 

TuWrrtfckm, 323, 332, 333, 337. 
Aiw^tTh«, Mi, S25. 



-HiiiBmr S£:.1U%V SS7. 340. 
\wHbiKAiAd Ni^Tt interns of 



Vaiseshika system of philosophj, 
general view of, 312, 313. 

Vakhshapnr, 270. 

Valgash, 9. 

Valkhash, 264, 265, 266, 272, 
274. 284. 

Vallabha, 37, 336, 338, 339. 

Varadaraja, 339. 

Varahamihira, 42. 

Varahamihira, on the interpretn- 
tion of certain passages in the 
Pancha Siddhantika of,109.141. 

Vararuchi, the Buddhist gram- 
marian, 48, 84. 

Vardhamdna, 340. 

Vartika-Tdtparya-Tika, 337. 

Vasal, 27, 33. 

Vasco da Gama, 250, 252, 253. 

Vasudeva, 340, 341. 

Vatsa, 336. 

Vatsyayana, 315, 322, 327, 332, 
333. 

Vazarkard-i-Dini, 1. 

Vedas, and their languages, the 
date of, fixed about 2,000 B.C., 
100. 

Vedas, not onlv the earliest of 
Aryan records, but bear the 
type of high antiquity, 87. 

Vedic Age, on the admission of 
the Non-Aryans into Aryan 
Society in the, 357-364, 

Veh-dost, 9. 

Vellor, 203. 

Vendidad, 1, 9, 

Vernaculars, modern, of India, 
the Philological research relat- 
ing to, 87-88. 

Vesudhva, 240. 



INDEX, 



XXI 



Vidyananda, 54, 56. 

VigrahapMa, 32, 34. 

Vijaya, the son of Asoka, 93, 94. 

Yijayanagar, a most powerful 
kingdom in Southern India, 
251-252. 

"Vikram, a powerful king of the 
Western Provinces of India, 73. 

Vikramaditya, 69, 73. 

Vikramaditya or Yikrama, the era 
of, 35, 43. 

Vikramaditya, son of Gandharva 
and Yesdejird, son of Behram 
Gour, facts of similarity in 
Indian and Persian stories of, 
69-73. 

Vikramorvasi, 42. 

Vinasvaranandi, 48. 

Vipasa, 237. 

Vira Balldla Deva, 43. 

Yisdideva, 29. 

Yishtasp yasht, 1. 

Vishvandtha, 342, 

Visparad, 1. 

Vitasta, 237, 238. 

Vologeses, 9, 264. 

VrajaMk Kalidasa, 82, 84. 

Yratya, originally denoting bar- 
barious, came to be applied in 
course of time to degenerate 
Aryans, 362 ; the present 
meaning of the word, 364. 

Yratya-Stoma, or prayer for the 
Yratyas (out-casts), a brief 
summary of the description of, 
351-359 ; description of the 
different kinds of, 359-360; 
remarks and observations on, 
359-3G4. 



Vjomavati) 336. 

Vyasa Pranjivan Sakhdrdm, 351, 

Yydsa, 231. 

Wai, 203. 

Wakhatchand Khushalchand, 
351,353, 355. 

Wanagad, 203. 

Whitney, Prof., 78, 85. 

Wilson, (Rev. J.), 76. 

Wilson's Philological Lectures 
(1894) Lecture, I.; Progress 
and Development of the Aryan 
speech, 76-108. 

Wiltkowski, 104. 

Wood burn (A); Note on brick 
figures found in a Buddhist 
tower in Kahu, near Mirpur 
KUs, Sind, 44-46. 

World, the Avestaic doctrine 
about the period of the dura- 
tion of the, 281-282. 

Xavier, St. Franci?, 251. 
Xerxes, the ancient Persian Na- 
tion under, 215. 

Yaska, 82, 84, 105. 

Yasna, 1, 9, 

Yasodharman, 38, 39, 41. 

Yesdejird bin Shapur, 121, 140. 

Yesdegird, son of Behrdm Gour, 
and Vikramaditya, son of 
Gandharva, facts of similiarity, 
in Indian and Persian stories 
of, 69-73. 

Yesdegird Shahriar, 121, 138.